1st January 1947 - Paris.
Sir Charles climbed out of the air attaches car and pulled his greatcoat tight. An icy wind was blowing from the east making this morning in Paris less agreeable than usual. Still, it was nothing like what the men on the Eastern front were presently enduring. He bounded up the steps of the French Defence Ministry, acknowledged the salutes of the sentries and entered the foyer. This month's Joint Chiefs of Staff Meeting was being hosted by the French, next month they would be in Warsaw. The rotational schedule had initially met resistance from all involved, but it was now universally acknowledged as having been a shrewd move. Co-operation and trust had certainly improved amongst the allies since it's inception, but Sir Charles felt every ounce of that goodwill would be required to deal with some of the item's on today's agenda.
The British Army was not happy, and as Sir Charles entered the conference room plastered on one wall of the room was an enormous map reminding him why:
The campaign into the Ukraine and Southern Russia had been an outstanding success by any measure. Leading British mechanised units were now only 350km south of Moscow, while to the East they were 360km from Stalingrad. With French forces having captured Riga, they were now only 280km from Leningrad. MI6 was confident that capturing all three of these major centres would cause the collapse of the communist regime, so the politicians had tasked the soldiers with occupying these key cities. The British General's were concerned, however, with a perceived lack of support and progress from the other members of the alliance. Glancing at the map again, Sir Charles could understand the point. No allied forces had been sent to reinforce the British in their advance, and the Generals were nervous about being so deep in Russia and covering such a large front with so few forces at their disposal. 31 Divisions of the British Army had been committed to the campaign, consisting of 8 mechanised infantry, 9 marching infantry, 3 divisions of Royal Marines, 2 airborne divisions, 3 mountain divisions of Scottish Highlanders and 6 garrison units providing rear area security. Excluding the garrison troops, 25 first line divisions were presently spread over a front of 37 provinces.
Noticing the multitude of uniforms in the room, Sir Charles was once again struck at the diversity of nationalities this war on communism had brought together. In the French led Northern sector, there were units from Bhutan, France, Greece, Iraq, Nepal, the Netherlands, Poland, Siam, Spain, Turkey and the USA. Perhaps, thought Sir Charles, the British General's would not be so keen to accept help on their front if they knew the day to day reality of trying to manage such a bizarre coalition, all with their own doctrinal and logistical approaches to waging war. Over dinner with his French counterpart the night before, Sir Charles had heard some stories which had made his hair stand on end, one involving the accidental delivery of 10 tonnes of pork chops to an Iraqi corps. Only the timely intervention of French Military Gendarmes prevented the transport drivers from being lynched.
Perhaps the most challenging addition to the alliance was Nationalist Spain. Many of the European armies contained veterans of the Spanish Civil War, most of whom had fought with the Republicans. The arrival of Franco's troops in later summer initially caused significant disquiet in the Allied ranks. The Spanish willingness, however, to deploy nearly their entire army to Northern Russia, and the ferocity with which their ideologically driven troops engaged the communists, earned them a grudging respect. Indeed within a few months the Spanish had taken on the spearhead of the advance from the tired French troops.
As Sir Charles had feared, the effectiveness of the Royal Air Force was decreasing the further the army advanced into Russia, and the British Army, which contained not a single tank, was having to fight with less of the air support than they had been used to. This was not the style of warfare envisaged when the strategic airpower doctrine was adopted in 1936, but they were doing the best they could with the cards they had been dealt.
Indeed, the Royal Air Force could be proud of it's efforts in the last six months. The service had earned the undying gratitude of the Turkish people when a few short months ago all had seemed lost:
Soviet forces had finally pushed the Allies from their mountain defences, and strong mechanised and armoured forces raced across central Turkey and into Northern Persia. Following a direct appeal from the Turkish President to the Prime Minister, the RAF established a logistical blockade stretching from Baku on the Caspian to Batumi on the Black Sea. Flying from Cyrpus and Palestine, escorted Vulcans systematically smashed roads, railways, ports and supply dumps, and by the end of the year the starving remnants of the invaders had been expelled:
But the success in Turkey had been overshadowed by the triumphs along the Black Sea. The early phase of the invasion of Ukraine and Southern Russia opened with amphibious and airborne operations designed to seize the airfields at Odessa and Sevastopol, with RAF playing a leading role.
British mechanised units then encircled and destroyed a large army in Northern Romania. Upon the relief of Odessa, the Royal Marines and airborne divisions were then used to trap and ultimately destroy the communist army that had been sent to besiege the Highlanders holding Sevestapol:
With these two key victories, the door to the Ukraine was open. With marching infantry maintaining contact with Polish forces on the left flank, the mechanised units sped north and east, overrunning and encircling the desperate defence thrown together by STAVKA. By the end of the year Kiev, Kursk, Kharkov and Rostov were all in British hands. Now the French were urging the British to continue their drive North, to seize Moscow while the defence was still off balance. Privately, the British generals held the same view and were keen to continue, but they were determined to extract a commitment from their Allies that the burden of defeating Stalinism would be fairly shared.
As Lord Gort, Chief of the General Staff, rose to his feet and prepared to address the meeting, Sir Charles sank back into his chair and waited for the fireworks to start.