Unfortunately EUIII doesn't work that way, all the names are going to remain how they were historically, even if they don't make sense.
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I know that - but presumably the continent itself goes unnamed (it's not a country). That leaves its name entirely up to magritte I would think.
I should assume that it will still be called America otherwise when the usa sprawns later it could get confusing...
He could mod the name to something else, like The USF (United States of Francisca)
I don't know much about modding, but I'd imagine it would just require adding a new tag to Victoria and changing the text for a few events, nothing that can't be solved with a find and replace function, I think. But, the USA/USF could form under very different circumstances in this game and the Victoria events might not be applicable, anyways.
I think it would be more work than I'm inclined to do. Maybe Amerigo will be the name of the guy who spills the beans about the new world to the rest of Europe. After all, in our world the continents aren't named after the guy who discovered them. Amerigo Vespucci wasn't even second if you count Leif Ericsson. He was just smart enough to figure out he wasn't in Asia.
This (even though Godofredo De Yanguas seems to have figured out he's not in Asia himself).
So heck, the continents might still be named for Amerigo Vespucci. It would've been cool to see new continent names (and I've seen Paradoxian AARS that do that before) but it does take a lot of free time & modding.
From what I've heard it was a Dutch mapmaker who put the name "Amerigo's Land" or some such on the first maps of the new world, following which the new world got named after him. But I digress!
Amerigo Vespucci, the Italian explorer sailing under Danish/Navarran flag, paid a mapmaker under the table to get his name on the maps of the new world. And henceforth the world was known as America, after the Latin version of his name.
Another way to do it is if we completely ignore what the game calls it and keep our own name for the LP. It may break immersion a bit, but that way we will still be able to rub our thought-bumps together while not having to mess around with Paradoxian code all that much!
Amerigo Vespucci, the Italian explorer sailing under Danish/Navarran flag, paid a mapmaker under the table to get his name on the maps of the new world. And henceforth the world was known as America, after the Latin version of his name.
Another way to do it is if we completely ignore what the game calls it and keep our own name for the LP. It may break immersion a bit, but that way we will still be able to rub our thought-bumps together while not having to mess around with Paradoxian code all that much!
It was named after Amerigo because he was the first explorer to prove that America was a new continent and not part of the Indian Peninsula, like Christopher Columbus thought (this is why the natives are sometimes called Indians). The Caribbean Islands were named the West Indies by Colombus for he believed they were slightly west of India.
So when Columbus landed on the new world, he didn't actually know it was a new world and he never claimed he discovered a new world.
That is why Amerigo took the credit and why we named the continent America.
So when Columbus landed on the new world, he didn't actually know it was a new world and he never claimed he discovered a new world.
That is why Amerigo took the credit and why we named the continent America.
Well I can understand that perspective. I didn't realize that America (as in the U.S.) was an emergent faction in the game. That does complicate things a little without modding. Carry on then.
I'm not 100% sure but I think they were just called the Indies by Columbus and it wasn't until it was definitively known that America was a new continent that they became the West Indies - as in to the West of Europe rather than the East. It wouldn't really make any sense for Columbus (regardless of his ignorance on other subjects) to think he was to the west of India, since he'd have to have already passed it for that to happen (since he was coming from the east).
I'm pretty sure he also thought that the Caribbean islands were Japan specifically, it's just that "India" and "Indies" was kind of a vague catch-all term in Europe for all of the lands east of the Muslim world.
I'm not 100% sure but I think they were just called the Indies by Columbus and it wasn't until it was definitively known that America was a new continent that they became the West Indies - as in to the West of Europe rather than the East. It wouldn't really make any sense for Columbus (regardless of his ignorance on other subjects) to think he was to the west of India, since he'd have to have already passed it for that to happen (since he was coming from the east).
I'm pretty sure he also thought that the Caribbean islands were Japan specifically, it's just that "India" and "Indies" was kind of a vague catch-all term in Europe for all of the lands east of the Muslim world.
Yeah, the USA, Peru, Brazil and Chile will always rebel from the European powers in the Americas near the end of the game, regardless of stability and the policies in place (I found it hilarious when I am the most free state in the world, as in all my sliders are all the way free subject, plutocracy etc., and America rebels against me)
On Indies: The Indies referred to the islands of the Indian ocean, so the East Indies was/is Indonesia etc. while the West Indies became the Caribbean.
On Indies: The Indies referred to the islands of the Indian ocean, so the East Indies was/is Indonesia etc. while the West Indies became the Caribbean.
To be fair, Britain was probably one of the most liberal countries around in Europe and it was the first to lose its colonies (to rebellion). But I agree, that does sound a bit railroad-y.
Basically what I thought then.
CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE, 1569-1622
The Reformation was over and both sides appeared to have accepted that the division between Protestant and Catholic was likely permanent. But the bitterness sown by the wars of the past seventy years remained, and a complex series of alliances between the many states of central Europe meant that any conflict between two small states threatened to grow to engulf the region. In a broad sense, the time could be characterized as one in which the two dominant powers central Europe, Frankfurt and Hungary, tried to consolidate their power while the powers on the periphery of the region tried to contain them. But while the small states in the region had either centralized their administrations or were in the process of doing so, most of the larger states retained traditional feudal structures and local nobles were prone to trying to break free.
Central Europe in 1569:
In the winter of 1569, a longstanding border dispute between Willem IV von Groningen of Gelre and Anton Ulrich Billung of Brunswick turned into open warfare. Willem felt confident in his fortunes in the war because of his powerful ally King August von Lenzburg of Frankfurt. When he declared war, he was joined by Frankfurt, its vassal state of Silesia, Aachen and Bavaria. Brunswick’s allies in Munster and Danzig appeared too weak to stop the Frankfurtian juggernaut. But out of a desire to protect the small catholic states on the Baltic coast and check the growing power of Frankfurt, Etruria entered the war. And that threatened to shift the odds in Brunswick’s favor, if the Italians could bring their forces to bear in time.
But the following spring, when King Maryas von Rheinfelden of Hungary heard that Danzig had gone to war, he decided the timing was perfect to pursue an old claim on Danzig’s southern province of Sieradzko-Leczycki. A number of smaller states were persuaded to join the war against Hungary by Etruria and Danzig, or entered on Hungary’s side. And so a small conflict between two states of no great account had transformed into a conflict involving well over a dozen.
Hungary’s Grand army was the largest in Europe due to its conscription policies and it began to deal with Danzig’s allies, one after another. Within a year, Lithuania was forced to cede Minsk while Moldavia (which was encouraged to join the war by Etruria) lost Vladimir Volynski to Hungary. Meanwhile, Gelre had managed to seize Oldenburg from Brunswick and more than a year of the national income from Brunswick. But while that treaty officially eneded the War of Gelren aggression, both countries were still involved in the conflict between Hungary and Danzig.
Etruria managed to persuade still more nations to join in the effort to stop the Hungarian advance, but Brandenburg was forced out in 1573, and a new nation of Saxony was carved out of it in 1573. Two years later, the Hungarians brought Danzig to heel and not only captured Sieradzko-Leczycki but compelled Danzig to release Augsburg as an independent nation once again.
One might have thought that would end the war, but it did not. Hungary and Etruria would remain at war for more than 30 years afterward, though the geographic difficulties the two states had in engaging one another meant that it became known as the Guerra Falsa. But though they rarely faced each other during those years, they constantly sought allies against one another, so it was not wholly a false war. Typically, those allies bore the brunt of the suffering in the war. A case in point was the newly created nation of Augsburg, which Hungary was unable to prevent Etruria from annexing in the winter of 1576. Etruria strengthened its position in the region in 1587 by annexing another Hungarian ally, Saxony, as well.
Another aggressive nation in those years was Bohemia, whose ruler King Ladislav II de Sens sought to recover some of the prestige it had lost when the Sibirians had been chosen emperor. In 1573, he declared war on Mecklenburg. In a surprising decision, Holstein who had formerly been a Bohemian ally attempted to defend Mecklenburg, but it was to no avail. Bohemia regained control of the province of Mecklenburg before the year was out and forced Holstein to become a vassal a few years later.
Central Europe in 1578:
The next few years were relatively peaceful in Central Europe, other than the Guerra Falsa. But in the summer in 1584, young King Maximilian of Frankfurt decided to prove himself by declaring war on Flanders, which had inherited the Alpine province of Tirol to the south. He rightly guessed that the Sibirian Emperor was too far away and too busy with his wars in Central Asia to intervene. But Flanders was allied with Bremen, which was allied with Munster, which Ladislav II of Bohemia saw as part of his sphere of influence…and so once again a small war had triggered a larger conflict.
It grew more complex the following year when Gelre, seeing Bohemia at war with mighty Frankfurt, chose to press its own claim on the province of Mecklenburg. But this proved to be an error. This brought Ryazan and Baden into the war on the Bohemian side, and the Bohemians were able to crush Gelre’s forces. They forced it to surrender its eastern province of Rugen and make large reparations payments. A year into the war, Ladislav II’s bold strategy of embracing conflict with Frankfurt appeared to have paid off.
But the following year, things began to go awry. By the next winter Baden had been annexed by Frankfurt and occupied Tirol, much of Ryazan and was advancing into Bohemia itself. In 1589, Frankfurt had taken possession of Tirol and forced Ryazan to release an independent Lorraine. One by one, Bohemia’s allies conceded defeat, leaving it standing alone against Frankfurt. Soon, the Frankfurtians occupied all of Bohemia except its isolated provinces on the Baltic Sea. In the summer of 1990, Ladislav’s son Ferdinand signed a disastrous treaty that resulted in the splintering of the country into pieces, reforming the states of Armagnac, Luxembourg and Cologne.
The peace treaty was not the end of Bohemia’s problems. Ferdinand recognized that the discontinuous nature of the country made it difficult to defend. But no sooner had he persuaded Holstein to become formally part of the Kingdom, narrowing the gap between its provinces than Augsburgian nationalists in the easternmost provinces declared independence. With its forces still diminished by its humiliation by Frankfurt a few years before, Augsburg managed to seize control of the province of Mecklenburg as well before Ferdinand gave up trying to pacify it.
Central Europe in 1600:
Frankfurt also struggled with rebellions in those years. Barely five years after annexing Silesia, the Catholic nobles in Lower Silesia rebelled and declared themselves independent in 1600. Though Frankfurt barely bothered to try and recapture it, neighboring Danzig tried to claim the territories almost immediately. But by this time Sibir had largely pacified the nomadic tribes in the west, and the Emperor—Tayburga Khan III—ruled Burgundy as well as Sibir. Far better positioned to mount a defense of the Empire than in past years, Tayburga Khan also persuaded Nizhny Novgorod, Norway and its vassal Brandenburg to join the war effort. Danzig’s own allies were either too small or too far away, such as England, to be able to help much in its efforts. Though the Danzigians fought valiantly, by 1611, they were defeated and forced to cede Danzig and Slupsk to Norway. One of Danzig’s allies, Sardinia was forced by Norway to pay over 1000 ducats in reparation, an extraordinary sum. Norway’s presence in the region was further strengthened wihen it absorbed Brandenburg later that year.
Encouraged by the success of Augsburg and Silesia in throwing off powerful nations, the Saxons rebelled against Etruria, declaring themselves rulers of the province of Brandenburg in 1607. The rebellion spread beyond its initial borders into neighboring provinces ruled by Frankfurt and Norway in the years that followed. By 1622, Saxony had become a sizable state and the Etrurians had been expelled from the region.
The year 1616 saw renewed aggression by the two major powers, Frankfurt and Hungary. Hungary’s assault on Poland was swift and brutal, forcing Poland to relinquish Czersk and Grodno and pay reparations the following year. King Karl Theodor III von Lenzburg of Frankfurt’s attempt to subjugate Bavaria stirred more of a hornet’s nest. The first problem was that Sibir had now fully consolidated its hold on Burgundy, crushed the last resistance in central Asia, and was determined to show that the Emperor was still strong enough to defend its members. It was joined in this effort by Norway, which had grown closer to Sibir in their long struggle to bring Catholicism to central Asia, as well as a number of minor members of the Empire.
But Karl Theodor had anticipated resistance from Sibir and was prepared to deal with it. What he had neglected was the danger to the south. Austria had long been irritated by Frankfurt’s belief—based on commonalities of language and culture—that Tirol and most of the Austrian provinces on the Po plain rightly belonged to Frankfurt. Furthermore, Karl Theodor had driven Austrian merchants from Niederbayern, the richest trading center in Central Europe. In the fall, King Ferdinand III Gove of Austria decided to use force to reopen the markets of central Europe, and his allies in Navarra and Berry joined him in this effort.
Frankfurt had conscripted a large army and trained them well. They had the advantage of having prepared for this war in advance, while the Austrians had been opportunistic. At first, things went well for them as they defeated the Imperial forces of Sibir and laid siege to their fortresses in central Europe. Bavaria and Aachen were forced to accept Karl Theodor as their liege and surrender large sums of gold over the next two years.
But Austria’s troops were drilled and numerous as well, and their culture promoted the grandness of military glory in a way that Frankfurt’s did not. Their clever siege engineers brought cities and fortresses into their hands faster, and by 1620, the tide had turned in Austria’s favor. Frankfurt’s allies began to falter. Luxembourg, was forced to buy off Norway, annul its treaties, and allow the independence of Cologne, while Ansbach escaped with minor payments to Austria.
Despite its problems in the south, Frankfurt was still able to gain the province of Koln from Bavaria’s former ally in Hamburg. In order to make peace with Austria, Karl Theodor finally agreed to relinquish its numerous claims on Austrian territory and pay an astonishing 1648 ducats in recognition of the damage its embargo had done to Austrian mercantile interests. Despite these severe conditions of peace, Karl Theodor might still have considered his war a success. He had not lost any land, and the Empire had been unable to stop him from asserting his authority. It had been Austria, not Sibir who had defeated him, and while Protestant Austria was nominally a member of the Empire, it was unlikely to show much commitment to defending its mostly catholic cohorts. Furthermore, Armagnac, Aachen, Baden and Bavaria were all now satellites of Frankfurt, forming a strong counter-alliance to the Empire.
And so as the first quarter of the 17th century came to a close, Hungary and Frankfurt remained the strongest forces in central Europe, while the power of rival Bohemia and Danzig had declined. Etruria’s influence in the region had grown then waned, other states—Sibir, Norway and Austria—appeared to be taking more of an interest.
Central Europe in 1624:
The Reformation was over and both sides appeared to have accepted that the division between Protestant and Catholic was likely permanent. But the bitterness sown by the wars of the past seventy years remained, and a complex series of alliances between the many states of central Europe meant that any conflict between two small states threatened to grow to engulf the region. In a broad sense, the time could be characterized as one in which the two dominant powers central Europe, Frankfurt and Hungary, tried to consolidate their power while the powers on the periphery of the region tried to contain them. But while the small states in the region had either centralized their administrations or were in the process of doing so, most of the larger states retained traditional feudal structures and local nobles were prone to trying to break free.
Central Europe in 1569:
In the winter of 1569, a longstanding border dispute between Willem IV von Groningen of Gelre and Anton Ulrich Billung of Brunswick turned into open warfare. Willem felt confident in his fortunes in the war because of his powerful ally King August von Lenzburg of Frankfurt. When he declared war, he was joined by Frankfurt, its vassal state of Silesia, Aachen and Bavaria. Brunswick’s allies in Munster and Danzig appeared too weak to stop the Frankfurtian juggernaut. But out of a desire to protect the small catholic states on the Baltic coast and check the growing power of Frankfurt, Etruria entered the war. And that threatened to shift the odds in Brunswick’s favor, if the Italians could bring their forces to bear in time.
But the following spring, when King Maryas von Rheinfelden of Hungary heard that Danzig had gone to war, he decided the timing was perfect to pursue an old claim on Danzig’s southern province of Sieradzko-Leczycki. A number of smaller states were persuaded to join the war against Hungary by Etruria and Danzig, or entered on Hungary’s side. And so a small conflict between two states of no great account had transformed into a conflict involving well over a dozen.
Hungary’s Grand army was the largest in Europe due to its conscription policies and it began to deal with Danzig’s allies, one after another. Within a year, Lithuania was forced to cede Minsk while Moldavia (which was encouraged to join the war by Etruria) lost Vladimir Volynski to Hungary. Meanwhile, Gelre had managed to seize Oldenburg from Brunswick and more than a year of the national income from Brunswick. But while that treaty officially eneded the War of Gelren aggression, both countries were still involved in the conflict between Hungary and Danzig.
Etruria managed to persuade still more nations to join in the effort to stop the Hungarian advance, but Brandenburg was forced out in 1573, and a new nation of Saxony was carved out of it in 1573. Two years later, the Hungarians brought Danzig to heel and not only captured Sieradzko-Leczycki but compelled Danzig to release Augsburg as an independent nation once again.
One might have thought that would end the war, but it did not. Hungary and Etruria would remain at war for more than 30 years afterward, though the geographic difficulties the two states had in engaging one another meant that it became known as the Guerra Falsa. But though they rarely faced each other during those years, they constantly sought allies against one another, so it was not wholly a false war. Typically, those allies bore the brunt of the suffering in the war. A case in point was the newly created nation of Augsburg, which Hungary was unable to prevent Etruria from annexing in the winter of 1576. Etruria strengthened its position in the region in 1587 by annexing another Hungarian ally, Saxony, as well.
Another aggressive nation in those years was Bohemia, whose ruler King Ladislav II de Sens sought to recover some of the prestige it had lost when the Sibirians had been chosen emperor. In 1573, he declared war on Mecklenburg. In a surprising decision, Holstein who had formerly been a Bohemian ally attempted to defend Mecklenburg, but it was to no avail. Bohemia regained control of the province of Mecklenburg before the year was out and forced Holstein to become a vassal a few years later.
Central Europe in 1578:
The next few years were relatively peaceful in Central Europe, other than the Guerra Falsa. But in the summer in 1584, young King Maximilian of Frankfurt decided to prove himself by declaring war on Flanders, which had inherited the Alpine province of Tirol to the south. He rightly guessed that the Sibirian Emperor was too far away and too busy with his wars in Central Asia to intervene. But Flanders was allied with Bremen, which was allied with Munster, which Ladislav II of Bohemia saw as part of his sphere of influence…and so once again a small war had triggered a larger conflict.
It grew more complex the following year when Gelre, seeing Bohemia at war with mighty Frankfurt, chose to press its own claim on the province of Mecklenburg. But this proved to be an error. This brought Ryazan and Baden into the war on the Bohemian side, and the Bohemians were able to crush Gelre’s forces. They forced it to surrender its eastern province of Rugen and make large reparations payments. A year into the war, Ladislav II’s bold strategy of embracing conflict with Frankfurt appeared to have paid off.
But the following year, things began to go awry. By the next winter Baden had been annexed by Frankfurt and occupied Tirol, much of Ryazan and was advancing into Bohemia itself. In 1589, Frankfurt had taken possession of Tirol and forced Ryazan to release an independent Lorraine. One by one, Bohemia’s allies conceded defeat, leaving it standing alone against Frankfurt. Soon, the Frankfurtians occupied all of Bohemia except its isolated provinces on the Baltic Sea. In the summer of 1990, Ladislav’s son Ferdinand signed a disastrous treaty that resulted in the splintering of the country into pieces, reforming the states of Armagnac, Luxembourg and Cologne.
The peace treaty was not the end of Bohemia’s problems. Ferdinand recognized that the discontinuous nature of the country made it difficult to defend. But no sooner had he persuaded Holstein to become formally part of the Kingdom, narrowing the gap between its provinces than Augsburgian nationalists in the easternmost provinces declared independence. With its forces still diminished by its humiliation by Frankfurt a few years before, Augsburg managed to seize control of the province of Mecklenburg as well before Ferdinand gave up trying to pacify it.
Central Europe in 1600:
Frankfurt also struggled with rebellions in those years. Barely five years after annexing Silesia, the Catholic nobles in Lower Silesia rebelled and declared themselves independent in 1600. Though Frankfurt barely bothered to try and recapture it, neighboring Danzig tried to claim the territories almost immediately. But by this time Sibir had largely pacified the nomadic tribes in the west, and the Emperor—Tayburga Khan III—ruled Burgundy as well as Sibir. Far better positioned to mount a defense of the Empire than in past years, Tayburga Khan also persuaded Nizhny Novgorod, Norway and its vassal Brandenburg to join the war effort. Danzig’s own allies were either too small or too far away, such as England, to be able to help much in its efforts. Though the Danzigians fought valiantly, by 1611, they were defeated and forced to cede Danzig and Slupsk to Norway. One of Danzig’s allies, Sardinia was forced by Norway to pay over 1000 ducats in reparation, an extraordinary sum. Norway’s presence in the region was further strengthened wihen it absorbed Brandenburg later that year.
Encouraged by the success of Augsburg and Silesia in throwing off powerful nations, the Saxons rebelled against Etruria, declaring themselves rulers of the province of Brandenburg in 1607. The rebellion spread beyond its initial borders into neighboring provinces ruled by Frankfurt and Norway in the years that followed. By 1622, Saxony had become a sizable state and the Etrurians had been expelled from the region.
The year 1616 saw renewed aggression by the two major powers, Frankfurt and Hungary. Hungary’s assault on Poland was swift and brutal, forcing Poland to relinquish Czersk and Grodno and pay reparations the following year. King Karl Theodor III von Lenzburg of Frankfurt’s attempt to subjugate Bavaria stirred more of a hornet’s nest. The first problem was that Sibir had now fully consolidated its hold on Burgundy, crushed the last resistance in central Asia, and was determined to show that the Emperor was still strong enough to defend its members. It was joined in this effort by Norway, which had grown closer to Sibir in their long struggle to bring Catholicism to central Asia, as well as a number of minor members of the Empire.
But Karl Theodor had anticipated resistance from Sibir and was prepared to deal with it. What he had neglected was the danger to the south. Austria had long been irritated by Frankfurt’s belief—based on commonalities of language and culture—that Tirol and most of the Austrian provinces on the Po plain rightly belonged to Frankfurt. Furthermore, Karl Theodor had driven Austrian merchants from Niederbayern, the richest trading center in Central Europe. In the fall, King Ferdinand III Gove of Austria decided to use force to reopen the markets of central Europe, and his allies in Navarra and Berry joined him in this effort.
Frankfurt had conscripted a large army and trained them well. They had the advantage of having prepared for this war in advance, while the Austrians had been opportunistic. At first, things went well for them as they defeated the Imperial forces of Sibir and laid siege to their fortresses in central Europe. Bavaria and Aachen were forced to accept Karl Theodor as their liege and surrender large sums of gold over the next two years.
But Austria’s troops were drilled and numerous as well, and their culture promoted the grandness of military glory in a way that Frankfurt’s did not. Their clever siege engineers brought cities and fortresses into their hands faster, and by 1620, the tide had turned in Austria’s favor. Frankfurt’s allies began to falter. Luxembourg, was forced to buy off Norway, annul its treaties, and allow the independence of Cologne, while Ansbach escaped with minor payments to Austria.
Despite its problems in the south, Frankfurt was still able to gain the province of Koln from Bavaria’s former ally in Hamburg. In order to make peace with Austria, Karl Theodor finally agreed to relinquish its numerous claims on Austrian territory and pay an astonishing 1648 ducats in recognition of the damage its embargo had done to Austrian mercantile interests. Despite these severe conditions of peace, Karl Theodor might still have considered his war a success. He had not lost any land, and the Empire had been unable to stop him from asserting his authority. It had been Austria, not Sibir who had defeated him, and while Protestant Austria was nominally a member of the Empire, it was unlikely to show much commitment to defending its mostly catholic cohorts. Furthermore, Armagnac, Aachen, Baden and Bavaria were all now satellites of Frankfurt, forming a strong counter-alliance to the Empire.
And so as the first quarter of the 17th century came to a close, Hungary and Frankfurt remained the strongest forces in central Europe, while the power of rival Bohemia and Danzig had declined. Etruria’s influence in the region had grown then waned, other states—Sibir, Norway and Austria—appeared to be taking more of an interest.
Central Europe in 1624:
It's a good sign for a writer when Photobucket strikes!
Also trying to visualise what's happening from place names alone is fun (at least if you are here and reading this it should be fun
)
Also trying to visualise what's happening from place names alone is fun (at least if you are here and reading this it should be fun
)Is this my cue to go all Sally-Field-at-the-Academy-Awards? It should be fixed soon.
I'm still hoping that Frankfurt will unify Germany before the Vicky conversion but based on that situation and the web of alliances I don't think it will happen. How/when did England end up getting a piece of Holstein?
As long as you post a picture of yourself doing the whole red carpet in an evening dress I don't see why not. You may be pleased to know less (skin) is more is on trend right now.