[Forum Game] - World in Revolution: 1920 Mk. II

[tyriet]

For Homeland and Freedom​

In an appeal to end the suffering of the Hungarian people within the borders set by the Treaty of Trianon towards Romania, i had made a call to the League of Nations - the organ that was supposed to guarantee the right of those people who had found themselves within new borders and to ensure that fairness and equality would govern the laws of the nations, but this organ has ignored our calls, and so it has lost our trust.
By their slaughters and attempts of genocide against the Hungarian people the authorities of Romania have disregarded the Rights of Man, and penultimately, it is the Rights of Man who should stand above all, even the rights of nations - No, let me go one step further to ask you, Hungarian or not - whether a nation that treats its citizens like animals can be regarded as a nation at all?

In the spirit of this thought, not by the wish to cause war and grief upon the world, myself and the parliament of Hungary have announced with immediate effect the restoration of the Royal Hungarian Army not to threaten our neighbours and thwart the obligations we have towards them, most notably the Republic of Czechoslovakia, and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Furthermore, all clauses of the armistice with Hungary and the Treaty of Trianon, pertaining to Romania as Null and Void

On the contrary, we are humbled by the reactions from the Polish Government as well as the immediate action by our Czechoslovak and Yugoslav neighbours, as well as the outcry by the Population in Belgrade, and promise them that so long as they stay within the bounds set for their minorities by the Paris Peace Treaties the Hungarian government will fully and completely respect their rights and will honor its obligations.
Furthermore, we promise to all people that our actions are not driven by agression but instead by our desire to protect those people we deem to be ours, and those we deem brothers and we will further guarantee that once this genocide is ended, we will seek to find a solution which is more suitable and acceptable to all our neighbours and to the parties involved.

With the help of God for Homeland and Freedom:
Matyas III, King of Hungary

 

[Sneakyflaps]

The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland​

((Note: When reading this, please be aware that this my take on the original thing and how it went, as such some parts are written by me, some parts copied/written off, as well as some parts cut out of the original thing which I felt was unneeded, and naturally I can do mistakes as well, so please bear with me.))

The Balfour Declaration of 1926​

The world is ever changing, and so is our empire. The Empire is no longer what is was a mere two decades ago and as such it is in need of dire reforms. One of those reforms where presented earlier, it was the Imperial Preference. Another move will be to grant more autonomy to the dominions under British rule. With the ever growing importance of the dominions, not only diplomatically but also economically it is time to carry out this reform for the betterment of the Empire.

The British Empire is not and has never been founded on negations, but in essence it is an empire of positive ideas, free institutions, cooperation, peace, security and progress. These are all what is the British Empire and as such the autonomy of the dominions is both right, as much as it was inevitable.

It is also with this that the new British Commonwealth of Nations shall be, the dominions are autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, thought united by a common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations.

Special relations of India​

It will be noted that so far we have made no mention of India, as well as India as an overall part of the British Empire is not a part of this declaration. Our reason for this that the position of India has already been defined in the Government of India Act, 1919. However due to the recognition of importance that India received under the Imperial War Conference, 1917, they may or may not be a part of several things further in this declaration, if so then they are mentioned in that specific paragraph, and only belongs to that.

Inter-Imperial relations​

The Title of His Majesty the King​

Within the last 50 years, the royal title has been changed twice to account for changes in the conditions as well as constitutional developments. As such the title of His Majesty by the Royal Titles Act of 1901, is as shown here:

“George V, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, king, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India”

It has already been agreed, prior to this that the title which is stated above is no longer in accordance with the new altered affairs of the Empire. As such as His Majesty has wished that any recommendation for change be submitted to him as a result of the discussion of the conference, as such we submit to him a new revised Royal Title which is as follows:

“George V, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India”

If approved by His Majesty, it will be the new royal title.

The Position of Governor-Generals​

The commission has also looked at the position of the Governor-Generals which has now become a well-recognized position. It is however also a position which represents stages from an earlier age when the Governor-General was appointed solely on the advice of His Majesty’s Ministers in London, and also acted as their representatives.

However with the reforms within the Empire, it is now of the opinion that the Governor-General is no longer to be considered a representative of the Government in Great Britain, but rather as a representative of the Crown likes His Majesty is in Great Britain. As such he holds the same administrative of public affairs in the dominions as His Majesty holds in Great Britain.

Appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council​

After lengthy negotiations regarding the the conditions governing appeals from judgments in the Dominions to the Judicial Committee of the Privy seal, it became clear that it was no part of the policy of His Majesty’s Government in Great Britain that questions affecting judicial appeals should be determined by anything other than in accordance with the wishes and desires of the Imperial region it primarily affected. Should this collide and one issue in one part of the Empire differ from another part of the Empire which is also affected, that any changes should only be carried out after consolation and discussions with all parts involved.

Foreign Diplomatic Relations​

Relations with Foreign Powers​

A sub-committee was formed under the Chairmanship of the Minister of Justice of Canada to consider the treaty procedures.
It is that report which the following paragraphs are based, which is also found in the Resolution of the Conference of 1923 which on most points have proved useful rules for guidance of the different government, as they have become more thoroughly understand and established, they have proved effective in practice.
Some of the phases of the treaty procedure have been examined in greater detail in order to consider to what extent the resolutions of 1923 might with advantage are supplemented.
Negotiating a treaty.
It was also agreed in 1923 that any government in the Empire whom should be contemplation the negotiations of a treaty should give due consideration to its effect on the other governments of the Empire, and as such should inform the other governments who might have an interest in said treaty.
It is to allow the other governments in the Empire time to come to their own conclusion regarding the treaties, and if they should be interested in them. As such it is also the responsibility of the other governments to give promptly replies as to their interests.
If a government receives no adverse comment or replies to its treaties as well as does not involve active obligations on the part of other Governments, it can proceed with the assumption that its policy is generally acceptable, it must however before taking any steps involving any other government in any other active obligation, obtain their absolute assent.

Form of treaties.
Certain treaties start with the list of different nations which belongs to the treaty, instead of the heads of state of those specific nations. As such the League of Nations are a prime example of this, the term “British Empire” has been used to cover every region under Britain, as such any mention of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Colonies, Dominions or Protectorates have not been mentioned, but simply covered by the used of the term “British Empire.
With this in mind it signals that the Dominions are not of equal standing to that of Great Britain, as partakers in the treaties in question. This will tend to leave us in obscurity and misunderstanding and as such is generally unsatisfactory.
To overcome this issue it is recommended that all treaties, unless otherwise agreed between governments, whether they are negotiated under the auspices of the League or not should be made in the name of Heads of State. Should a treaty be made it should be signed in the name of the King as a symbol of the special relationship between the different parts of the Empire. As such any treaty signed within the League should be grouped in the following order: Great Britain and Northern Ireland and all parts of the British Empire which are not separate members of the League, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, India.
In cases where a treaty is only signed in one part of the Empire, it should be stated to be made by the King on behalf of that part.
The making of a treaty in the name of the King as the symbol of the special relationship between the different parts of the Empire will render superfluous the inclusion of any provision that its terms must not be regarded as regulating inter se the rights and obligations of the various territories on behalf of which it has been signed in the name of the King. In this connection it must be borne in mind that the question was discussed at the Arms Traffic Conference in 1925, and that the Legal Committee of that Conference laid it down that the principle to which the foregoing sentences gives expression underlies all international conventions.
In cases where international agreements exist, the Governments of the different parts of the Empire may be willing to apply between themselves some of the provisions as administrative measures. As such in these cases they should state to which extended and terms they are willing to agree to. Where international agreements are to be applied between different parts of the Empire, the form of a treaty between Heads of States should be avoided.

Full Powers.
The plenipotentiaries each from the various parts of the British Empire should have full powers, issued in each case by the King who is advised by the Government for which it concerns. Whom shall indicate and correspond to the part of the Empire which are to sign. It will frequently be found convenient, particularly where there are some parts of the Empire on which it is not contemplated that active obligations will be imposed, but where the position of the British subjects belonging to these parts will be affected, for such Government to advise the issue of full powers on their behalf to the plenipotentiary appointed. to act on behalf of the Government or Governments mainly concerned. In other cases provision might be made for accession by other parts of the Empire at a later date.

Signatures.
In case of signatures where the names of counties instead of Heads of States are presented, the different parts of the Empire should be done so in the same manner as proposed earlier in this list. The signature should also cover territories which a mandate has been given to that part of the Empire, unless the contrary is stated at the time of the signature.

Coming into Force of Multilateral Treaties.
In general, treaties contain a ratification clause and a provision that the treaty will come into force on the deposit of a certain number of ratifications. The question has sometimes arisen in connection with treaties negotiated under the auspices of the League whether, for the purpose of making up the number of ratifications necessary to bring the treaty into force, ratifications on behalf of different parts of the Empire which are separate Members of the League should be counted as separate ratifications. In order to avoid any difficulty in future, it is recommended that when it is thought necessary that a treaty should contain a clause of this character, it should take the form of a provision that the treaty should come into force when it has been ratified on behalf of so many separate Members of the League.

As such we find it needed that should such a ratification be needed, it is our duty to inform the other members of the League as to why such changes are desired.

Representation at International Conferences​

In light of the resolution of the Imperial Conference in 1923, which has already been mentioned several times, the resolution has been viewed in light and can be summarized as followed:
I) No difficulties will arise in regards to representation at the conferences called by, or under the auspices of the League of Nations. In these conferences all members of the League is invited and if they attend are represented separately by separate delegations. Cooperation is however ensured by the application of paragrapgh I.1 c of the Treaty Resolution of 1923

II) Other international conferences which are called by foreign governments, does not grant invitation to all members of the different Governments within the Empire. This is due to the nation that the representation must, at least in part, depend on the form which the invitation was issued by the government holding the conference.
a) In case of a conference of the technical character, it is most desirable that all the different parts of the Empire should be represented by their own separate delegations. If such invitations are not presented then all needed efforts to secure such an arrangement should be carried out.
b) A conference which is called by a foreign government and is a political nature must be considered on the special circumstances which they are called on each individual case.

It is up to each individual part of the Empire to decide if any interests of theirs are involved, more so having regards to the active obligations that is to be imposed by any resulting treaty of the conference which are in question. As such it is up the each Government to proclaim their desire to be represented at a conference or if a Government is content to leave the negotiations in the hands of other members of the Empire and accept the result and outcome of such negotiations.

If a single Government wishes to take part in the conclusion of any treaty, then the method by which representation that is secured, is a matter to be arranged with the other Governments of the Empire, depending on which invitation was received.

If more than one part of the Empire desires to be represented in such a case, there are three ways which representation is possible:
I) By means of common diplomats, who has the issue of full powers invested in them who shall be on the advice of all parts of the Empire participating.
II) A single delegation sent by the British Empire which is composed of different representatives of the Empire whom are participating in the conference.
III) Separate delegations representing each part of the Empire participating in the Conference. If this third method is desired, an effort must be done to make sure that the invitations from the convening Governments makes this a possible reality.

Some certain non-technical treaties should due to their nature be concluded in a form which will render them binding upon all parts within the Empire. As such it should be ratified with the concurrence and agreement of all Governments, as such it is also up to each Government to decide to which extend they concur.

Conduct of Foreign diplomacy​

With the Treaty Resolution of the 1923 Conference it is clear that the majority of responsibility in foreign affairs must continue, much like the majority of defense must continue to rest in the hands of His Majesty’s Government in Great Britain. Despite this then all Dominions are engaged, to very varied extend in foreign diplomacy and relations. A prime example of this would be the growing trade and economic relations between the Dominion of Canada and the United States of America, to which degree the Dominion of Canada takes great part in the improvements of relations. However it is felt that no Government, if it be in Great Britain or in the Dominions, can give away support to a treaty for one another without absolute consent of their own Government in question.

Issue of Exequaturs to Foreign Consuls in the Dominions​

Any issues of exequaturs to consuls in any dominion within the British Empire, will be done so by a general practice which will also happen across the Empire. That should any exequaturs be issued, then the Dominion will notify his Majesty’s government in Great Britain via official diplomatic channels.

Channel of Communication between Dominion Governments and Foreign Governments​

With the recent developments, as well as with this declaration, we feel that any diplomatic relations that should happen between foreign Governments and the Dominions should take place with cooperation with His Majesty’s own representatives in the foreign state.

System of Communication and Consultation​

Due to the vast distances between the Dominions and Great Britain itself, it by the nature of things not possible to hold these Conferences more often, as such these conferences only deal with the most important of issues regarding the Empire.
With these new reforms within the Empire, Great Britain itself is becoming more worried about its relationship towards its dominions. And as such desires a closer relation with them, with the Governor-Generals no longer representing the Government in Westminster, as such we wish to improve our correspondence, to help create a better atmosphere and impression through such contact.
As such better developments by correspondence within the Empire is necessary, specifically in relations to matters of greater importance in foreign affairs where haste and urgent decisions if often necessary. And as such we wish to supplement the present system of inter-communication on information on affairs which is of jointly considerations. As well as the aim of having closer relations between Westminster and the Dominion Capitals.

 

[alexander23]

Treaty of Rosario​

I: Ease of Trade

1. All signatory nations shall agree to work together towards the pursuit of beneficial trade through the facilitation of more open trading policies
1. All signatory nations shall agree to actively work to promote trade between all signatories, treating them as favorable trading partners​

II: Board of Investment

1. In order to facilitate increased investment between all signatory nations, a joint Board of Investment will be established.​

a. Rome shall host an annual meeting of this board with representation from all signatory nations
b. The Kingdom of Italy shall use this organ to provide investment to the port facilities of Buenos Aires​

2. All signatory nations shall endeavor to facilitate a streamlined process of investment between their fellow signatory nations​

III: Affirmation of Cooperation

1. All signatory nations shall strive to fraternal in their relations, facilitating open communication and open arms to the ideals of international cooperation​

[X] - Dino Grandi for the Kingdom of Italy

[] - for the Republic of Argentina

[] - for the Kingdom of Spain

This treaty will bring new markets, business and investment to our republic

[x] Presidente Norberto Piñero

 

[Kaisersohaib]

Spain during the Great War​

The larger of two countries on the Iberian Peninsula in southwestern Europe, Spain was staunchly neutral in the years leading up to the Great War and remained so throughout.

It was considered one of the most important neutral countries in Europe by 1915 as it was a significant source of goods for France, the other allies, and South America.

Spain's economy had been slowly evolving from an agriculture-based system to one centred around industry for roughly forty years prior to 1914. World War One greatly benefited Spanish industry and exporting. The two areas most affected by the war were Valencian citrus production and steel manufacturing.

Further, Spain's gold reserves more than tripled as the war raged, and as a result, the government paid down a significant portion of its national debt. During the war there was a great deal of internal political strife among the various political parties and labour unions which resulted in a series of major workers' strikes. The increasing frequency and hostility created by this unrest forced several prime ministers and their cabinets to resign, and those who did not quit were voted out of office.​

 

[Harpsichord]

The Franco-Polish Military Co-operation Treaty

In order to help both nations’ combat threats to their sovereignty and to ensure that both nations have the military and technological means to ensure peace in all of Europe, Poland and France will enter a mutually beneficial treaty that will share the best technological advancements in the fields of artillery and aviation that both states possess.

​

[R] - Roman Dmowski, President of Poland
[ ] - French Equivalent

A message from the President
I am proud to announce that we have come up with a treaty with the Republic of France that will improve cooperation between Brazil and France as well as to build stronger relations between France and Brazil. May we prosper with this treaty!

For both treaties: [X] Gaston Doumergue, President of the Republic.

 

[Harpsichord]

I am pleased to be able to present the Treaty of Barcelona, which I hope shall help maintain the strength of our friend Spain and ensure the prosperity of both our nations.

1. The French Republic agrees to invest in the infrastructure and industry of the Kingdom of Spain.
2. The Kingdom of Spain shall grant the French Republic exclusive mining rights across the Pyrenees.
3. Both signatories shall work to facilitate trade between one another.
4. The French Republic shall provide Spanish production licenses for French armaments, and shall also send to the Kingdom of Spain a delegation of military officers to oversee the training of the Spanish Army.
5. The Kingdom of Spain shall provide full military access throughout it's African holdings to the French Republic.

[X] Gaston Doumergue, President of the Republic.
[ ] Alfonso XIII of Spain

 

[Kaisersohaib]

I am pleased to be able to present the Treaty of Barcelona, which I hope shall help maintain the strength of our friend Spain and ensure the prosperity of both our nations.



[X] Gaston Doumergue, President of the Republic.
[ ] Alfonso XIII of Spain

I am very happy to announce a new era of friendship between our nations!

(X) Alfonso XIII, King of Spain

 

[Harpsichord]

On domestic affairs:
I thank those deputies who enabled the passing of the dockyard expansion to pass. It strikes me as truly bizarre that the socialists would condemn a bill which will ensure good work and pay for thousands of workers during construction, and will create thousands of new jobs once construction is completed. Is it bellicose to provide work for the worker? The Republic maintains one of the premier fleets of the nation, should we let it rust and with it not only lose any control of our overseas domains but also the employment of many thousands of hard-working French citizens; I say no. It seems that the socialist cause spends too much time arguing about the finer details of its own principles that actually providing for those they claim to stand for.

The arrival of private individuals to the hydropower industry is to be applauded; it is my aim that soon every home will have its own electricity to truly bring the Republic into the modern era and I am glad that private capital shares this dream with me. No longer shall our power be dependent on coal which spreads dangerous smog throughout our cities, but on clean and endless hydropower, allowing our coal to be focused on industrial uses.

As with hydropower our government has led the way with public investment in Indochinese rubber, and soon private capital shall flow into the region, encouraging the development of the region. With careful planning the people of Indochina may soon be raised into the international community as brothers, a true story of success for the French-style mission to civilise.

I must also congratulate the steady introduction of common industrial standards throughout France. By enabling mass-production such measures will strengthen French industry, and allow our industrial pride to spread further across the globe. Not only this, but such efficiencies will save costs to the industrialists in the long run, and such measures can only make France a more welcoming nation for investment, both domestic and foreign.

Indeed, I believe that advances are the reason why it is the French Republic, and not the German Reich, that the Ford Motor Company chose to establish their latest branch in. We have shown the world that we are not afraid to use public finance to encourage private development and ensure a fertile ground for investment. Further, I have no doubt that the Ford Motor Company's decision was influenced by the government-led investment into Indochinese rubber, as their new location will grant them greater access to French goods; the benefit to both sides is obvious.
​

 

[nachopontmercy]

Československá republika
​

The Czechoslovak Government feels horrified by the Romanian actions, but we deeply condemn the clear violation of the Treaty of Trianon that the recent measures taken by Hungary suppose. Czechoslovakia will carefully watch the actions taken from Budapest, and we reserve the right to use any kind of measure, including the use of force, if the announced rearment of Hungary is prolonged over the time this Transylvanian dire situation still exists. We will not sit idle to see how our southern neighbours ignore any concern for international law and attack without any will to negotiate, and we warn that any attempt to change the borders defined by the Treaty of Trianon will be met with our direct action.



Edvard Beneš, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czechoslovak Republic

 

[Bonecracker(NL)]

Is it possible that, while one half of a community stays chained to the ground, the other half can rise to the skies? There is no question - the steps of progress must be taken by the two sexes together, as friends, and together they must accomplish the various stages of the journey into the land of progress and renovation. If this is done, our revolution will be succesful.

-Mustafa Kemal Atatürk​

---

Since the days of the Prophet, the position of Turkish women had changed relatively little. Despite growing discussion on her predicament before, during, and after the reign of Abdul Hamid, she still lived subject to the Sheriat which translated to a anything between segregation from a world of predators and personal slavery. The average Turk, as a proud man, chose to still women as an inferior being deficient in self-respect and morality who required manly protection from her weaker instincts. Supervising her behaviour was not only a man's duty, but society's. Not merely her father, brothers, or husband, but the whole neighbourhood or village made sure she was completely and decently covered, and to catch her out if she seemed to stray for an instant from the narrow path which society laid down for her.

In Constantinople no woman might be seen walking in the street or driving in a carriage with a man, even if they were married. If they went out together he was obliged to walk ahead, disregarding her. Never did he appear with her at social gatherings; so there was no gender mixing in Turkish society. On trams and boats there was a curtain to seperate the sexes. When girls' schools were introduced, the only male teachers were euneuchs. In theatre parts, the parts of women were played either by men, as in Elizabethan England, or Christian women. When women were eventually allowed to watch plays, it was on certain 'ladies' days'. Only in parts of Anatolia, among the peasantry, were women freer, and indeed often unveiled before all but strangers. For the peasants were often less orthodox in their customs, and moreover their women had to work in the fields and perform other outdoor tasks for family living.

Taboos like these prevailed in the young republic. The Young Turks were unable to make much headway against the prevailing prejudice, reinforced as it was by the clerical interest. But they were persistent in their efforts to do so and zealous in their campionship of womens' rights. It was too soon, of course, to openly pitch the idea of abolishing the veil, but a pamphlet was secretly distributed insisting that it had nothing to do with religion but was a more primitive pagan survival.

The Young Turks did make progress in womens' education, opening the middle and secondary school and finally universities to girl students, and thus preparing the way for their entry into the professions. During the war they replaced men in certain jobs, in factories, offices and public services, and they were even recruited into a paramilitary labour battalion to clean the streets if Constantinople. Here the veil was obviously an encumbrance, and it developed into the long charshaf, a veil which did not cover the face unless drawn across it. As the war drew to a close, a Family Law introducing amongst other things a civil marriage in which the women had monogamous rights was passed. It was the principle of this law which Kemal now made general, with the abolishment of religious courts and the preparation of a new, civil code based on that of Switzerland.

The road had thus been prepared, and it would by Kemal's hand be carried to its final destination - but more cautiously than other religious reforms. He was quick to remind the public of the part played by women during the war, declaring that no other country in the world could show a heroism comparable to 'these sublime, these self-sacrificing, these divine women of Anatolia'. But there was still much ground to be covered. To illustrate: early in 1923 an uproar arose over the suggestion of a deputy that women should be included in the census for representation under the new electoral law. And it didn't die down when he explained it wouldn't enfranchise them. The mere mention of such a possibility had him howled down, and prevented him from finishing his speech.

But if anything has become apparent over the last three years, it's that Kemal has a knack for getting away with trampling traditions. And this was to be no different. Once again, reactionary soil was sought [ironically, it was in Ankara, the republic's capital]. At a congress of teachers there were both men and women, but they were seperated by several rows of empty seats. Upon hearing of it, a group of shocked hojas called upon the Gazi to protest. He sent for the president of the Teachers' Association and loudly berated him: 'What have you done in the teachers' meeting? How dare you do it? This is a shame!' The Hojas looked jubilant, but Kemal continued. "You called the women teachers to the meeting. But why did you make them sit apart from the men? Don't you trust yourselves, or have you no faith in the virtue of these ladies? Let me never again hear of this segregation of women.' The Hojas, flabbergasted, walked out of the room, not bothering to speak up.

It was from this point on that Kemal more frequently referred to the issue of women in the country. They must have the same education as men if not a better one, for they would raise the future generations. It wasn't quite the time to abolish the veil yet, though. He let them be veiled for now, but not to the degree where she seemed blindfolded and ashamed of her movements. He had recounted what he saw in Kastamonu on this subject.

In some places I have seen women who put a piece of cloth or a towel or something like it over their heads to hide their faces, and who turn their backs or huddle themselves on the ground when a man passes by. What is the meaning of this behaviour? Gentlemen, can the mothers and daughters of a civilised nation adopt this strange manner, this barbarous posture? It is a spectacle that makes the nation an object of ridicule. It must be remedied at once.

It was to be remedied gradually over the next decade. The women of the towns were to set the example, but it would take years, perhaps decades, before the more bigoted villages would follow suit.


Shortly after his visit to Kastamonu in 1925, Kemal presided over an entertainment in Smyrna, which was in effect the first Turkish ball. Only Muslims and their spouses were invited. An orchestra played western music, and they were expected to dance together, an ordeal which was reluctantly done only after Kemal opened the ball by performing a correct foxtrot with the governor's daughter. This was the first time a Turkish woman danced with a man in public. It caught on in Constantinople, but everywhere else in the country it required encouragement and his talent of persuasion. In the clubroom of the Turkish Hearth in Ankara, Kemal noticed a few bold ladies who stood awkwardly in the middle of the room, imprisoned by masculine eyes. Kemal rallied the men, told them to act in a gentlemanly fashion and make the the sitting ones jealous enough, so they would get up one by one. And in the end, he was correct.

In Ankara, he gave a ball in honour of the foundation of the Republic. It went well enough, but late in the evening the Gazi noticed a group of young officers, none of whom was dancing. They explained the ladies had refused their request for a dance. Kemal, still a Marshal, addressed them loudly and authoritatively for all the guests to hear, telling that their story was inconcievable and ordered them to disperse through the ball-room, double time. And soon enough the entire room was foxtrotting away. The social ice melted of its own accord as women were admitted to the various professions and finally to politics. Kemal did not hurry this process, opting to make let it go its own course under his supervision.

But for all his charm, Kemal's marriage to Latife was a failure. Kemal and Latife's marriage was one of love, but also one for sociological reasons. How could he persuade the Turk to unveil his wife if he could not set the example? His nature, the clash of mind and temperament, which made him think like a westerner and act like an oriental, had saved Turkey, but could not save his marriage. The clash of personalities between the two, and Latife's nagging, jealousy, and attempts to control him led eventually boiled over. One night at Çankaya, she again lost her temper and tore the character of all of Kemal's friends apart, one by one. This was more than the Gazi could tolerate. He was a man of modernity, but in his divorce he reverted to the letter of tradition. He simply told Latife to leave the house. Latife's mother came from Smyrna to fetch her. And that was that. It was a stunt that, a few months later, with the implementation of the Swiss civil code, would not be possible.

 

[Haresus]

On the Death of Hjalmar Branting​

In September 1925, following his massive victory in the elections, Hjalmar Branting fell ill from the Flu. While he tried to continue his work, his situation rapidly deteriorated and soon he was afflicted with inflammatory cardiomyopathy while also being plagued by gallstones. He asked to be replaced as Prime Minister, but wished to stay in the Riksdag. A month later he died in his home. Hjalmar Branting had been the leader of the Social Democratic Party since 1907, and his influence was massive. Although his term was very short, only lasting a few months, it was one of great significance. He was the first Social Democratic Prime Minister of Sweden and opened the way for the Social Democrats to become a respectable and government-capable party. His anti-war policy was greatly popular among the workers and brought great financial stability to the country, and the rest of his party rallied around this call for peace and prosperity, instead of misery and malnutrition.

The death of Hjalmar Branting was a blow to the stability of the Social Democrat government, as their most renowned and established leader was now going to be replaced by the younger generation of Social Democrats. Hjalmar Branting was from the Swedish bourgeoisie and had even gone to the same school as King Gustaf V, which made many on the conservative-right spectrum of Swedish politics, including the king himself, see him as a more reliable and stable person to cooperate with. The younger generation was more radical in their conviction and less willing to keep a moderate profile to appease the conservative elements in Sweden. After some internal party deliberation, finance minister Ernst Wigforss takes over the position as Prime Minister and firmly attempts to push for stronger national healthcare, further safety insurances for industrial workers and securing the natural resources of the country against unreliable interests through nationalisation. With a focus on the workers, the government tries to increase their popularity on a broad front and raise the living standard of the working class Swedes. Some are worried at these leftist developments, but the Social Democrats are pleased that they are already given the chance to influence the country in such a major way.

 

[Haresus]

Official statement on the Soviet Union​

It is clear to the Swedish government that it would be foolish and unrealistic to not recognise a growing and successful country that claims and controls a vast stretch of land from Siberia to the Baltic sea, and we are therefore adjusting our previous position regarding a certain country. We hereby officially recognise the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and wish them well in their efforts to rebuild their lives after their latest horrible and destructive wars. We hope that peace will inspire them to build a better home for their workers and we are willing to encourage trade and cooperation between the workers of our nations.

Östen Undén, foreign minister of Sweden.

 

[Frymonmon]

GM Note: I'm back. Update on Friday. All IC since the last update with a substantial amount of substance will be awarded with roll bonuses.

 

[Noco19]

Opera Nazionale Balilla
"The Fascists of Tomorrow!"​

In the years following the end of the Great War and during the rise of the Fascist movement rose a nationalistic disdain for the institutions developed by the liberal cabinets, including the traditional method of education. This can be seen in such schools of thought like Futurism, founded by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, who wished to be rid of perceived decadence in favor of concepts thought to be modern - speed, technology, youth, and violence. Marinetti wished to abandon such ancientness as the "the by now prehistoric and troglodyte Ancient Greek and Latin courses" and institute schooling modeled after the exercise of the elite Italian storm troopers of the Great War, the Arditi - "[learning] to advance on hands and knees in front of razing machine gun fire; to wait open-eyed for a crossbeam to move sideways over their heads etc." From this sentiment was born the early Fascist youth movements in 1919, and eventually the Opera Nazionale Balilla in 1926.

The Opera Nazionale Balilla served as the premier youth organization for the National Fascist Party, receiving a fair amount of official backing by the Ministry of Education. Named after Balilla, the moniker of Giovan Battista Perasso, a Genoese boy who, according to local legend, started the revolt of 1746 against the Habsburg forces that occupied the city in the War of the Austrian Succession, the Opera Nazionale Balilla sought to instill the same nationalistic fervor in its pupils. Structure was organized around age and gender, with the Balilla(boys) and Piccole Italiane(girls) sections for members aged eight to fourteen and the Avanguardisti and Giovani Italiane sections for those fourteen to eighteen. Between the ages of 18 and 22, young men and women would join additional groups of the ONB - Fasci Giovanili di Combattimento and Giovani Fasciste, respectively. Male students in all forms of higher education were enrolled in the GUF. Students wore uniforms mimicking the garb of the Blackshirts and Arditi, as well as fasces emblems and azure handkerchiefs, with instructions focusing on Fascist messages and training resembling paramilitary work.

A Young Balilla​

Though in its infancy in 1926, the Opera Nazionale Balilla enjoyed a surge of membership as Il Duce openly praised its ideals as an organization while the Ministry of Education began pressuring teachers to enlist all their students. Weekly meetings known as "Fascist Saturdays" would allow constant connection, and summer camps were being planned. All competiting youth movements found themselves sidelined by the growing ONB, and at times some found themselves outright banned, with the pattern continuing past 1946 - an exception being the Roman Catholic Church group Gioventù Italiana Cattolica. It was clear that the Opera Nazionale Balilla was planned to be a staple in the coming generations of Italy.

 

[Kaisersohaib]

La Historia de España ; Episodio I ; España después de la Gran Guerra​

While the wartime boom of the Spanish economy ended, food shortage and inflation continued. The cabinet which had assumed government in 1917 with the intention to implement thorough reforms failed to achieve any of these.
The labour movement was split in a socialist camp (PSOE, UGT) and in an anarcho-syndicalist camp; the latter's trade union, the CNT expanded rapidly in the postwar situation. A communist party was only founded in 1921, without attracting a large number of members.
The industrial proletariat demanded improvements to the living conditions of urban workers. Reports of land reform in Russia provided the lansless masses in Andalucia and Extremadura with hope. Landowners, having lost control of the situation, fled to the cities.
Fearing the power of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union, the CNT, employers organized a conservative trade union (SYNDICATOS LIBRES) which in part was a cover for a rightist militia. They fought the CNT on the streets; many arrested CNT leaders were "shot while trying to escape". The situation in Spain was not unlike that of Italy of Germany. The succession of short-lived cabinets, they long had given up reform policy, clearly had lost control of the situation; if anyone was in control, it was local army officers such as Gen. SEVERIANO MARTINEZ ANIDO, military commander of Barcelona since Oct. 1920, or the Syndicatos Libres.
The victimized anarcho-syndicalist movement, deprived of many of their experienced leaders, radicalized. They in turn assassinated prominent leaders of the right, most notably Prime Minister EDUARDO DATO (March 1921).

In addition, Spanish attempts to establish control over the RIF (nominally Spanish since 1906/11) resulted in a disastrous defeat at ANNUAL* (a force of 20,000 Spaniards was routed, among the estimated 12,000 dead commander Gen. FERNANDEZ SILVESTRE) at the hands of ABD EL KRIM in 1921. King ALFONSO XIII. was blamed, as it had been him who most vigorously had supported the campaign.​

* I am just assuming Belgiumruler had this battle and lost, as the update says.

 

[Frymonmon]

GM Note: All war-like manoeuvers, such as declaring war or striking a nation in preparation for a general war, must now be announced by an IC in thread. If you are seeking to launch a surprise and or a sneak attack, you must send orders in 24 hours before the deadline so that I may write a mini about it, to allow others the opportunity to respond. While less important right now, if you are attempting a clandestine manoeuver that does not involve open warfare, that still may be dome without an IC or without a mini.

EDIT: DEADLINE extended to 12:00 Noon Eastern, Thursday October 23rd.

 

[Frymonmon]

The "de facto" Border​

With the Romanian government silent over their anti-Hungarian policies, and a near universal world-wide condemnation of their actions, it seemed unlikely that anyone would be willing to jump to the defense of the Romanian Kingdom. Expelled by the Little Entente, the only remaining links to international protection lay within the League of Nations, and with the French government. It was particularly clear by spring that movements on all sides of the border were seeking out to revenge wrongs against Romania. To the south, the Bulgarian press flared up with triumphant claims that their land and people would be liberated from the "oppressive" Romanians, and their policy against the Hungarian people was nothing more than a primer for the destruction of Bulgarians in the country. Despite their humiliating loss in the Great War, Bulgarians could once again feel that they needed to go to war to solve this problem, to avenge something that only eight years before had been taken from them.

To the west, the border between Hungary and Romania dissolved after Romanians soldiers were pulled away to coordinate what was expected to be an attack by the Soviet Union. In doing so, several bands of armed Hungarians, not explicitly the army, but still armed nonetheless, moved into Transylvania, breaking into re-location camps and Hungarian neighbourhoods, policing them from any attacks or harm from the Romanian government. In effect, the region was considered by Bucharest to be under attack, but little resources could be devoted to it, due to the expected, but particularly large, Soviet intervention.

In the declaration of hostilities, Moscow announced that it would simple be moving the border between the Soviet Union and Romania to the internally recognised border, destroying the current "de facto" border, and instead insisting in the "de jure" border between the two nations. The Romanian government, moving swiftly, brought their armed forces to try and defend the frontier, but were quickly set under fire by sophisticated artillery pieces in a few locations, along with highly mobile soldiers on armoured cars that were far beyond the former capabilities of cars that were around during the revolution. As a result of this, the most immediate border towns was quickly won by the Soviets, clearing out Romanian establishments within a week, an impressive turnaround given the stationing of Romanian soldiers and fortifications. The array of new weaponry brought to the field by the Soviets was impressive, albeit limited to a few units. This superior equipment was handled by a select group of Soviet soldiers, which were spearheading an attack towards Chișinău. While the Romanians were able to stall the advance of the Bolsheviks in the north and the south, they were unable to stop the weight of the advanced centre, and Chișinău came under attack only twelve days since the declaration of hostilities.

Soviet soldiers assaulting Chișinău.​

In regards to Transylvania, the Hungarian government, which had officially declared the armistice between Hungary and Romania dissolved, announced the formation of the Transylvania Defense League, a militia funded by the government to protect the territory against all attacks by Romanian forces. Membership was not limited to any country, and it was widely suspected to be filled with former Great War veterans and men eager to reclaim territory that claimed had been lost to them. Acting in panic, Bucharest declared all of Transylvania and Bessarabia to be under siege, allowing for the suspension of all rights afforded to the citizens there, and placing anyone suspected of supporting either the Soviet Union or Hungary under arrest, or worst.

As the Soviets were able to capture Chișinău, the Transylvania Defense League rose the Hungarian flag over the city of Turda, proclaiming that the entirety of the region formerly owned by Hungary under the Dual Monarchy was to be liberated from the hands of the Romanian government. While Budapest remained silent about their future intentions for the region, it was clear that they were taking advantage of the Soviet thrust into the country to their own gains. While only sixteen days into this new conflict, the Romanian government was being hammered hard, and seemed powerless to continue to defend itself without outside help. The League of Nations was called upon to act, but its sole source of power was from the nations that composed it, with many expecting a meeting to be called over the issue. Internationally, the reactions to the conflict was beginning to pour in, with the Netherlands and Belgium condemning the acts taken by Hungary and the Soviet Union, and instead claiming that both nations should cease their hostilities, and an international mandate be placed over Transylvania to ensure their safety for the time being. It was unknown how far their calls would be heeded.

 

[Mathrim]

Deutsches Reich
German Reich

Deutschlandlied

Dresden Declaration


The signing Powers of this Declaration hereby:

* Condemn the Kingdom of Romania for its inhumane actions against the Hungarian-speaking Romanians.
* Support the creation of a Free Transylvanian State, built on democratic principles and on the respect of all its components.
* Support the Creation of a Supreme Transylvanian Council, made of one representative from Romania, Hungary, Poland and Yugoslavia. This Council will be the foremost legal authority regarding questions of minorities rights and protection, and foreign affairs.
* Guarantee the independence of the Transylvanian state according to the borders in the annex.
* Support a right to return for the Hungarians who fled Transylvania during the persecutions.
* Support the legal rights of the victims of the persecutions or their heirs to regain their properties.
* Support the rights of nations to open schools for their respective minorities in Transylvania

[X] Germany
[X] Hungary
[X] Yugoslavia
[X] Poland
[X] Bulgaria
[X] Turkey

http://abload.de/img/500px-harghita_in_romynjtz.png

((anyone can sign although Hungary, Yugo and Poland are expected to accept it. If Britain would sign it, it'd be nice too. And then the ones who didn't take part in the negotiations like France can also support it. ))

Adolf Köster, Reichsaußenminister
Dem Deutschen Volke​

 

[tyriet]

The 2nd Torda Declaration:​

The men and women of the Transylvanian Defense League have raise the flag of the Hungarian people ove Turda, a symbol of Hungarian Ideals and Hungarian Ideals of Freedom. In the year of our Lord, 1568 János Zsigmond Zápolya decreed that whoever lived in the lands around Torda should be free to preach his religious ideas and ideals and not harmed for it.

And as by the Torda Declaration everyone was: "no one shall be reviled for his religion by anyone, according to the previous statutes, and it is not permitted that anyone should threaten anyone else by imprisonment or by removal from his post for his teaching. " Now with the raising of the Hungarian flag it is our belief that in these lands in a new meaning of these words
"no one shall be reviled for his nationality and culture by anyone, according to the previous statutes, and it is not permitted that anyone should threaten anyone else by imprisonment or by removal from his post for his nationality and culture."

In correspondence with our neighbours and other local powers, and recognizing the rising threat of communism, we think that in the spirit of this newfound Idealism, the Kingdom of Hungary will support the Dresden Declaration and we hope that the fighters of the Transylvanian Defense Movement do the same and know that from now on they shall be safe and their protection in this new Transylvanian State forevermore guaranteed by the Kingdom of Hungary.
The Hungarian Government further recognises the efforts made by the Transylvanian Defense Movement and multiple of its fighters have been proposed for the Order of Vitéz in recognition of their service for the Hungarian People and the Freedom of Transylvania.

With the help of God for Homeland and Freedom:
Matyas III, King of Hungary

 

[Groogy]

Borneo Company Limited
Its development during the 1920's​

Ever since the foundation of Sarawak was laid by James Brooke in the year 1842 the company has had a huge influence on the Kingdom. Mostly because of Rajah James Brooke was a close friend to one of the founding directors of the Borneo Company Limited. John Charles Templer besides with his associations with the Brooke family also reached the position as Master at the Court of Exchequer Chamber. Since the start of the company they've had a monopoly on working in Sarawak and had a close relationship with the Brooke dynasty while operating in Borneo. The office manager placed in Sarawak was the danish merchant Ludvig Verner Helms who served until a lawsuit saw to his termination.

However as Rajah Vyner Brooke in the 1920's aimed to reform the Kingdom and slowly move towards a more modern society without discriminating the Dayak and Malayan customs of his subjects. After the horrendous acts after the Royal Decree of 1920 and the administration blood bath shortly followed in 1921 where several British officers employed by the Sarawak Service were charged with treason to the crown and given the capital punishment in response to their actions. The years to come were very much a healing time where the Rajah did his best to mend the wounds that had been caused and the key to the process were the Borneo Company Limited

Lupar Province natives forced into labor by corrupt governor of the new provincial system enacted in 1920 by the Rajah​

Borneo Company Limited did their best to assist the Rajah and the first project were the Trade hubs of Sarawak, giving the company centralized place to perform commerce with the natives and trade for wares to make a profit for themselves. But the most important part was the companies experience with the natives and strengthening the trust between the natives and the white man again to not have the land collapse. With the initial successes His Highness Charles Vyner decides that the cooperation between the Astana and Borneo Company Limited were to increase and become more indistinguishable and actually let the company participate in administration missions to improve the economy of Sarawak.

Year 1925 and 1926 the Rajah and Gerard MacBryan, the replacement of Ludvig, were in discussions together with the administration staff of the Astana in how to improve the economical situation and potentially deal with the growing debt that Sarawak had accrued. Gerard and his associates were given quite free reigns as Sarawak was effectively an absolute monarchy giving the Rajah the final say in all matters regarding state or law.

From right to left: His Highness, Vyner Brooke of Sarawak, his spouse Sylvia the Renee of Sarawak, the Rajah Mudah Bertram Brooke with their close friend Gerard MacBryan of Borneo Company Limited​

Right now the focus of the company is to further make trade and production in the land more efficient by similar methods like before where things can be centralized or somehow encouraged. For instance Gerard is considering setting up production of resources such as Palm Oil in Sarawak and introduce more formalized laws regarding enterprises to the land giving them rights to setup plantations and the ability to hire manpower in order to work the fields. The whole concept of working for someone else and produce something that you yourself does not need is however quite alien to the people of Sarawak.

The Astana and the Rajah however hopes that the company will succeed in their efforts and will later be able to tap in to the ideas of Gerard MacBryan to help reform the economical and juridical situation of Sarawak to something more modern.