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Cascadia

First Lieutenant
Apr 23, 2007
284
0
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"The events of 1917 are so remarkable in that they could so easily have turned out dramatically different. February's revolution had forced the Tsar to step down, but the power that replaced his autocratic throne was mired in debate, conflict and political differences which proved impossible to resolve. No one in the Provisional Government could agree upon the very issues the people were most concerned over: land, bread and peace. The Great War had devastated an ill-prepared Russia, yet the Kadets and old Duma members that dominated the new government insisted on continuing the conflict. It was the perfect environment for more radical elements to seize the initiative. Yet when they tried, the public was not behind them due to the radicals' insistence on Revolutionary war in Europe to be a goal in the near future if not immediately. By the end of August German forces threatened St. Petersburg, and still nothing had been resolved. Faced with this realization, the calls for immediate peace came from a rather surprising source." - excerpt from The Great Bear Transformed: Russia's Painful Transition to Modernity

Anything resembling a Russian government had been split apart by factionalism and ideology as 1917 entered the final month of summer. Marxists were split between Socialist Revolutionaries advocating immediate land reform and the rising Bolsheviks who under the leadership of a new leader began to agitate for spreading revolutionary justice to the west. Lenin had died at the hands of cossacks acting independently of the government in March. The old duma parties were stuck between liberals, conservatives and moderates, none of whom had a popular mandate and were seen by people at large as representing the old landed classes. Outside the Provisional Government the need for a separate peace was abundantly clear: millions had died, millions more were starving, food riots were commonplace, industry had been run ragged and successes in the field had been nonexistent.


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Vladimir Illich Lenin, assassinated by Cossacks in March 1917.

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Aleksander Kerensky, member of the Provisional Government who was ousted until his election back into the Duma in 1920.

So with the Kaiser's forces poised to take the Russian capital, it was a man who had been outside the government for half a year who called for a cessation to the conflict. It is unclear whether being in exile in the countryside had made the real conditions of Russian peasants certain to him, or whether it was a bold political gambit by a man who had so far showed no real volition for such tings. Regardless of the why, Nikolai II emerged from his rural exile and proclaimed that the people had spoken, and their Tsar had heard them. Despite having no political power or even the throne, the deposed monarch called upon the new government to end the war and begin rebuilding Russia. It was an incredibly difficult thing for him to swallow given the humiliation of the Russo-Japanese War a decade before; however it was deemed necessary for the survival of the Russian nation.

Seeing this as a power play to restore monarchy the Marxists refused to respond, dragging their feet as reformers decided to not allow their former ruler to have all the credit. Agents were sent to meet with the German forces to negotiate an immediate end to the war in the east, and harsh terms were laid out for Russia's exit. The Baltic states were to remain in German hands as newly independent republics, giving Germany a friendly buffer in the east. Ukraine had risen up in a nationalist rebellion which the German army supported, and so too the breadbasket of the empire would separate. Similar sentiments existed in the Transcaucuses and that region would be discussed at a later date. Finland was also to be considered part of Germany's sphere of influence. In exchange Russia was allowed to leave the war and handle its domestic problems. Outlash from the West was immediate and swift - the Entente powers refused to recognize the Russian government and even threatened to land forces in the east to prevent Russian units from withdrawing. Despite such wild threats the reality of a great number of German forces heading west was enough to keep their forces focused on the Western Front. Political isolation of Russia became an official policy, though.

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The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk ended Russia's role in the Great War, but alienated her from her former allies.

By November elections were to be held for a new parliament, but extremist elements refused to recognize the treaty signed by the Provisional Government's pro-peace ministers. Calling for a full proletarian revolution they seized the duma and ordered all Marxists to take to arms in order to create a true socialist state and sweep the capitalists away. While a large number responded to their calls, the greater population was weary of their insisting that a socialist state in Russia would need to cause revolts in other countries, which could then help Russia modernize and rebuild. Soon armed revolts by Reds were faced by a splintered group of so-called Whites, both units still loyal to the Provisional Government, liberal reformers, non-Bolshevik leftists, and other parties. This led to a conflict which would nearly tear Russia apart, lasting until 1919 when Red forces were finally encircled and defeated near the Transcaucus region.

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White forces were lionized as the defenders of Russia's reformed government, despite the splintered nature of their commanders.

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White Russian soldiers receive a blessing before heading out to reunify Holy Russia.

Yet even with victory the Provisional Government's support was wearing thin. Rumors abounded that the leaders were about to give in to pressure from the West to rejoin the war and launch a new offensive against the Germans in violation of the treaty. Disaster also struck when Red forces captured the deposed Tsar and his family, hoping at best to use them as a bargaining chip. When defeat loomed, individual Reds took the Tsar and his family to the basement of a rural estate and summarily executed them for crimes against the Russian people and the soviets. All except one - during the move to the estate, Grand Duchess Anastasia managed to run off despite Red forces pursuing her. Fortunately she found her way to White forces, who soon learned of the rest of her family's fate.

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HRH Anastasia Nikolaevna Romanova, confirmed as Tsaritsa of Russia in 1919.

Monarchists rallied around Anastasia, calling for a new form of government to replace the crippled model in place. Long negotiations eventually led to the Ykaterinberg Accord, which established Russia as a constitutional monarchy with an elected parliament. Suffrage was extended first to all Russian men, then in 1921 to all citizens of the reformed Empire. Like the King of England, the title of Tsar would be fully ceremonial though technically the monarch had the power to dissolve parliament in an emergency. It was highly regarded that this was purely a formality and never to be used in any situation. With the last direct heir to the throne as a symbol of the new Russia, the monarchists formed a new Provisional Government with reformers and set upon the long, difficult task of rebuilding their country. Dissenters amongst the White forces were either forced to acquiesce or simply disappeared, but stability was tenuously restored. The revolution that had forced an abdication had resulted instead in an opportunistic restoration, and a new, smaller Russian Empire.

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The new borders of the Russian Empire: dark blue is Russian Empire, dark green scribble is Poland, light green Ukraine, grey Lithuania, pink Latvia, dark red scribble Estonia, light blue Finland, brown is the Georgian Socialist Republic, orange the Protectorate of Armenia and the Transcaucasian dark red is the Azeri Republic.
 
Nice premise. Will follow this AAR.

You might want to put in some hi-quality pictures, though.
 
I'm excited to see where you take this premise.
 
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The New Plan: 1920-1930

An uneasy peace had been restored to the Russian Empire with the Ykaterinberg Accord's passage, yet there was much to be done. The Great War had left Russia's economy in a shambles. Her people were starving, and international relations had been strained or broken after Brest-Litovsk. Elements of the radical left remained alive on the peripheries of the empire, as evidenced by Bolshevik-inspired takeovers of Georgia (1922), Mongolia (1923) and Tuva (1923). First and foremost the new government had to get the Motherland back on its feet before they could take any position of real influence in world affairs.

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The Winter Palace in Petrograd was the usual residence of the Romanov family after the restoration.

To counter the devastation of the war rationing would remain in place until 1922 while the government promulgated the New Plan. This plan called first and foremost for land reform to stimulate increased grain production, consumer consumption and better distributed wealth across the nation. Wary of the causes of peasant unrest they planned to answer those concerns swiftly. Noble estates were limited in size by the Duma, with the excesses reverting to the Tsar's ownership. Out of generosity the Tsar would then offer the land in smaller plots at a low price to peasant farmers. Those who could not afford the land would either be offered a long-term lease or be extended a low-interest loan that could be paid off as productivity grew. The results in agriculture were remarkable, and despite bad years in 1924 and 1927, overall the New Plan was a success, gaining support from hesitant farmers and rural populations.

Elsewhere industrial reconstruction was encouraged by similar loans, but more importantly by incentives to foreign companies to open factories and operations in Russia. Lower cost of labor and tax incentives were used to attract this capital, which was always at least somewhat hesitant. Thanks to government intervention industry finally reached pre-war levels of production by 1925, and a new consumer culture began to emerge to a degree. Alongside this, reforms in education allowed for open access to universities and public schools, taking some authority away from the Orthodox church and placing it in the state's hands.

Foreign relations were frosty through the early 1920s, though notably Britain signed a trade agreement with the new government in 1921 (just after womens' suffrage was granted). In particular Russia's objection to the terms of the Treaty of Versailles were ignored; after all Russia had left the war before Allied victory. No one paid much thought when the foreign minister of Russia warned, "these terms are far too harsh upon Germany, to the point of total absurdity and outrage. If they are not discarded in favor of something more like Mr. Wilson has proposed, Germany will not sit idly by and be humiliated. She will rise again, and the continent will tremble as she pursues revenge." Notable trade resumed between most western nations after an agreement with America was signed in 1923, France holding out until 1925.

The future of the empire seemed bright as the new decade loomed on the horizon. Russia's industry and agriculture had been revived, relations with the west normalized, and successful elections held in 1924 and 1928. Tsaritsa Anastasia made headlines when she married a commoner in 1922. She gave birth to twin sons on November 7, 1923, then a daughter on May 1, 1928. Russian confidence was higher than it had been since the early days of the Great War; the Great Depression would seriously wound that confidence.


Rebuilding Again, the Storm Begins to Brew: 1930-1936

All of the gains of the 1920s were nearly wiped off the map with the stock market collapse. As western firms closed the doors of operations in Russia, the state purchased foreign shares in those enterprises and did what it could to keep them open. After this proved to not be enough by itself, the new prime minister Aleksandr Kerensky introduced a plan to invest state money heavilly into national rebuilding and construction projects. As in America this plan slowly began to pull Russia out of the depression, as did an inventive plan initialized in 1932. Russian firms bid on and received contracts to help build similar projects in the Republic of China. Strengthening Sino-Russian relations had become a major objective of Kerensky's government in light of other events in East Asia; this also helped China recover from its own infighting, which caused a sympathetic feeling in many Russians.

Asia had not been much of a concern for Russia in the 1920s, with peaceful relations existing with Japan, and tenuous relations with China. The sudden invasion of Manchuria in 1931 by the Kwantung Army caused a reverse in Russian policy in the theater. Japan became not a profitable and stable trading partner and fellow empire, but an expansionist enemy to be suspected of devious plots. Having violated the soverignty of China's borders, it was suspected Japan might next do the same to Russia. As such having a strong, stable China to counter balance Japan's growing might became extremely important. In rapid succession Russia officially condemned Japan's actions at the League of Nations, signed a treaty settling the national boundaries of the Empire and China, and offered military hardware to China at a discounted rate.

In Europe Germany made things difficult for Petrograd. Remilitarizing the Rhineland was deemed a 'necessary demonstration of national sovereignty' and 'righting the wrongs of Versailles' by the Russian Empire, which had become increasingly concerned about its own national territorial rights. This strained relations with England and France, while protestations about the loss of democracy in Germany caused the Reich to frown upon anything originating from Russia. Communist Georgia's threats against Azerbaijan and Armenia, as well as known Georgian support of undermining those governments brought about another problem. In response Russia signed a treaty of protection with an Armenia in crisis, formally consolidating its Protectorate status in the new order. Azerbaijan opted to seek Persian and Turkish support, neither of which was immediately forthcoming.

With the remilitarization of the mainland, Russia had to look to its own forces. On paper the Russian army was the largest in Europe; in reality this massive force was a shadow of that, lacking proper equipment and training. After the Kerensky party's victory in special elections in 1935, a program of reforming the military became central to new Russian policy. Rather than produce new units and equipment, the existing ones would be modernized and retrained. This was the first stage in a series of reforms intended to solidify Russia's place as a major military force in Europe. Next would come an emphasis on naval building, largely neglected ever since the Russian defeat in the Russo-Japanese War. Battleships Petropavlosk, Gangut and Nikolai II (formerly Sevastopol, renamed after Ukrainian independence) were unified under the Baltic Fleet, northern Euope being deemed a safer haven than the Black Sea.

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Battleship Petropavlosk was the flagship of the tiny Russian Baltic Fleet, which itself was the core of a small Imperial Russian Navy.
As 1936 was welcomed on January 1, these and other concerns faced the Russian Empire. Among those 'other' concerns was the health of the Tsaritsa; Anastasia had suffered a nervous breakdown after her family's execution. She'd served as a quiet figurehead since 1920, but by 1936 she was in need of medication to treat a newly arisen chronic illness. With her sons only 13, and her daughter 8, it was paramount to ensure her health while keeping it secret from the public. Secretly too, the army was ordered to draw up plans for an offensive war against Japan, in the eventuality that Japan attacked the Republic of China. War might soon return for the Russian Empire.