[Forum Game] World in Revolution: 1900 Mk. II

[Noco19]

VICTORY IN THE FAR-EAST
​

On September 9th, the gallant forces of the Imperial Russian Navy sailed forward in defense of their motherland, acting as the bulwark against the Asiatic hordes of the Japanese Combined Fleet. Headed by Vice-Admiral S. O. Makarov, the Russian fleet inflicted a grievous blow upon the barbarians, in one fell swoop seizing the seas and reaffirming the superiority of European tactics, arms, and culture.

Meanwhile at Port Arthur, one of the few bastions of civilization within the Far East, the lines were held by the grace of God. Across the savage battlefields, the Japanese would falter under the offensive of General Kuropatkin, fleeing with tears in their eyes and screaming for their barbarian 'emperor'. The unnatural influence of the Japanese collapses as you read this paper, and soon enough, peace will again reign across the Far East, as the lands of Manchuria and Korea will no longer be prodded by the gnarled finger of Japanese aggression.

Across the Empire, rejoice can be heard, from Saint Petersburg to the war front. Appearing before a crowd, triumphant upon a horse, our Emperor held the visage of Jesus Christ. Jubilant soldiers and onlookers bowed their heads in the face of the Lords of both temporal and divine, and clearly God was felt strongly in the hearts and minds of the Russian people.

The Empire awaits to see what righteous terms will be dictated upon the Japanese when their leaders bend the knee to the supremacy of Russia, and this paper makes clear its excitement in seeing the barbarians placed firmly in their place.

- An article from Russkoye Znamya (Trans: Russian Banner), a recently established right-wing paper by Alexander Dubrovin

--- * * * ---

Spoiler: Private Telegram to Kaiser Wilhelm

Dearest Willy,​

It is very good that we may as cousins share this warmth, especially in bonding against those who would conspire against us both. To think that any state, even one as lowly as the Japanese, would fund the horrors of anarchism that threaten any good, God-fearing, civilized Nation was quite a shock. It is so then that our celebrations mean so much, for we have fought a force antagonistic to us both.

You should visit more often.
​

- Nicky​

 

[sealy300]

​

Spoiler: Private Communique to Nicholas II

To the Most Noble Nicholas II, Czar & Autocrat of All the Russias,

Your victory over one barbaric, upstart Oriental Empire gives us hope that someday that the Bulgar people may rise to do the same. Our nations share a common slavic heritage which empowers us; as their rulers, to achieve great feats. With our recent celebrations of 25 years since the end of the Great Slavic Liberation War and the Treaty of Berlin that followed it, once more does our nation look up to Russia as the supreme example of Slavic excellence against the forces that would seek our people trampled into the dust. I once served under Grandfather; the most Augustus Alexander II, in the Imperial Army of Russia. I found the Russians to be a fine and comradely people, such comradeship I hope continues to this day to the extent that we may work together to build a better world. As Minister President, I can say that the Streets of Sofia and the Palaces of the Tsaruvane Knyaz are always welcome to your Majesty, and Bulgaria welcomes the Russian people with open arms.

Ministar-Predsedatel of the National Assembly,
Petko Karavelov​

​

 

[TJDS]

Nederlandsch-Duitsch Handels- en Samenwerkingsverdrag
Deutsch-Niederländischer Handels- und Kooperationsvertrag
Dutch-German Treaty of Trade and Cooperation​

Treaty of The Hague, 1904

Article I.
The Dutch and German Government shall build a special railway, called the Betuwe Line - from the Rotterdam Harbour to the Ruhr Area, to transport raw material to the Ruhr Area and transport finished goods to Rotterdam Harbour, from which it will be exported to other nations.

Article II.
(1) The Railway tracks shall use an universal model and its maintenance,construction and the transport trains shall be the responsibility of the Betuwe Railway Universal Company (Universeel Vennootschap der Betuwe Spoorwegen / Universal Unternehmen der Betuwe Bahn).
(2) The Dutch and German Governments shall respectively own 50% of the shares in the UVBS / UUBB at its creation.
(3) Both Governments may sell their shares at any time.
(4) The UVBS / UUBB may under no circumstances be nationalised by any nation.
(5) The German and Dutch Governments shall provide low-interest loans for the construction companies contracted to build the railway.

Article III.
(1) The German Government agrees to lower tariffs on Dutch resources to 0%.
(2) The Dutch Government agrees to lower tariffs on finished goods destined to be exported through Rotterdam Harbour to 0%.
(3) All Dutch goods exported on the UVBS / UUBB shall be subject to lower tariffs than all other foreign goods.

Article IV.
(1) Germany shall agree and is allowed to fulfill its custom process in Rotterdam Harbour for goods destined for Germany or to be transported through Germany.
(2) The Netherlands shall agee and is allowed to fulfill its custom process in the German loading stations of the Betuwe Line.

Article V.
Dutch and German Universities shall be encouraged to cooperate and exchange students to strengthen scientific ties between the two nations.

"I wish to thank Fürst Von Bülow for his invaluable effort with working with our colleagues in Berlin and The Hague in writing this treaty. [...] Today we are afforded the opporunity to strengthen ties between our two nations, whose histories have been intertwined for centuries. I am therefor honoured to sign this treaty on behalf of the Kingdom of the Netherlands."

- Minister-President Pierson at the signing of the Treaty of The Hague in the Ridderzaal in The Hague.

[x] Nicolaas Pierson, Prime Minister of the Netherlands, Head of the Dutch Delegation
[x] Bernhard von Bülow, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Germany, Representative of the German Kaiserreich

​

 

[sealy300]

The Dalmatia Agreement
​

I. The Austro-Hungarian Empire agrees to construct 3 Destroyer class and 1 Light Cruiser Class ships to the most modern specifications for use by Bulgarian National Navy, and ensure safe transportation of said ships to the Bulgarian National Naval Base in Vana.

II. For services rendered, the Third Bulgarian State agrees to pay 64m Lev* to the Austro-Hungarian Government.

((*That's $13m Stat dollariodoos for you @MastahCheef117 ))​

[X] Bulgarian Foreign Minister, General Racho Perov.
[X] Agenor Graf Gołuchowski, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the K.u.K Franz Joseph.

 

[Sneakyflaps]

Nederlandsch-Duitsch Handels- en Samenwerkingsverdrag
Deutsch-Niederländischer Handels- und Kooperationsvertrag
Dutch-German Treaty of Trade and Cooperation​

Treaty of The Hague, 1904

Article I.
The Dutch and German Government shall build a special railway, called the Betuwe Line - from the Rotterdam Harbour to the Ruhr Area, to transport raw material to the Ruhr Area and transport finished goods to Rotterdam Harbour, from which it will be exported to other nations.

Article II.
(1) The Railway tracks shall use an universal model and its maintenance,construction and the transport trains shall be the responsibility of the Betuwe Railway Universal Company (Universeel Vennootschap der Betuwe Spoorwegen / Universal Unternehmen der Betuwe Bahn)
(2) The Dutch and German Governments shall respectively own 50% of the shares in the IVBS at its creation
(3) Both Governments may sell their shares at any time
(4) The UVBS may under no circumstances be nationalised by any nation
(5) The German and Dutch Governments shall provide low-interest loans for the construction companies contracted to build the railway

Article III.
(1) The German Government agrees to lower tariffs on Dutch resources to 0%
(2) The Dutch Government agrees to lower tariffs on finished goods destined to be exported through Rotterdam Harbour to 0%
(3) All Dutch goods exported on the UVBS shall be subject to lower tariffs than all other foreign goods.

Article IV.
(1) Germany shall agree and is allowed to fulfill its custom process in Rotterdam Harbour for goods destined for Germany or to be transported through Germany
(2) The Netherlands shall agee and is allowed to fulfill its custom process in the German loading stations of the Betuwe Line

Article V.
Dutch and German Universities shall be encouraged to cooperate and exchange students to strengthen scientific ties between the two nations

​

”It has been a pleasure to negotiate this deal on behalf of the German Empire with our friends in the Netherlands who we hold dear to our hearths. We truly hope that this will be as well received as the treates of the past half decade which has bound our people closer, as well as those of France and the United Kingdom and that the Dutch government continues to seek improved relations and ties between our two nations. As such we happily apply our signature.”

- Bernhard von Bülow, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Germany, Representative of the German Kaiserreich

 

[MastahCheef117]

GM Note: @Riccardo93, please come onto IRC at some point before (or on) Tuesday. It is imperative.

Mini tonight.

 

[Noco19]

The All-Russian Social Democratic Labour Party
​

Born in 1898, the All-Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (ARSDLP) arose in opposition to narodnichestvo, a movement spearheaded by socially conscious middle class Russians throughout the later 19th century, which sought to appeal to the rural peoples of Russia in agitation. Conversely, the origins of the ARSDLP took on the programme of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, asserting that despite the largely agrarian structure of Russia, the true revolutionary potential lay with the industrial working class. At the time of their First Party Congress in March 1898, wherein all nine delegates were arrested, the industrial workers comprised only 3% of the national population.

From its radical membership arose competition for the exact outlook for the revolution within Russia, and so in 1903, the Second Party Congress was held in Brussels to establish unity. However, from this meeting would be birthed the opposite, a strong division between two competing factions in the form of the Bolsheviks under Vladimir Lenin and the Mensheviks under Julius Martov, both members of an emergent new guard of Marxists. Although originally united in shooting down the Jewish Bund's attempt for autonomy within the Party and the Economists who sought to focus solely on economic issues for reform, further discussion revealed two major camps.

Fundamentally, the Bolsheviks sought a tight-knit cadre of revolutionaries within the Party devoted to install a Dictatorship of the Proletariat, notably without alliance with the bourgeois and instead with the aid of the radical peasantry. Lenin especially made clear on this ideal in his publication What is to be Done?, which called for a vanguard of the proletariat tied to a centralized nucleus that was one with the Party. Georgi Plekhanov, one of the first Russian Marxists and a staunch member of the party old-guard, backed the Bolsheviks, as did the ethnic Georgian Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili, a charismatic speaker and new member.

Julius Martov and the Mensheviks however were of the opinion that revolution required cooperation with liberals and thus in turn required a broad inclusion of members. Party membership was not to be rooted in participation in a party organ, but instead towards the general guidance of the ideals of the ARSDLP. In this, support was earned with the autonomist Jewish Bund and the Economists, however both would storm out later after both factions alienated them. Although a close friend to Lenin, Leon Trotsky, another up-and-coming member, sided with Martov.

Ironically, despite the term Bolshevik deriving from majority and Menshevik from minority, it was the Mensheviks who were in the majority, with Martov's definition of party membership prevailing. This can be attributed to the fact that the terms originated not from the Congress, but from a vote held within the editorial board of Iskra (Trans: Spark), the party paper, wherein the Bolsheviks were the majority. Likewise, the Jewish Bund and Economists who had pushed the Mensheviks into the majority had stormed out from the Congress. Ultimately then, Martov accepted the designation of the minoritarian faction. The 2nd Central Committee from this Congress had all three positions staffed by Bolsheviks, Iskra became the Central Organ of the party, and its membership was halved, ousting three Menshevik veterans. In response to this treatment, Martov would refuse to occupy his position as editor over Iskra, and so the Bolsheviks dominated it as well.

Designed to unify, the 2nd Party Congress did anything but, giving the power over to a faction of exclusive radicals while disregarding the majority vote, in the process alienating the minor factions and cementing a divide between the camps of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. Worse yet, the divide was fluid, and soon enough Georgi Plekhanov began to shift away from the centralism of Lenin, and Leon Trotsky expressed skepticism over the Mensheviks' desired alliance with liberals, bringing uncertainty into the increasingly divided party. How they could hope to overthrow the evils of capitalism had yet to be understood.​

 

[MastahCheef117]

Dark Continent Rising​

Despite being one of the foremost economic, military, and political powers of the world, the German Empire was somewhat lacking in its colonial holdings. German West, Southwest, and East Africa were, when compared to the African colonies of Britain and France, rather destitute; they lacked major supplies of natural resources that could fuel the engines of industrial growth at home; their populations were low; infrastructure, where it existed, was scant. Despite colonial construction projects in the last last decade and a half, many of these places remained starkly undeveloped, especially when compared to the jewels of the British and French Empires.

As was typical in the European colonies on the Dark Continent, enormous quotas were placed on the native population in these German colonies for the production of goods and the harvesting of raw resources. The entire male population of whole villages were conscripted and virtually enslaved and bid to do as they were told. Failure to meet these quotas often meant physical beatings and even amputation of limbs and, in extreme cases, execution. The harvesting of crops necessary for the survival of local peoples – that is, food – was replaced with the planting of cotton and other cash crops. The lack of food and starvation that resulted – as the colonial authorities cared little for the native population – would be severely exacerbated by instances of drought or wildfires. Once such drought began in 1903.

Count Gustav Adolf von Götzen, Governor of East Africa, refused to lessen the quotas on the farming of cotton, and disallowed the replanting of food crops to compensate. Brutality against the African population escalated sharply as the drought wore on. The local populace grew angry.

Graf von Götzen, the hard-handed Governor of East Africa.​

In January, a local priest named Kinjikitile Ngwale claimed German lordship over the country had ended. He proclaimed an open rebellion, and said that any that took the medicine he had would be invincible to German bullets. Thousands of tribesmen and farmers joined him. When a delegation of German soldiers approached Ngwale and demanded he go back to till the earth, a battle ensued in which all the German soldiers, including the Captain that led them, were slaughtered. War had come to the colony. Götzen messaged the mother country and immediately pleaded for reinforcements as the size of the rebellion swelled to number in the tens of thousands. Götzen had at his disposal just several thousand men – most of whom were, in fact, Africans – and feared a general uprising closer to Dar-es-Salaam, the capital of the colony.

A similar situation began brewing in Southwest Africa, and exploded shortly after Ngwale's proclamation. A cry for the various African tribes to throw off European imperialism and re-establish their own independence was heard by the Herero and other tribes. Several hundred men gathered together and, armed with spears, attacked several small white settlements, killing 98 men, women, and children. Samuel Maharero, Chief of the Herero people, called on all people to come to his aid to “destroy the whites”. Thousands answered his call. Theodor Leutwein, Governor of Southwest Africa, did as Adolf von Götzen had done before him, and pleaded for the German government to send him reinforcements. In both colonies, just several thousand government troops – and most of them not even white – had to contend with a colony-spanning rebellion that drew wide support from tens of thousands of warriors. The next few years would certainly be very bloody, if defining for the fate of the German Empire's colonial ambitions. [Maji Maji and Herero rebellions begun, -148 soldiers to Germany]

 

[Dadarian]

The Dalmatia Agreement
​

I. The Austro-Hungarian Empire agrees to construct 3 Destroyer class and 1 Light Cruiser Class ships to the most modern specifications for use by Bulgarian National Navy, and ensure safe transportation of said ships to the Bulgarian National Naval Base in Vana.

II. For services rendered, the Third Bulgarian State agrees to pay 64m Lev* to the Austro-Hungarian Government.

((*That's $13m Stat))​

[X] Bulgarian Foreign Minister, General Racho Perov.
[AH] Agenor Graf Gołuchowski, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the K.u.K Franz Joseph.

 

[Noco19]

The Future of Russia
Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich
​

Amid the excitement of Far-East affairs and the cause of celebration that was the seeming collapse of the Japanese war effort, a quite different event sprung forward to accompany the jubilant mood of Russia - the birth of an heir. Born the 12th of August, 1904, Alexei Nikolaevich would arise as the first male child of Nicholas II, a son among four daughters.

Christened on September 3rd, Alexei would join the ranks of high royalty, his list of relatives quite impressive. His principal godparents were his paternal grandmother and his great-uncle, Grand Duke Alexei Alexandrovich. His other godparents included his oldest sister, Olga; his great-grandfather King Christian IX of Denmark; King George V of the United Kingdom, the Prince of Wales and Wilhelm II, German Emperor. And, in recognition of the Russo-Japanese War, all the soldiers and officers of the Army and Navy were granted the status of honorary grandparents.

In a time of high hopes for the prospects of the Empire, where the government has remained stable and the Emperor respected, into Alexei was invested the faith of all those across nation. Conservatives praised him as the future scion of the Romanovs, liberals quietly wished for him to succeed his great-grandfather Alexander II in ushering in a future era of reform, and the imperial family itself gleamed at its newest member. Famously, the Saint Petersburg Telegraph Agency spread the message far and wide with the statement: "A healthy baby is born, and in him, the future lies. The Tsarevich!"

 

[MastahCheef117]

King Edward VII of the United Kingdom, the Prince of Wales​

 

[Sneakyflaps]

This morning in August was one where Wilhelm had gotten up early, watching his soldiers parade before his eyes as they readied up to depart to the colonies. Another rebellion had sprung up as they had done before, and quite frankly it was of little interest or consequence. Now was the time for Germany to act as a father towards her wayward colonies, first to cane as one would a disobedient child, and then to correct so that this wrongful behavior was put at an end. Wilhelm, and his ministers were eager to show case the Germany military might and crush this minor insurrection in short time, unlike their British counterparts in the Boar rebellion. As such what was deemed plenty of men were sent as reinforcement to the colonies to squash this uprising before it gained hold.

Something far more important had however happened, the birth of the Tsarevich. Of course Wilhelm had been made a godfather to the boy, it was only natural as the Tsar’s closest friend and cousin. Tsar and Kaiser standing strong, that was the future, stranding against such demonic ideas as Asian would be powers and socialists.

Spoiler: Private Telegram to Tsar Nicholas II

Dearest Nicky

It seems that God truly does favour you, and I cannot express my happiness that you have finally been given the son that you so deserve. This is truly a sign that you have been blessed and that Russia stands stronger than ever, under your constand guidance and good oversight.
Give my love to Alex, I hope that the childbirth has not been harsh on her.

With love
-Willy

 

[Rolman99]

An Overview of the Qing Imperial Court, 1898-1904

The Empress Dowager (center) surrounded by the Court's eunuchs
For the past six years, the Imperial Court has been in a near-constant state of upheaval, as cliques and ideologically-opposing groups grappled for control of the favor of the Empress Dowager and the upper levels of government in a bid to impose their wills or beliefs on the Empire. Turbulence within the court began in 1898 when the then 27-year-old Guangxu Emperor, an ardent supporter of the reformists and progressives (headed at the time by Kang Youwei) in the court, launched the “Hundred Days’ Reform,” a series of edicts that set China to be radically westernized and modernized in response to a crushing defeat at the hands of Japan in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95. Conservatives in the Imperial Court were vehemently opposed to the reforms, claiming that some aspects were too radical and were being brought upon the country too quickly, while others believed that the Emperor’s actions were part of a foreign plot to undermine Chinese traditions, as the now-disgraced Prince Duan suggested. The Empress Dowager Cixi, who had entered into semi-retirement from courtly intrigue and politics in 1889 (but still held a good bit of sway amongst the ruling elite), came back into control of the country in a coup d’état backed by Generals Dong Fuxiang and Yuan Shikai, amongst others. The Guangxu Emperor was put under house arrest, his reformist supporters in the court were executed or imprisoned, and Cixi was declared to be Regent once more, her ruling clique of conservatives firmly in control of the country.

Just two years later, though, the ecosystem of the elites was shuffled once again, as the broad group of conservatives split into two camps in the face of the rising, militant anti-Christian, anti-foreign Yihequan Movement, better known as the “Boxers”, that was beginning to enjoy popular support in Northern China. The ultra-conservative anti-foreigners were lead by the firebrand right-winger Prince Duan (given name Zaiyi), who wished to use the mystical warriors to remove foreign influence from China violently. The softer conservatives, along with the proto-moderates and heavily weakened progressives argued that actively seeking conflict with the West and Japan, regardless of the supposed magical attributes of a supportive group was foolhardy and shortsighted. The Empress Dowager remained undecided for most of 1899 and the early months of 1900, before finally vesting her support with the anti-Boxer faction after a day of brutal violence in Tientsin and the killing of the Hoovers at the hands of the Boxers. A rift grew between the ultra-conservatives and the rest of court, and as the conflict between the Boxers and Imperial forces reached war-level proportions, Prince Duan along with some of his supporters openly sided with the Boxers, and Duan becoming a major figurehead for the rebels, going into hiding with the movement’s leadership at the start of the Boxers’ Insurgency. The Boxers were crushed roughly a year later, which saw the capture and imprisonment of Prince Duan and the execution of various pro-Boxer lesser figures. With the defeat of the Boxers, the ultra-conservative and ultra-nationalist factions were politically weakened and faced widespread persecution within the court at the hands of nearly every opposing faction, some going as far as branding non-Boxer ultra-conservatives to be “traitors to Our Regent and the Empire.” However, the charismatic and respected General Dong Fuxiang rose to become the new leading figure of the ultra-conservatives, and focused on condemning and distancing themselves from the Boxers and Prince Duan as well as softening some of their policies slightly in a bid to regain Cixi’s favor along with the rest of the aristocracy.

The next years of 1901-02 were particularly turbulent years in the court, years that nearly brought the nobility of the Empire into a devastating period of political infighting. Trouble began, both within in the court and for Qing foreign affairs in general, with the signing of the Treaty of Paoting between the Russians and the Chinese, securing a major rail connection between China and the Russian Trans-Siberian Railway. Other points reaffirmed the equality of a Chinese and a Russian under the law and a low tariff was set for Russian merchants who would use this “Trans-Chinese Line.” While the other powers of the world stated their disapproval at the blatant favoritism towards Russia that had been adopted by the Empire, conservatives in the court were concerned that such a treaty was too drastic as a political move, while others declared the treaty, and the reformists who pushed for its approval by the Empress Dowager, to be traitorous to China as the agreement would further would open up the country to foreign ventures and influences, something greatly frowned upon by the conservatives. Cixi herself, while not particularly supportive of the treaty’s implied progressiveness, saw it to be a perfect chance to strengthen the country without weakening Imperial authority or prestige. She argued her stance towards her own, anti-Paoting conservative supporters, and through a combination of seniority, overwhelming political clout, and perhaps some legitimate swaying of viewpoints the court was contented, albeit uneasily. Later that year however, with a recovering progressive faction rallying around the young, driven reformist Prince Chun (given name Zaifeng), a half-brother of the Emperor, the group flexed their political muscle for the first time since the start of the Hundred Days’ Reform and presented Cixi with a proposal to create private, state-run schools in the country’s larger cities under an agency called the “Imperial Schoolhouse Commision.” Cixi demanded that the points of the proposal to be watered down greatly before she would consider passing it, but before the reformers could do so, the Empress Dowager suddenly passed the proposal as an edict in its original form. Why she did this after expressly saying that she would not remains unclear, though some conservatives claim that Cixi was coerced by the increasingly “treacherous” progressives into passing it, an idea vehemently denied by Prince Chun and his camp. Nevertheless, tensions between courtly factions grew.

Mutual distrust between the general conservative and reformist blocs approached a boiling point in early 1902 with the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in February. With Chinese Manchuria, sovereign Qing territory, beginning to be used by both sides for land warfare, a timeframe some refer to as the “Manchurian Crisis” began, marking a period of diplomatic uncertainty as to whether or not the Chinese would allow for combat in their territories, and the conflicts that came with such uncertainty. The Qing presented an ultimatum to both sides on July 1, 1902: leave Manchuria by mid-August or be treated as enemy combatants. However, after private discussions with both Russia and Japan, as well as the Empress Dowager being urged by many officials and generals to not seek open hostilities, which would surely be devastating to China. So the ultimatum was revised to be softer in its demands, much to the chagrin of conservatives who were overjoyed at China flexing her musclesonce again. A “Wartime Exclusion Zone” was to be established, a section of Manchuria which was open for contestment by the two warring powers. However, a flashpoint between the Chinese and the Russians still existed, as Qing police and military forces stopped Russian troops from being sent to the front on the Trans-Manchurian railway line under the terms of the ultimatum, a vital lifeline to the Russian Far East in providing men and materials for the war effort, as the Trans-Siberian Railway, which could deliver supplies while bypassing the Qing, had yet to be completed. The legality of the Chinese to do so was in question, and Russia both would not and could not allow for herself to be “strangled” with the closing of the railway to their troops and supplies. Meanwhile in the Imperial Court, the general attitude was a mixture of jubilance and anxiety. Although some were upset at the softening of the ultimatum, every faction of the court was quite supportive of the Empire to be once again standing up for herself, putting their foot down to no longer be used as a “plaything of heathen barbarians”, as General Dong Fuxiang put it. However, rising tensions culminated in an event referred to as the Harbin Incident, in which a gun battle broke out between Russian and Chinese soldiers, the latter having tried to prevent their usage of a railway outside of the city of Harbin. 283 Chinese troops were killed along with a few dozen Russians as Russian forces prevailed and used Manchurian railways unstopped by the Chinese, who had been ordered to stand down by a panicked Peking. The attitude of the Imperial Court, and the Empire’s subjects, shifted from one of proud, patriotic fervor to fury towards the Empress Dowager and her clique for allowing the Qing to be trampled upon again. This added yet another shameful defeat onto a growing list of Chinese misfortunes in the 19th and 20th centuries, as Cixi’s base of supporters shrunk rapidly. Popular support for the Imperial government, which had once been on the rise in the wake of victory over the Boxers and a series of popular actions shot back down, as Cixi and her small, hardline base of supporters were confronted with the threat of both popular and political rebellion against their authority.

A sudden change, however, united the court under the Empress Dowager once again. General Yuan Shikai, a hero of the Boxer Rebellion and bearing a personal hatred towards Cixi and his superior officer Li Yuanhong, reached his breaking point when he was put in control of a smaller, inferior army, away from his position as a lieutenant general in the prestigious Peking Guards Army, which he had helped erect in the late 1890’s. Yuan Shikai inspired the 120,000-man army which he had been entrusted with to help him create a “new China,” ruled by a constitution and with the goal of further self-strengthening and a national reconstruction. He marched his rebel force to Peking, forcing the court to evacuate to the city of Luoyang, and declared himself to be Chancellor of the Qing Empire and declared Prince Qing (given name Zaizhen), to be the true emperor and rightful ruler of China. Tens of thousands of flocked to Yuan’s appealing cause, many many of whom were defecting soldiers and brought their training and equipment with them, which was particularly devastating when a large portion of the modern, crack troops of the Peking Guards Army rallied behind the Chancellor. With a sudden, existential threat presenting itself before the Cixi and the Loyalist Court, questions of confidence in the Empress Dowager’s leadership ceased as the factions united to face Yuan.

At the start of 1904, the Imperial Court universally agrees on some reforms, and many reluctantly support the Empress Dowager once again, seeing her as the only figure with enough political strength to unite the ruling elites against Yuan and any other threats to China that may present themselves in coming years. The four factions of the court can be divided, somewhat loosely, into two blocs: the conservatives and reformists. With the ultra-conservatives and Cixi’s softer conservatives forming the conservative bloc, as the progressives make up the reformist bloc. The moderates are something of a toss-up faction, but Field Marshal Li, who rose to prevalence amongst the moderates, have aligned himself more towards the conservative bloc in the face of the radicalizing progressives, though some moderates gravitate towards Prince Chun. At the moment, the conservative bloc holds near-undisputed control of Loyalist China, but the rising appeal of the moderates and progressives, and to a lesser extent Dong’s ultra-conservatives, could endanger the strength of the ruling factions in coming years.

Below are brief overviews of the four factions, providing standpoints on policies, their place within the court and the leading figure of each.

General Dong Fuxiang
Ultra-Conservatives: The Ultra-Conservatives, at one point, enjoyed the favor of the Empress Dowager and were nearly the dominant power in the Imperial Court after the Guangxu Emperor’s reformers were eliminated. Once headed by the now-disgraced Prince Duan, the faction called for the return of all Chinese land lost to an “unequal treaty” to be returned, the total expulsion of all foreigners from China, along with the banishment of foreign ideas, equipment, and practices from the country. With the Ultra-Conservatives’ fall from grace in the wake of many of their top officials supporting the failed Boxer Movement, leadership shifted to the 64-year old General Dong Fuxiang, a charismatic, skilled commander and personal friend of the Empress Dowager. Dong, with a hope to regain the favor of Cixi and popular support once again, has stopped advocating for an outright violent removal of all things foreign, and has shifted instead to resemble nationalist hardliners found in other nations. Advocating strict Chinese cultural precedence and social conservatism within the Empire, as well as the return of Hong Kong, Macau, Tsingtau, Port Arthur, and other conceded territories to China once again, as well as a closing of foreign investment in Chinese business. Meanwhile, General Dong and his Ultra-Conservatives preach military modernisation, but with a unique twist. While the Ultra-Conservatives are some of the strongest supporters of militaristic modernisation, they insist on the military being strictly Chinese in the sense of domestically-designed, western-style armaments being used by troops in traditional dress, commanded by officers of the Banner Armies being trained by Chinese people in China, using wholly original, Chinese tactics. However, the Ultra-Conservatives wish for total isolation from the outside world in all aspects except for the most basic diplomacy and trade. Critics of the Ultra-Conservatives, most vocally found in the Progressives consider such a dream to be nigh-impossible and wholly unrealistic. The Ultra-Conservatives are ardent supporters of the emperor’s absolutism, and refuse to see the monarch be slandered in any way or lose any amount of power. Many also call for a religious revival and the forced removal of Christianity within China, led by Neo-Confucian scholars and Buddhist priests to bring back proper devotion to the people. The Ultra-Conservatives see the importance of industrializing China to some extent, but deem it imperative that all industrialization efforts are to be state-controlled in full. The Ultra-Conservatives, while still weakened by the events of the Boxer Rebellion, are benefitting from the alliance forged with Cixi’s conservatives and are slowly beginning to reconstitute itself into a more influential group again.

Empress Dowager Cixi
Conservatives: The Conservative faction, led by the de facto ruler of China Empress Dowager Cixi, have enjoyed control of the country under her lead nearly uninterrupted since 1861. In 1902, the Conservatives, at least the ones under Cixi, were nearly torn apart by the domestic backlash seen in the wake of the Chinese humiliation in the Manchurian Crisis, before they were rallied around once again as leaders once more as the rebellion of Yuan Shikai began. Their ideology, although it has shifted to face the changing times seen within China and around the world, remains quite similar to its previous state and members of the faction are reluctant to any more change than what they deem is necessary. Absolutism, now accommodating for small doses of liberalism, is supported by the Conservatives, along with the concept of a religious and philosophical revival within the country. The Conservatives wish to see the return of conceded territories, but are more cautious and diplomatic in their style of handling the issue, and take a gradualist position for dealing with the West. Conservative faction thinkers, when it comes to foreign policy, have created a policy which they refer to as the “One Country Law,” outlining that China should show no interest in any state that does not share a border with them, since they can be considered to be “a country away.” The Conservatives are opposed to Christianity within the Empire, but are willing to tolerate Christians and are more concerned towards foreign propagation of the faith, which the Conservative faction sees as a threat to traditional Chinese morals and values, something they revere greatly and wish to protect. Therefore, it can be said that the Conservative faction is still solidly conservative socially, but focuses rather on preserving Chinese culture than it does on eliminating foreign influence upon the collective conscience of the country. The Conservatives, like their more extreme counterparts, call for the modernisation of the military. However, the Conservative arguably hold a more realistic standpoint. While not advocating for a wholly Western-style army, Conservatives now call for a reformation of the Banner System into a more modern institution, with the usage of Western arms, dress and tactics for Imperial forces.

Field Marshal Li Yuanhong
Moderates: The Moderates are something of a new breed within the Imperial Court. Conservatives who had became disenchanted with what they saw as a refusal to change in the face of imminent danger, the Moderates, while still monarchists, have adopted what could be argued as the most realistic outlook on how to maintain the Empire in a modern age, while preserving authoritarianism from the Emperor. The young group has rallied around Field Marshal Li Yuanhong, who nearly single-handedly created the faction after he burst onto the political scene around the end of the Boxer Rebellion. The faction is drawing up more and more supporters from less-liberal Progressives who are alienated from Prince Chun’s extremism, and can be considered to be a rising powerhouse of political influence. Moderates support absolute monarchy, but believe that it is necessary for the Empire to undergo liberalization efforts similar to what was being seen in Russia, as well as for a new bill of rights to be attached to the Great Qing Legal Code, the enforced legal code of the Empire. Furthermore, Moderates wish to introduce trial by jury, replacing the Chinese tradition of defendants being guilty by confession. The Moderates also wish to modernize the administration and government of the Empire, cutting out unnecessary positions and establishing a Western-style cabinet whose ministers are appointed by the Emperor. The Moderates, being led by the top general of Loyalist China, wish to see the most change militarily, but it should be noted that the Progressives hold an identical viewpoint, one that was almost totally adopted from Field Marshal Li’s plan. The Moderates call for a total reform of the Imperial Armed Forces, with the elimination of the Banner System and the reformation of the Armed Forces under a general staff and a standardized chain of command, ultimately terminating with the Emperor as commander-in-chief. The Moderates put particular emphasis on the standardization of weaponry and uniforms, both of which would be Western and modern in their style, as well as calling for a purging or retraining of Chinese generals and admirals so that they may be competent in Western tactics, along with the establishment of Western-style military academies for the next generation of officers. The Moderates are vocal supporters of the Imperial Schoolhouse Commision, deeming no education for the masses to be foolish and provocative, while arguing that free, public education as pushed by the Progressives to be too liberal and too costly. The Moderates, socially, are just as conservative as their baseline Conservative counterparts when it comes to wishing to preserve Chinese culture, but are, as seen previously, markedly less statist in their outlook on the common folk, being content with allowing near-freedom when it comes to expression and press rights. Although the Conservatives and Ultra-Conservatives believe in state-controlled industrial expansion, Li and his Moderates believe in a mixed system of industrialization, with capitalistic ventures holding as much strength as governmental ones. The Moderates strike something of a middle ground between the Ultra-Conservatives and Conservatives for foreign policy, believing that violence, especially when it comes to regaining lost territory, is not totally off of the table, but follow a similar “one country law” for foreign policy as the Conservatives do.

Prince Chun
Progressives: The Progressives, in recent years, have grown more and more radical in their views. At the start of the Hundred Days’ Reform the Progressive faction, which was enjoying the support of a then-empowered Guangxu Emperor, resembled the Field Marshal’s Moderates more than Prince Chun’s group seen in 1904. Prince Chun, just twenty years old, took up the helm of the still-reeling reformists in 1902 and radicalized the viewpoints of his loyal core. The Progressives, while not seeing as much increased favorability as the Moderates have due to such extreme views, are slowly regaining power amongst younger noblemen who wish to see drastic, liberal solutions to the Empire’s troubles. Prince Chun and his top supporters have drafted a comprehensive plan for reforming nearly every aspect of the state. His reform of the military is borrowed entirely from Field Marshal Li’s plan, but most other aspects of Progressive policy are much more extreme versions of the Moderates’ proposals. The most noteworthy facet of the Progressives is a concept that some refer to as “Princely Democracy,” in reference to Prince Chun. Princely Democracy sees the reformation of the criminal justice system in general, a creation of a constitution and bill of rights, and the establishment of a semi-parliamentary monarchy. This monarchy would see China governed through a unicameral legislature, in which all seats are elected into power and the Emperor shares power with a premier elected by the legislature. Many claim that such a system would be ineffectual, and Princely Democracy is the facet of the Progressive faction’s viewpoint that isolates them from the other factions, making Prince Chun both a controversial figure within his own clique and to the rest of the Empire. The Progressives, like their Moderate counterparts, call for the establishment of an Emperor-appointed cabinet in the Western style. While the Progressives are still protective of Chinese culture, they are the most open of any of the factions towards both Western culture and capitalism, but are still rather guarded towards foreign influence in China.The Progressives vow to regain all conceded territories through peaceful means, and follow the commonly-accepted one country law. The Progressives wish to further publicize primary and secondary schooling, as well as shifting the curriculum towards a fully western education, rather than the syncretic curriculum brought forth by the Imperial Schoolhouse Commission. The Progressives also wish to take a step further and establish state-run, Western universities throughout the country, and reform the civil service exams to favor the graduates of such schools and for those with western educations in general.​

 

[MastahCheef117]

GM Note: @luc124 switches to Belgium is a full country. He gets 1 normal order per turn (as well as, of course, election and war orders).

A double reminder to @Riccardo93 to come online before the end of the day tomorrow.

 

[Haresus]

The Sublime Truth*

23rd of May​

Dear reader!

Let me tell you about the state of our brave country, what is happening, what will happen and what, Allah willing, we can do to stop it. To no one's surprise, the traitors inside our government, people whom I shall not name for the sake of the continuation of this newspaper, have once again stabbed us in the back. We threw out the Sultan who only cared for himself, and this was good. We returned the land he stole from us to the people, and this was good. We restored the dignity and honour of our army and navy, and this was good. But then we handed the reins of our country to those who only care about French or English values, not ours. These men have spent years in fine Parisian châteaus while we suffered under the Hamidian despotism. They do not understand Ottoman concerns, and they willingly sell us to the foreigner.

Do you not believe me? Is your faith in our young government still intact? Let me start with the most simple and obvious examples:
Libya and Rhodes, integral parts of our homeland, were sold to the Italians for a mere 30 pieces of silver. We surrendered our land without firing a shot, land which the Italians had no right to own. How can we be proud Ottomans, proud citizens, if we are worth so little to the elite of Constantinople that we might be sold away at any moment? We can see Rhodes from the shores of Anatolia, but now a garrison of Italian soldiers, with Italian guns and Italian ships exists there. Is that not the most extreme of insults?

But perhaps there are reliable allies to be found amongst the other westerners? After all, not all of them are Italians. Perhaps the Germans are willing to help and aid us against foreign aggression? No, my friend. The Germans came up with their Treaty of Vienna, promising justice and stability in the region. The Treaty would have put an end to the arming of those neighbouring countries who wish for nothing but the destruction of our Empire. We were optimistic for a while, but then, not long after, they throw away that treaty and now their Austrian allies start arming the Principality of Bulgaria. So much for friends in the west! Not only that, but the British arm the Greeks, the same "former" rebels who are dreaming of finally being able to call Crete theirs! Is that not another threat which our government will most likely answer with a white flag and little more?

But I spoke of treason within our own government before, and what the court of Germany does is not treason. It is opportunistically preying on our feeble leadership, but it is not treason. Now, the modernisation of our conscription is a great step forward and one that is necessary to field the necessary troops to protect all of our land. But when this kind of modernisation is used to allow dangerous groups within our own country to form independent armies, to create separate societies? Even granting special privileges and rights upon some chosen groups that others may not enjoy? That is treason to our country! In the army all Ottoman citizens must be equal in order to forge a brotherhood of sweat and steel, a brotherhood stronger than our individual differences. But now we encourage these differences, and the only logical conclusion is that we end up with one army for each religion. If you thought the Chinese have problems with two armies, you can expect our future issues to be even greater in magnitude.

So what can be done? Simple, our Constitution protects our most important right. The right to vote and pick our leaders. By enduring this regime for the last few years, we have revealed their duplicitous ways, their incompetence. When the elections come around we shall, Allah willing, throw these dogs out of our Parliament and elect true patriots who will no longer deceive you. That is how we win. But until then do not forget to read this paper to your family, your friends, your colleagues, so that all may hear our message.

Praise Allah, dear reader. Next month we shall discuss the Japanese defeat at the hands of the Russian barbarians, and its repercussions.

*The Sublime Truth is one of many new newspapers that have sprung up following the liberalisation of the newspapers. Attempts to shut it down via the courts have failed so far.

 

[Haresus]

​

It is my duty to extend my worries over the militarization of the Balkans, as both Greece and the Principality of Bulgaria receive extraordinary amounts of equipment and training for their navies and armies. The Romanian government has already wisely voiced its concern regarding these matters, and we agree fully with their assessment. The peace that has been upheld for near a decade should continue, and the Ottoman Empire has never moved to threaten the peace of the region. Quite the opposite, we have been generous and benevolent in our relations with our neighbors.

Therefore we ask the Austro-Hungarian, British and French governments to consider refraining from continued arming of these countries. They are under no threat of aggressive action from anyone, and while the Treaty of Vienna has, for highly understandable and logical reasons, been deemed obsolete it would serve all individuals to remember the underlying reasoning and motivation for such a treaty.

Grand Vizier,
Sabâhaddin Pasha

 

[Haresus]

​

Private note from the Ottoman Ministry of Foreign Affairs:​

To the Russian government,
The Sublime Porte extends its most sincere congratulations to the victorious warriors of the Russian Empire. The Japanese tried to overthrow centuries of established and civilised rule in favour of anarchists, but your victory against this enemy of civilization has been significant, decisive and final. On behalf of all civilised nations, we thank the Russian Empire, its brave soldiers and sailors, and all of its people for efficiently ending this threat. We pray that the Japanese are aware of their imminent collapse and will surrender with what remains of their dignity intact, lest this may drag on for longer than it has any right to. After all, what hope does a third rate island power have against the massive Russian Empire?

As if this was not already cause for celebration, the auspicious birth of Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich under this banner of victory bodes well for the continuation of the Empire under a line of strong, just and fair Tsars. May the young Tsarevich stay healthy and safe, and may our continued relations be as cordial as ever.

 

[sealy300]

​

On Bulgarian National Reorganisation.

The Third Bulgarian State is well aware of and intends to address the concerns that some of the European powers harbour towards the recent development of the Bulgarian armed forces. We wish to reassure to our neighbours and to the great powers that our intentions are purely for self-defence. Bulgaria is a new, independent state, and thus we must establish infrastructures to ensure that our borders are protected and that we enjoy the same level of defensive capabilities that local states, due to the virtue of their comparatively prolonged sovereignty, posses. All the institutions of the Bulgarian State are under the process of reorganisation and modernisation to ensure that Bulgaria can maintain a sustainable method of governance through the coming years, and as a part of this review of important state organizations, military reorganisation to reflect our newfound independent situation is a natural development. We intend only to ensure that The Third Bulgarian State is secure and is protected, and mean no aggressive intentions by the modernisation of our nation's institutions. We wish only peace upon the world and that the Third Bulgarian State, and the Bulgar people, are safe.

The Foreign Minister of the Third Bulgarian State,
General Racho Perov.

 

[Dadarian]

The Ottoman Empire's worries are unfounded. The sale of a light cruiser and a trio of destroyers is hardly "extraordinary". The Bulgarian Principality is obviously not to be trusted with ships that would make it a dominant naval power in the region, or even upset the status quo. However, the four ships being shipped to them is well within the acceptable limits of expansion for Bulgarian Prince's pet navy. In short, the sale creates no threat to the status quo, so the Sublime Porte has no reason to be worried.

~ Agenor Graf Gołuchowski, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the K.u.K Franz Joseph.

 

[aedan777]

To Ahmed Bey of the Department For Customs and Immigration of the Ottoman Empire,

The Kingdom of Romania considers itself a friend to stability in the Balkans, and despite prior relations between Romania and the Ottoman Empire, we consider the Sublime Porte to be a force for stability in the diverse and divisive Balkans. The recent reforms undertaken by the Empire to protect and support its minorities give many Romanians even greater reason to believe in the utility and importance of the Ottoman Empire. Thus Romania finds the aggressive efforts of some Balkan nations, namely the Bulgarian Principality and the Greek Kingdom, to be most worrisome. Both in a geopolitical sense, and in a more personal, ethnic sense.

Within Macedonia and the surrounding region are some groups that we Romanians consider kin, namely the Aromanians and Megleno-Romanians. These are not large groups, quite small compared to the region's Bulgarians, Greeks, Serbians, Albanians, and Turks, though the Aromanians are much more populous than the Megleno-Romanians. But Romania still considers these people to be our brethren, even if they are distant. Unlike the Balkans states that border the Ottoman Empire, we do not ask that you give these people an independent state, or join them to Romania. Indeed, due to the many reforms the new government has undertaken, there is little more we can ask that has not been done already or seems likely to be done in the future. But Romania fears the designs of the Bulgarians and Greeks.

Namely we fear that those nations would undermine the ethnic character of the Aromanians and the Megleno-Romanians, using our brethren as unwitting pawns in their irredentist ambitions. Separated from their ethnic kin, it may be that the Aromanians and Megleno-Romanians lack a clear ethnic identity and consciousness, which if they had would make them stand firm against Greek and Bulgarian ambition. Thus Romania feels compelled to ask if we might send delegations, made up of Romanian Orthodox priests and Romanian ethnologists, to visit the Aromanian and Megleno-Romanian peoples of the Ottoman Empire and create an ethnic conscious for them. We of course assure you that such delegations would in no way attempt to subvert the Ottoman Empire, and would instruct the Aromanians and Megleno-Romanians to be loyal subjects in addition to embracing their separate and distinct ethnic character.

I eagerly await your response.

-Nicolae Mișu, Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Constantinople