Chapter 445: Rising Phoenix
The rest of the year saw sweeping changes occurring throughout Europe as the Reich continued its inevitable march towards reunification. In Russia, Chancellor Yeltsin officially decreed that Leningrad be renamed to its original name, Tsarberg. At the end of the month, Tsaritsa Sbyslava and her two children, twins Prince Boris and Princess Svetlana, made their first visit to mainland Russia in almost seventy years, getting off a plane at Tsarberg and taking a tour around the old Russian capital. The situation in Russia was not yet stable for the royal family to permanently move back, and even then Sbyslava was divided over whether she should reign from bombed-out Kiev or equalist-tarnished Tsarberg.
The renaming of Tsarberg was just one of Yeltsin’s many anti-equalist policies decreed in the weeks following the surrender. Sbyslava, along with the Roman military administration keeping him in power, had granted him sweeping emergency powers as interim chancellor until a meritocratic examination system could be established, and Yeltsin used these powers to ban the Equalist Party and crack down on Soviet remnants. The last remaining gulags were shut down, and their prisoners were either pardoned or transferred to a regular prison. Key economic sectors were privatized and sold off, though the Roman government pressured Yeltsin to make sure all sold assets didn’t end up in the hands of a select few.
As economic reunification proceeded in the Occupied Territories, issues that had been quickly recognized but inadequately understood in advance began to surface. There remained massive confusion about property rights. As wave after wave of Angeloi, Soviet, and later Occupied Territories expropriations had taken place between 1939 and 1986, there was often little knowledge of the actual ownership of property. More than 20 million claims on properties in the territory of the former Occupied Territories were filed by the end of the decade. As more claimants emerged, with many winning cases in the courts, potential investors from the Reich and other capitalist nations were often scared off.
Another problem was that Occupied Territories production costs had been very high. The conversion rates of the East German mark, the Polish zloty, the Bohemian koruna, the Carpathian forint, and the Dacian leu to the Imperial Mark often kept those costs high. Roman firms found it easier and cheaper to serve the new Occupied Territories markets by expanding production in facilities in the western Reich.
A third problem was the inadequate infrastructure remained a problem for potential investors. The telephone service improved very slowly. Investors also complained about energy shortages, as many Occupied Territories power stations were shut down for safety and other reasons. Roads and railroads, especially the Angeloi-era Autobahns which didn’t receive the sweeping modernizations carried out under the Adenauer administration, had to be virtually rebuilt because they had been so badly maintained. In some cases, they had literally ceased to exist.
In addition to these practical problems, there was also a deep policy dilemma that underlay the entire process of unification. From the beginning, there had been a pernicious link between the earlier and later phases of the Occupied Territories transition to a free-market economy. Kohl’s policies were calculated to make the initial adjustment as painless as possible, such as subsidizing of factories and industrial plants in the Occupied Territories, Taurica, and Transcaucasia, but this hampered long-run growth and prosperity. Real economic efficiency could arguably only be achieved by permitting and even forcing considerable immediate dislocations, whereas temporary compromises might lead to permanent structural burdens. However, excessive disruptions could jeopardize the economic and political stability required for a smooth unification process and might also cause streams of Occupied Territories civilians to move west. Kohl found he couldn’t solve this dilemma. When he was forced to choose, he selected the more expensive slower course to encourage persons to stay in the east. Despite this, thousands of Occupied Territories citizens still fled to the western Reich.
Despite its symbolic importance, Berlin proved to be the easiest part of the Occupied Territories to reunite with the western Reich. Army engineers immediately got to work demolishing the Berlin Wall and dismantling the checkpoints that had divided the capital for decades. The Stasi’s offices and files were seized by the Athanatoi, the organization dissolved, and their leadership put on trial. DDR and Soviet flags and coats of arms were torn down across the city and replaced with Roman ones. The Socialist Unity Party was dissolved. East Berlin’s political institutions were integrated into existing West Berlin ones or abolished altogether. Crews began rebuilding the abandoned Reichstag building and the old Chancellery, although it would probably be many years before the Roman government could be convinced to come home.
Berliners crossing over the old Berlin Wall during its demolition. The sign reads: "Warning! You are now leaving West Berlin." It has been covered by graffiti reading "How now?"
Most of the Kaiser’s palaces in Berlin, especially Charlottenburg, were in West Berlin and spared the horrors of the equalist regime. The same could not be said of the Kaiser’s summer palaces in Potsdam, such as the Potsdam City Palace and the Summer Palace, which were both demolished and turned into parking lots. The government didn’t know what to do about these parking lots, especially after they realized the Soviet and DDR administrations had eradicated the palaces’ foundations to make rebuilding difficult to begin.
Brandenburg Palace was an even bigger issue. The Kaiser’s former home and one of the Reich’s national symbols had been razed in a very public spectacle back in the 1950s, and the equalists had built the hated Palace of the Republic in its place. Now Berlin was reunited, and the Palace of the Republic remained as a reminder of the city’s equalist past, a stain on its legacy. It had been heavily bombed in the war, and what remained was only marginally better than the old palace was in 1944. Large parts of the Roman populations demanded Kohl destroy the palace and begin rebuilding Brandenburg Palace. Conspicuously absent were the voices of the people of Berlin, who inexplicably argued in favor of keeping it. While they were no friends of the DDR and the Soviets, they claimed the “Palace of Scheiße,” while it was hated, was still part of the city’s history, and destroying it would make the Romans no better than the Soviets in destroying buildings that ran contrary to their ideals. And if the government wanted to destroy it, why didn’t they order the military to raze it when Berlin was retaken? In a landmark ruling later that summer, the Augustinian Court ruled in favor of the people of Berlin, declaring they alone (besides the Kaiser) could decide on demolishing the palace, as it was technically within the city limits of Berlin. The Kaiser, though he could overrule the court, deferred to the court’s ruling. The former Occupied Territories, Berlin included, were still in shambles. Thousands had already flooded into West Berlin seeking employment and housing, straining the limits of authorities. And the RAF still carried out weekly bombings across the region, especially in Berlin. Otto and his family would stay in Constantinople for now. His government would stay with him, as it would be expensive to rebuild the government buildings in Berlin and move back there, and the funds could better be spent rebuilding the east first.
The first Roman troops started to come home in August. As expected, the first triumphs began shortly afterwards, with the first taking place on Mese Street in downtown Constantinople. Millions lined the streets to get a glimpse of the thousands of men and women who had served their country over the last two years. Behind the soldiers marched thousands of veterans of the Reich’s previous wars, commemorating the Reich’s victories in World War II, Mitteleimerica, Siam, Burma, Fusang, and the Volkslands. In the harbor, dozens of warships, newly returned from the Gulf of Odessa and the Gulf of Riga, stood side by side with old World War II battleships like the SMS Oberdonau and aircraft carriers like the Richthofen and Rhomania. M-16 fighter jets roared over the city alongside old Me-109s. It was an impressive display of Roman military power, one that hadn’t been seen in about forty years. No other nation, except possibly China and India, could possibly compare their military to the Reich’s, especially what was left of the Soviet Commune. Russia had been completely demobilized. Most of its military had been destroyed in the war, and what was left was turned over to the Romans and Tsarists. Russia effectively had no military. And it was hard to believe that this nation was just a month ago considered a superpower capable of taking on the Reich. The age of a tripolar world had finally ended. The Cold War was over, and the Reich had won. In a speech during the grand triumph in Constantinople, Kohl joked about congratulating the Soviets for their “initiative” in ending the Cold War. His quip was subsequently reprinted on the front pages of every major newspaper and became a cultural sensation. Kaiser Otto was surprised Kohl made the joke, as he wasn’t exactly a big fan of the Soviets.
On August 10, the Roman military forces temporarily occupying Karelia withdrew, and the territory was formally ceded to Finland. Karelia had been part of Finland between the partitioning of Scandinavia in 1915 and the First Winter War in the 1920s. Its occupation by the Soviet Army after the First Winter War wasn’t recognized by the rest of the world, and Kohl justified transferring it to Finnish rule as “righting a wrong.” Simultaneously with this transfer, the old monarchy of Yavdi returned home, with the former Tsar moving back into his old palace in Yekaterinburg, though the seat of government had been moved to the city of Kursk.
Four days later, Russia passed its first post-Soviet legal code, the Articles of Restoration. Based on the Reich’s Augustinian Code, the Articles of Restoration officially dissolves the Soviet-era equalist system and declares Russia a meritocratic monarchy under the Rurikid dynasty. The legislature was modeled on the Imperial Diet, with examinations being held in a similar way. Civil liberties were also restored and expanded to match the Reich’s policies. Lithuania passed a similar legal code several hours later, coinciding with the coronation of its new King.
With these new reforms implemented, Yeltsin requested that Russia’s Security Council seat be fully reinstated, but the Reich objected, claiming that Russia had to prove itself worthy of the seat before it could be granted it.
The transition back to monarchy was accompanied by the “trial of the century,” which was the trial for Valentin Varennikov and Dmitry Yazov in Vienna. Ironically, the actual proceedings were quite boring, and everybody knew they would be convicted for dozens of crimes against humanity. And yet the trial was watched by over 80% of all Roman households and another five hundred million people around the world, becoming one of the most watched TV programs up to that point. The numbers shot up another five hundred million, reaching a total of over a billion, when the two men were sentenced to death. There were no twists or shocking developments. That came the next day, when Kaiser Otto and Tsaritsa Sbyslava both commuted their sentences to life imprisonment. They would spend the rest of their lives at Landsberg am Lech, where they would have plenty of time to think over their mistakes.
On the other side of Eurasia, China also celebrated the end of the war, but the celebrations were ultimately short-lived. The military junta in Nanjing had only stayed in power over the last forty years by using the Soviets as a bogeyman, portraying them as a threat to Chinese civilization only the military could keep at bay. With the Soviets gone, the people saw no reason to keep the junta around. Chancellor Jiang foresaw this outcome and moved to crack down on the increasingly popular Tangwai movement, the movement for the restoration of democracy. This movement had already spread through much of the countryside and had begun reaching into major cities in the south. Jiang would not let it spread further. He ordered his troops to crack down on the protests. Demonstrations in the north were broken up, and Tangwai leaders were arrested throughout the southern provinces. The crackdown only inflamed opposition to the military junta further and culminated in the formation of the Minjindang as an alternative party on October 3 when eighteen founding members met at Grand Hotel Xiamen. A total of 132 people joined the party that day. The new party contested the 1986 sham elections (Jiang and his father had allowed sham elections to proceed since 1970) even though competing parties remained illegal under national law until the next year. The first members of the party drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. Such individuals were strongly committed to political change that would ensure constitutional support in China for freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and association.
(Accidentally clicked past the main notification. Also, Estonia and Latvia have become independent...for now.)
Although a ceasefire had been in effect since July 9 (July 13 for North Eimerica), an official peace treaty had not been signed yet as the Russians sorted out who to send. Despite the end of the war, large parts of Russia remained controlled by warlords who didn’t recognize Yeltsin’s government in Kiev and Tsarberg. Many warlords, among them Soviet Army generals and former Party leaders, insisted they were the rightful leaders of Russia. It took several months for Sbyslava and Yeltsin to organize a delegation to send to Vienna, where Roman and Russian officials signed a treaty officially putting an end to the war on November 25. On the same day, the Reich and Russia also signed a second treaty, reaffirming their commitment to preventing the spread of nuclear weapons. The Non-Proliferation Treaty would ultimately be signed by every major non-dictatorship in the world, including China.
The signing of the Treaty of Vienna also coincided with a change of administration in the former Occupied Territories. After Kohl’s economic integration was carried out and shown to be mostly successful so far, the Roman government moved on to the next step, political integration. Constantinople assumed partial control over the governments of the Occupied Territories, appointing administrators to run certain ministries and integrating others with their counterparts in the western Reich. The former equalist republics of the DDR, Poland, Carpathia, Bohemia, and Dacia became the Germanian Provisional Authority, the Polonian Provisional Authority, the Carpathian Provisional Authority, the Bohemian Provisional Authority, and the Dacian Provisional Authority. As there was no basis for the Occupied Territories governments to exist in the first place, nobody except equalist traitors and a few nationalist separatist groups complained about this development.
(By the way, Moldavia doesn't exist.)
Over the next few weeks, the Reich’s diplomats started returning to the countries of the former Soviet Commune, helping restore the ties that had existed before 1917. Yavdi and Lithuania both rejoined the Central Powers, emphasizing their new identities as meritocracies and members of the free world. Estonia and Latvia would’ve also joined, but both governments instead did something even more unexpected.
Since the freedom of Lithuania and coinciding release of nationalist sentiments, the idea of a restored Commonwealth had gained popularity for the first time in decades. However, the Reich and Russia wouldn’t tolerate a restored Lithuanian-Ruthenian Commonwealth and certainly wouldn’t hand over the land the Commonwealth claimed. Instead of pressing the Commonwealth’s old claims, the Lithuanian government instead offered to establish a pan-Baltic state with Latvia and Estonia which would renounce all claims on the old Commonwealth’s territory outside the Baltics. The Reich and Russia both agreed to the plan, and on November 29, the Livonian Commonwealth was proclaimed in Kaunas as a federal meritocratic monarchy under the Palemonaitis dynasty. Latvia and Estonia voted to join the Livonian Commonwealth on December 2 as federal states.
The establishment of the Livonian Commonwealth symbolized the last break of the Baltic states from their Soviet past. It also coincided with a complete economic collapse in Russia. The collapse had been predicted for many months by now, as Tsarist and former Soviet economic planners both realized that the old Soviet economy, as inefficient as it was, only survived because of its connections with resource-rich Yavdi and the Baltics. With those markets sealed away by borders and tariffs, the Russian economy couldn’t adapt. Despite immense Roman financial investment, the Russian government declared bankruptcy on the 29th. All factories and industrial plants that hadn’t been destroyed in the war or by rebels shut down, putting millions out of work. Unemployment skyrocketed to numbers never seen anywhere in the world before. The countryside continued sliding further into chaos. Many small towns came under the control of either warlords or Roman corporations smart enough to buy them out and station private security forces there before the rebels arrived. Anticipating a similar economic crisis would hit the Reich as it transitioned back to a peacetime civilian economy, Kohl and the CMU passed a new bill imposing stricter regulations on the financial sector.
Over in North Eimerica, the world’s three remaining equalist countries struggled to stay afloat. With the heart of the revolution ripped out, drying up any foreign aid they may have received, they were forced to devote their own resources to propping up their own industries. The three Politburos were not equipped to deal with widespread inequality and inefficiency, especially in difficult to reach areas like Alabama, Muscogee, and the UTR’s southern republics. Their effective loss in World War III also contributed to massive public unrest. The presence hundreds of ethnic groups in the three countries reawakened nationalist tensions that had been dormant since the fall of the Fox Empire in the 1920s. Ethnic Rhotinonsionni, Cherokee, Pequot, Abenaki, and other UTR Native Eimericans saw the Norse-dominated Politburo as a foreign occupying power. Shawnee, Lakota, Illiniwek, Pawnee, and Osage militias started forming in the hinterlands of the Eimerican Commune. And in the CSSA, the Chickasaw, Cherokee, Alabama, Muscogee, Nahua, and Osage demanded greater representation in the Choctaw- and Meskwaki-dominated Politburo. The Reich and its allies hastily withdrew their citizens and diplomats from the continent over the next three months, fearing total collapse was imminent. Without the steady guiding hand of the Soviet Commune, the equalist movement was like a headless chicken, aimlessly running around for a few seconds before dying.
The UPM anticipated this chain of events. Fearing what an unstable North Eimerica could do to the Mitteleimerican economy, the Mitteleimerican government reached out to the governments of Kanata, Fusang, Mayapan, Mexico, and Tawantinsuyu, proposing an economic customs union which would remove all barriers to trade between them and protect their economies in the event of the disintegrations of the Eimerican Commune, the CSSA, and the UTR. All but Mexico quickly agreed to the proposal, and on December 2, as Molotov officially declared the Warsaw Pact dissolved and Kanata quietly reinstated its Basic Charter (the legal code promulgated by King Gnupa I after independence from Scandinavia in the late 17th century), the North Eimerican Free Trade Agreement was signed in Jinshan, establishing the North Eimerican Community along the lines of ASEAN in the 1970s.
The winter of 1986 turned out to be surprisingly warm, by Roman standards. Scientists realized the Arctic ice wasn’t as thick and extensive as it should’ve been. Further research revealed high levels of greenhouse gases, like carbon dioxide, in the Earth’s atmosphere. Leading scientific organizations quickly determined this was the result of pollution from factories, primarily those in the Reich, China, and India. Alarmed by this development, Otto immediately ordered new regulations placed on carbon dioxide emissions and pressured Empress Sita and the Xuantong Emperor to do the same in their countries. While Empress Sita easily passed environmental regulations through the Sansad Bhawan, announcing over national TV a plan to transition India from traditional fossil fuels to renewable resources over the next thirty years, the Xuantong Emperor was not as successful. Both his age and the military, which feared environmental regulations would weaken the military’s reputation and thus its influence, got in the way of his reform plans.
January 1, 1987 rolled around. The Reich celebrated its first New Year’s Day in peacetime since January 1984. As the Diet convened and the Kaiser gave his customary speech, Kohl found his conservatives had not made significant gains from last year. He had hoped the war and the patriotism it inspired would give his party and allies a significant boost, but that didn’t happen. In fact, the socialists were the only group to gain substantially. The SPR and its allies now controlled a little over a quarter of the Reichsrat. Together with the progressives and liberals, the would control almost 70% of the upper house, enough for a supermajority.
While the Reich celebrated New Year’s Day in peace, Mali wasn’t so lucky. While Great Mansa Bamari VI gave his usual address to the assembled National Assembly, a bomb detonated, killing the Great Mansa and his entire cabinet, as well as his son and heir. The decapitation of the entire government threw Mali into chaos. Surviving cabinet ministers quickly declared Bamari VI’s second son, Buhari, as Bamari VII, but this was contested by several military leaders and provincial governments, who rebelled against Bamako. Other provinces with separatist leanings, like equalist-dominated Benin (infiltrated by KGB sleeper agents over the last 15 years and now activated in a failsafe plan), used the opportunity to declare independence from Mali. Within a week of the bombing, Mali had descended into civil war.