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Part Six: The Regency of Queen Mother Zhang Que (947 to 961 AD)
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Zhang Que as Regent of Ü-Tsang, August 947 AD.


Part Six: The Regency of Queen Mother Zhang Que (947 to 961 AD)


During his lifetime Yumtän II had never designated a regent, though his own fading health and the extreme youth of his son made such a position likely. Even as the old Gyalpo drew his last breath in his bedchambers in Taktsé every conversation around the monarch's corporeal form was the same. Who would rule for Yumtän III and effectively control Eastern Tibet for over a dozen years before the infant king reached his majority?

Princess Chödron was an obvious choice for regent. The eldest daughter of Yumtän II had spent most of her life as heir apparent to throne, and should her half brother not see out his minority she might still become Gylelmo. The twenty seven year old Princess Chödron could command a certain loyal in the kingdom, including many who thought her 'demotion' unjust. She was also unmarried, inviting certain more ambitious courtiers the idea of power through marriage. Unfortunately the princess was her father's daughter when it came to appearance and she not merely resembled a jaundiced toad in appearance she lived down to the manners of one. 'Uncouth and unpleasant,' was the opinion of many and a few of the more cynical courtiers wondered whether the young Yumtän III would be quite safe in her care... given the family history it would have been a relief if the boy king merely picked a slovenly appearance and a practice of cleaning his ears in public from his half-sister.

There were other sisters but they were either too young or too flawed or both and one by one their names were crossed off the dwindling list of potential regents. In the end the court turned to the single obvious candidate, the one person who could be assured to look after Yumtän III: his mother.

Zhang Que was only twenty years old, was a foreigner and practiced the minority faith of Taoism, even if she was famously tolerant in matters of faith. Some feared she would be the pawn of her father the Emperor Ruizong. And yet... there was no denying the fact that she was an impressive woman. Zhang Que was intelligent, kind and patient and even her shyness around strangers hid the skills of a born diplomat. The dying Yumtän II had appointed her his Lönchen so she was already known to the council. It was all enough to carry the day with the great of Ü-Tsang. After a sleepless night full of debate and auguries the council asked the Queen mother (as she was now) to officially take up the regency.

The Queen Mother had what may be charitably called a difficult time during her nearly fourteen years in control of the kingdom. To her credit Ü-Tsang remained whole, something that had not been certain at the start of her son's reign. She introduced or popularised many aspects of sophisticated Chinese court life previously little known and there was a temporary but real fad for Han culture among the grand ladies of Taktsé. Silk clothing, rice and a dozen other aspects common to Wei Dynasty grandees but fascinating novelties to the Tibetans appeared in the formerly grim halls of Taktsé Castle. Zhang Que would also have the opportunity to enlarge the fabulous Royal Gardens and oversee the construction of a strong new castle at Comai. Under her period in power the people of the county of Gyangzê would turn from the Old Bön ways to the reformed path. These were genuine achievements that should not be forgotten despite everything else.

Though Ü-Tsang would be troubled by Buddhist and Taoist uprisings and though barbarian adventurers and their hosts would prove a plague for so much of the regency it was as ever the great barons who proved the kingdom's greatest enemies. The troubles under Yumtän II had not broken the great lords of their ambitions and even as Zhang Que was officially proclaimed regent the plots were already in motion.

Beyond sheer brazen disloyalty and personal ambition the element that united the quarrelsome barons was a desire to achieve power within Ü-Tsang. Even the greatest noble rebels were uninterested in achieving a precarious independence which the Wei Empire, the Kingdom of Guge or the endless parade of savage horsemen from the north might sweep away in a matter of days. 'Cultural' rebellions, such as the Taoist attempt to re-create the old Kingdom of Xia out of Nagormo inevitably began from the bottom up rather than from the elite.

With the Gyalpo a child and even his mother and guardian scarcely out of her teenage years the government surviving several years without the barons raising their standards was a minor miracle. In fact even the most ambitious nobles seem to have been biding their time to see whether Yumtän III would live; in late 947 the boy monarch was struck by what turned out to be pneumonia. For weeks he lingered between life and death before making a recovery. Rather when unexpected death struck the royal line it would be Yumtän's sister Princess Chödron who died under suspicious circumstances on 22 July 949. The princess, twenty nine and childless had taken violently ill after a feast and though everyone believed poison was involved none knew the culprit. Or at least revealed any knowledge.

Princess Chödron had been an unpopular woman, unattractive inside and out. Her twenty four year old sister Princess Mungchang who now became heir was a better candidate for the throne, even if few would accuse her having a great mind. Still Princess Chödron, whatever her many flaws had been heir for almost her entire life and a natural counterweight to the Queen Mother and her son. Her death may have aided Yumtän III simply by removing the one figure from the game board who was a believable monarch in waiting. It would take time for Chödron's followers to drift to other factions and for those factions to regroup.


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The invasion of Jamugha of Dimapur, July 953 AD.

Between 951 and 955 the Queen Mother would be faced with two major foreign invasions, that of the Kirghiz warlord Udur whose merciless host pillaged much of Ü-Tsang and immediately after that of the overambitious Thakur Jamugha of Dimapur, a vassal of the Maharajah of Pala who sought to wrest control of Buddhist territory from Ü-Tsang. Though both parties were defeated in the end between them they managed to inflict a string of brutal defeats on the Tibetans. Hundreds, even thousands of gallant soldiers were left dead at the hands of the barbarians and the agonies were not numbered only in the human cost. With so many loyal peasant soldiers dead the Queen Mother had been forced to draw on mercenaries even more than usual. They made good warriors. Expensive ones too. By the time Jamugha was beaten and forced to abandon his designs on Tibetan territory the once boundless royal treasury had grown frighteningly empty.

During the war against Jamugha the Thumo of Lhasa, Purgyal Khrimalod managed to seduce her gaoler and escape the confines of Taktsé - no mean feat for a forty one year old woman who had lost an eye in battle. Khrimalod was a traitor of old, the niece of the long dead Wangdu and in her own right one of the most powerful nobles in Ü-Tsang. She had won the nickname 'the Sword of Dralha Yesi' and among her other claims had conquered the tiny Buddhist Kingdom of Nepal. No real conspiracy in the kingdom could hope to succeed without her help. So in 954 Pakmodru Kunzang of Bumthang approached the arch rebel in Lhasa and appealed for aid. Kunzhang herself was the daughter of an executed traitor - Camakhura Thrisong -and she had neither forgotten nor forgiven her mother's death. On 24 January 955 the two were joined by Purgyal Zimun of Barbar [1] and together the trio sent an ultimatum to the regent.

The war that erupted that January was not much bigger than those that had faced Yumtän II but the resources available to Zhang Que were sadly diminished. The constant strain of fighting of barbarians had left the Royalists fatally weakened. Another two years of peace and recovery, a year and a half even and Zhang Que might have regained the resources needed to quash Khrimalod, Kunzhang and Zimun but as it was the richest city in the kingdom was in rebel hands from the start and the pressure never ceased. The Queen Mother would spend a miserable year watching gold vanish almost as quickly as she looked at it while her forces remained too small to attack the rebels directly. By December it was clear the war could not go on and Zhang Que asked for terms.

The Peace of Lhasa was signed by the arch-conspirators and the Queen Mother on behalf of her son on 14 December 955. There were various minor concessions to the dignity of the great barons but the main clause of the treaty was the change of power between throne and council. The old system of Ü-Tsang and the Tibetan Empire before it in which the monarch had wielded absolute authority was at an end. Instead the reigning Gyalpo [2] would find himself bound to accept the votes of his ministers in great matters.


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The Peace of Lhasa, 14 December 955 AD.


It was a profound humiliation and the Queen Mother's reputation would never recover. The loss of power was real and immediately felt and yet...

The fact was that Ü-Tsang had been convulsed by civil war three times within a single generation on this matter. For decades the great barons had used the supposed tyranny of the monarch as a cri de couer to unite. Regardless of whether any given monarch had behaved unjustifiably or not the laws allowing him to do as he pleased was bitterly resented by these overmighty subjects. Now, though neither side yet realised it the boil had been lanced. Abruptly that one unifying cause was gone. In the hour of their victory the great barons celebrated and Lhasa, cold and crisp as it was in December saw a dazzling collection of the great and good feasting, drinking and swearing bonds of friendship with each other. In the morning these same men and women would remember that they were all rivals striving for a seat on the council and the monarch's ear.

Zhang Que returned to Taktsé and to her son a diminished figure. She would still have half a dozen years before her son reached majority and might have justifiably feared that the future would bring more disasters. In fact the worst was behind her. Barbarian horsemen would remain a nuisance and there would be religious troubles too from the Taoists and Buddhists, but as irritating as these problems were they did not threaten the state as the barons had. The great aristocrats still played their games of intrigue with each other but with no great issues before them they were happy to remain at peace. Notably when it came to execution of traitors after the religious revolts the votes of the council were unanimous with the crown. Wild eyed firebrands and fanatical peasants threatened them too.

Throughout all this period the Gyalpo had been slowly growing to manhood. Thankfully he would take more after his mother than his father in looks as the distinct appearance that had so marked Yumtän II and Princess Chödron had left no mark on Yumtän III. This pleasant young man would take after his mother in other respects. Previous monarchs of Ü-Tsang had been warrior kings almost from birth. The young Yumtän III was not a warrior but a diplomat, as his mother had raised him. Whether that was what was best for the kingdom would soon be seen.

On 18 March 961 Yumtän III turned sixteen and Zhang Que formally resigned the regency, though at least for the moment she would remain on the council as the Lönchen. Characteristically the departure was low key and dignified as the Queen Mother departed her throne, kowtowed to her son and took a lesser position with the rest of the council. She was then only thirty six and still a woman of enviable grace and charm even if the strains of ruling had left tiny tributaries of silver running through her once night black hair.

Judged on the terms of Yumtän II who had fought so hard against the barons to keep royal power absolute the regency had been a failure. By the Peace of Lhasa Zhang Que had abandoned the rightful position of the Gyalpo and worse had surrendered what had not been hers to give, for she had held the throne only in the name of her son. Many would judge her harshly for that. Others would question whether an authority that had to be defended by force of arms once every few years was really worth preserving, and if not whether it was perhaps best that the foreign princess had taken the humiliation on herself rather than force her son to suffer the same in time...

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Zhang Que retires as regent, 18 March 961 AD.

Footnotes:

[1] Another member of the royal clan and also the court Gyner.

[2] Or as in this case his regent.
 
I know it can be hard keeping track of the names so here is a map of the great baronies (Lhasa, Nagchu, Nagormo and Dêgê) as of 961 AD:

Great Baronies.jpg
~~~~~


DensleyBlair:
Unfortunately the barons proved as treachorous as ever and this time I was weakened enough I had to give a little ground. Hopefully that has lanced the boil.

Andrzej I: Thanks! Fascinating insight. :) I admit my knowledge of China is not very high so it is great to get some insight there. At time of writing (961 AD in-uinverse) the Wei Dynasty is still going very strong.

Specialist290: Oof, but yes you are not wrong. I suppose if one lives by the sword and all that...

stnylan: That is very true in both respects. Hopefully if I do restore the Tibetan Empire (still a long way off) I can keep things together. Simply holding onto to my current kingdom would also be a plus!

Viden: What indeed! :D I'm honestly a bit surprised he made it to adulthood!

Riotkiller: Tell me about it! :confused:
 
My favourite AARs are those which give some indication of what's going on on the ground, as it were, and this continues to tick that box. I loved the little details about the political and cultural consequences of appointing a foreign princess as regent.

And what a tense regency it was. A shame about the forced devolution of power but if it prevents the endless baronial wars then perhaps not wholly bad. I will be keen to see how the new gyalpo makes the kingdom his own now that he's out from under his mother's shadow.
 
Andrzej I: Thanks! Fascinating insight. :) I admit my knowledge of China is not very high so it is great to get some insight there. At time of writing (961 AD in-uinverse) the Wei Dynasty is still going very strong.
Glad to offer a tidbit of insight! China has been an area of fascination of mine for years now, to the point I decided to get my bachelor's in East Asian Studies, actually :)

Good to see that Yumtän III made it through his minority without any major incident. Subordinating his royal authority to the judgment of the barons is no major set-back. It may even, as hinted above, prove useful to maintain. Who knows, perhaps Yumtän III may prove strong enough a figure (and diplomat) to reverse that decision forced upon him. Or maybe Wei will sweep in and subjugate Ü-Tsang, putting the barbarians back in their place :D
 
Given the tremendous difficulties that she faced, Zhang Que can perhaps be forgiven for not having a perfect record.

Although, reading between the lines, I think our good Dowager Empress might have been the real winner after all -- for all the "disgrace" of being on the losing side of a rebellion, I note that she keeps her own seat on the newly-empowered Council even after stepping down as Regent, and benefits from the conveniently-timed elimination of a potential rival to boot. A cynical mind might suspect that everything unfolded according to some grand, unspoken plan...
 
Glad to catch up on this, as for some reason I stopped getting alerts and missed a few updates o_O

The last two updates were wonderful in any case, and I'm glad to see the new monarch come out of his regency relatively unscathed!
 
Rare is a regency of that length which didn't have to make at least some compromises. The realm is still fairly solid, and whilst power may be somewhat diluted the new Gyalpo has a long time ahead of him to try and get things sorted.
 
Part Seven: Gyalpo Purgyal Yumtän III (961 to 985 AD)
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Gyalpo Purgyal Yumtän III in March 961 AD.

Part Seven: Gyalpo Purgyal Yumtän III (961 to 985 AD)

The third Yumtän to rule Ü-Tsang was of altogether more attractive cast than his father. If he lacked the grace and elegance of his mother the young Gyalpo was still youth most people found themselves taking a quick liking too. While it would be a white lie to call him handsome, particularly in later years when weight gain and ill health laid him down Yumtän still possessed an open and inviting face a world away from the human gargoyle his father and eldest half sister had been. It was what lay behind that face that truly marked the monarch as different. Some, interpreting the ruler's rather hazy habitual smile and large dreamy eyes though him a simple soul. It was true that he perhaps lacked the razor sharp wits of Zhang Que but that did mean he was foolish. Far from it.

Yumtän was a born diplomat, at least in his own underhand rogue-style. In place of the refined tea ceremonies that had marked the rule of his mother the young monarch was given to carousing. Whether grand banquets or small intimate affairs with favoured cronies Yumtän was a man who enjoyed the company of others and proved a generous and funny host. His greatest diplomatic coup would be achieved by exactly such methods when in April 965 he invited the the Thumo of Lhasa, Purgyal Khrimalod to Taktsé for revelries.

The great Khrimalod, famed as the 'the Sword of Dralha Yesi' was at that time past fifty and no longer sound in mind and body but the ferocious will and cunning that made her so strong a character was still present. The niece of the unmourned Monster of Lhasa and herself a traitor twice over who had spent two different periods as a prisoner in Taktsé Khrimalod was more than twice the age of her distant cousin and liege. The stories that swirled around her were endless from the time she lost her right eye in battle to the occasion were aged past forty and already without depth perception she had seduced a guard into letting her escape (both violence and armies of lovers played prominent parts in many of these tales.)

'Even for a barbarian woman she is beyond vulgar,' wrote the Wei ambassador in Taktsé. 'The stories I have heard cannot be put into writing for fear they would sully the page. Her only virtue is that she grooms herself tolerably well - for a barbarian.'

The Thumo of Lhasa arrived in the capital in early summer an unapologetic rebel and departed weeks later gushing like a maiden about Yumtän. The Gyalpo's reaction was equally open admiration. Somehow the 'Princess of Traitors' and her young cousin had seen past their many differences to strike a common bond, to go from near foes to best friends. Though the Council managed to persuade Yumtän not to grant Khrimalod a seat at their table the Gyalpo instead granted the honourary title of 'Venerable Elder' - a move that reportedly amused Khrimalod a great deal.


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Thumo Purgyal Khrimalod 'the Sword of Dralha Yesi' in early 965 AD.


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Yumtän's diplomacy was more earthy than his mother but no less effective.

Though the bond between Yumtän and Khrimalod was unusually close it did reflect the Gyalpo's relations with the great barons. Simply put the monarch was, for perhaps the first time in the history of the kingdom genuinely popular. Whether it was a combination of the 'lancing of the boil' that had been his mother's surrender to the Council or whether it was due to Yumtän's personal appeal or whether as most likely it was some alchemy from the two the endless plots and factionalism faded away.

The one exception to this bonhomie was Yumtän's half-sister Princess Mungchang. Between the death of Princess Chödron in 949 and the birth of Yumtän's first daughter Princess Torma in 962 Mungchang had been the heir presumptive to the kingdom. Mungchang was universally considered rather dull of mind but she had remedied absence of brain with a surfeit of personal ambition. As her hopes of succeeding her half brother faded the older Princess sought out other means to win the throne. Beginning in 966 she began to organise an army that would end up invading the kingdom two years later.

Mungchang's invasion was a traumatic experience for Yumtän, but in many ways the nature of his half-sister's followers and their eventual failure showed how successful the Gyalpo's treatment of the barons had been. A trickle of lesser nobles had joined Mungchang but none of the great lords. Even her own husband, the famed general Sevenç Toñuz uulu, a Manichæin of Kirghiz background remained loyalist to Yumtän. Instead Mungchang had been forced to rely on the mercenary detritus of foreign lands, rootless sellswords and adventurers looking to help her win the throne.

Mungchang's hopes came crashing down to Earth at the Battle of Patan Yala on 11 May 970. The traitor's armies, already repulsed in an earlier clash were now all but annihilated. The princess herself was taken prisoner and most expected her to be executed as was the normal method for punishing barbarian raiders. Instead Yumtän banished his sister, seizing her fortune and exiling her forever from eastern Tibet. The Gyalpo's unusual clemency caused much comment but the reasoning was perfectly sound: Yumtän had no wish to further punish the loyal Sevenç Toñuz uulu and, mindful of the dark rumours that had never left his father's own accession to the throne he had no desire to become a kinslayer. The Gyalpo also felt strong enough to deal with a light hand, confident in the now proven loyalty of the barons.

These years of the late 960s and early 970s were rich ones for Ü-Tsang. Relations with the Wei Empire remained good and the Silk Road and overall peace in the kingdom brought much wealth [1]. The population began to increase again and the monarch founded new towns and monasteries as well as adding to the existing castles. The Taktsé Garden, already a renowned wonder across the roof of the world grew more splendid still. Fittingly this most genial of kings ordered the construction of a tavern on the grounds so that the great should have a place to converse in comfort. With a shade more regal dignity he also had a fine mural of the Purgyal dynasty created, displaying in ornate grandeur all his ancestors back to the Emperor Songtsen Gampo.


A Town is Born.jpg


The constructions of the fabulous royal gardens attracted many commoners eager to share in the good fortune.

The first indications that the Gyalpo's health was not that it should were innocuousness enough. Though not a glutton per se the monarch was not inclined to frugality in his meals and frequently indulged in many courses of meat and chhaang [2]. It was at the urging of Khrimalod (who possessed the mixture of honesty and strategic cruelty than only a beloved friend can master) that the Gyalpo took steps to control his weight but unfortunately it would emerge that his feasting had been a distraction from serious discomfort.

In October 971 the Gyalpo began to experience began to experience dull throbbing pains behind his eyes. That December the Court Physician Broza Tsendro diagnosed Yumtän as suffering from cancer. Broza, at the monarch's urging's attempted a drastic remedy. Drugging Yumtän with poppy juice he removed the young man's right eye. The operation, brutal though it was at first seemed to be a success and Yumtän recovered much of his old spirit and heartiness - he even took to wearing a silk scarf over his missing eye - a present from Khrimalod who really did know what her friend had been through.

Unfortunately the loss of an eye at the age of twenty six would prove the harbinger of some difficult times ahead. The great Wei Empire, after a golden age lasting some six decades was struck by a terrible famine in 975. Disastrous flooding had undermined the harvests across the Middle Kingdom and thousands - millions - suffered terribly. Fortunately Ü-Tsang was sufficiently prosperous than even the decline of the Silk Road would not lead to poverty, but the loosening of China's hand on her tributaries would leave much of the area unsettled. For most of the rest of his reign Yumtän would be engaged in wars to his north east and to his south east, though these shall be covered properly later.

Back in 961 after coming into his majority Yumtän had married a Mongolian princess. Ebegei Sartaq was the daughter of the Khagan of Kara Khorum and like all her family she was a Nestorian Christian. This exotic creed was not entirely unknown in Tibet where they had had a flickering presence since the earliest days of the Empire but it was still sufficiently uncommon that many in Taktsé were hazy as to the difference between Christians and Jews [3]. Complicating matters was that Ebegei was exceptionally devout which led to an initially prickly relationship with her Bön husband. Yumtän was a believer but his approach to religion tended towards a casual tolerance; his own mother was a member of the Taoist minority after all so intolerance was a poor fit for both his personality and his personal history. It didn't help that the Mongalian princess was much more warlike than her husband [4]. Despite the gulf between husband and wife they eventually reached a bond of understanding between them, which developed further into love. Together they would have many daughters.

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Crown Princess Purgyal Torma, October 978 AD.

When the Gyalpo's health began once again to decline many courtiers privately begged the queen to use her strange barbarian magics to aid her husband (that she had access to strange barbarian magics granted by her mysterious god was universaly believed.) Rumours of Yumtän's decline had begun as early as September 977 when the great Khrimalod died. She was sixty four years old, a not unreasonable age given the adventurous life she had led but her passing hit Yumtän hard and the Gyalpo wept openly for his friend. He recovered in time but that loss would prove a foretaste of a greater one to come.

Zhang Que, the Chinese princess who had effectively ruled Ü-Tsang for over a dozen years and remained at the centre of government for two decades more under her son died in September 984. The Lönchen (as she remained until the hour of her passing) had experienced the sudden onset of an illness that left her looking older by far than her fifty seven years. Once it became clear she had cancer a chill settled across the court of Taktsé. Most present could remember those awful days when it had seemed the monarch might lose more than an eye, dooming the kingdom to another long regency. At least in one small mercy that was unlikely now as Crown Princess Purgyal Torma had reached young adulthood.

The intercessions of priests, sorcerers and doctors alike proved unable to save the Queen Mother. As the court was draped in mourning messages of sympathy arrived, none with more moment than that of the Middle Kingdom:

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An Imperial letter arrives.
The current Emperor was Zhang Que's nephew and thus Yumtän's cousin. Even with the link of blood the Imperial dignity meant that the Wei letter had to be couched in the most formal of languages but the feeling was still plain. The Wei court wept also. Yumtän sent an elegant reply, and grieved all the harder.

It is possible that the Gyalpo may have been less broken by his misery had the loss not occurred while his wife was also absent. It had long been accepted custom in Tibet for great women to lead armies and Ebegei Sartaq, the ferocious and devout Nestorian warrior queen had a particular talent as a general. In 984 and 985 she was far away in the south east leading the kingdom's armies in battle. With so many strong figures absent the court was a lonely place.

In the last months of his life Yumtän took to spending more of his time in the Taktsé Garden than in his formal chambers. After experiencing sharp pains in December 984 the physicians had advised him that the benefit of fresh air outweighed the risk of cold. Perhaps they were right. While nothing seemed to halt the monarch's physical decline from the return of his cancer, his mental health recovered somewhat as he strolled among the flowers and fountains of his royal gardens and still attempted to conduct business and recieve embassies - though he tired easily and the Crown Princess was quick to step in lest he overexhert himself.

The presence of his eldest daughter and heir was of great comfort to Yumtän, for the two were very close and Torma had much of the brutal honesty the monarch had valued so much during his life. With her around Yumtän could rest assured that he was receiving the truth rather than what a tribe of nervous doctors though he wished to hear (in fact they feared the Crown Princess more than her father - Torma was a pleasant and good natured young woman and a promising monarch to be but she had a temper and loved her father deeply; it would be a confident physician indeed who was unafraid of what she might do in her grief.)

On 3 February 985 Gyalpo Purgyal Yumtän III died at the age of thirty nine leaving his personal estate to be split among his daughters and the throne itself to the twenty two year old Torma...


Footnotes:

[1] And barbarians unfortunately, though none of the raiders proved strong enough to inflict lasting damage.

[2] An alcoholic beverage made of barley, millet or rice not entirely dissimilar to beer.

[3] The Radhanites, though still far from numerous in the overall population were by this point a well woven strand in tapestry of local life so certain concepts that both Judaism and Christianity shared would have been familiar to many in Ü-Tsang.

[4] Which would lead to a certain strangeness during the Holy Wars of the 970s and 980s, of which more later.

 
Last edited:
As usual I have split the reign into two posts with next chapter focusing on Yumtän's foreign policy.

~~~~

DensleyBlair:
Thank you and yes it was very tense. In retrospect I feel like constantly fighting the barons may have been like butting my head against a brick wall but it simply didn't feel in character for previous kings to 'give in'.

Andrzej I:
Wow, very cool. Well I may need to pick your brain at some point! Though less of that pro-Wei talk! :D

Specialist290: Other than it not being me I don't know who plotted the princess's death (my money is on Princess Mungchang though.) I think you are right about Zhang Que's finely honed instincts - even with a comparatively youthful death she was at the centre of political life for almost forty years as the Gyalpo's wife, the regent and as a member of the Council. That is quite a legacy!

darkhaze9:
Thank you and delighted to see you back! :) I was (happily!) surprised at how (relatively!) smoothly the regency went but it is not something i am keen to go through again!

stnylan: Sadly, a long time may have been overstating it but otherwise that is a very good way of looking at matters.

 
Well a time cut short, but he certainly packed quite alot into those twenty something years.

I found the friendship with the old foe very appealing. He seems to have been, in some respects, a relaxed "live and let live" kind of chap.
 
Sad to see him go so young. He could have held things together for quite awhile yet. Hopefully matrilineal marriage is allowed, or you have a distant cousin of your family from the other Tibetan kingdom you can marry otherwise this seems to be ending shorter than you would want.
 
A sad ending for our young monarch, but he accomplished a lot with the years he had.

Especially touching to see a former enemy become a valued friend.

I look forward to seeing how Torma and her sisters handle the succession.
 
Part Eight: Gyalpo Purgyal Yumtän III (961 to 985 AD) (cont.)
Ebegei.jpg


Ebegei Sartaq, the Mongolian princess turned Gyelmo (Queen) of Ü-Tsang in 961 AD.

Part Eight: Gyalpo Purgyal Yumtän III (961 to 985 AD) (cont.)


As a man and as a monarch Yumtän was personally religiously tolerant. A follower of the reformed Bön, his court included those who clung fiercely to the old ways and disdained the Archpriestess along with Taoists, Buddhists, Rhadanite Jews and Nestorian Christians.

That last group would include his wife, the tough minded and resilient Mongol princess Ebegei Sartaq. The Nestorians had been in Central Asia for centuries but only a generation ago they had won their greatest success in the conversion of Ebegei's father, the Khagan of Kara Khorum. The Sartaq clan were as pious as any new converts, but in the fluid religious world of the Tenth Century that did not mean they could ignore their neighbours, whether they were the still pagan tribes of horsemen to the west and north or the Taoisists (themselves recent converts) to the south. A marriage with the monarch of Ü-Tsang proved a tempting alliance, religious differences notwithstanding.

As wife of the Gyalpo Ebegei was the centre of her own circle. Naturally this included the small numbers of Tibetan and Chinese Christians but she also, unofficially, became one of the more hawkish figures at the court of Taktsé. Yumtän was as far from a warrior king as one could get but Ebegei came from a warrior society and this lean woman with her stern gaze and easy manner around veterans flourished in a culture that allowed women to make war as well as politics. Though she never abandoned her commitment to her faith and tended to get uneasy in the presence of priests and shamans of the Bön the Gyelmo relaxed in time. As her relationship with her husband greatly improved through their many children she became a second military adviser to him, and her judgement would grow sharper and more ruthless with age.

The relationship between the Gyalpo's wife and his mother was... complex. To the Wei princess Zhang Que the Mongolian princess was almost the laconic ideal of the barbarian. Still, even if they disagreed on matters of etiquette and faith the two strong willed women shared an interest in making their adopted homeland secure and strong. At least for Ebegei that meant expanding the borders to the North East.



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The petty Kingdom of Qinghai relative to Ü-Tsang and the Western Protectorate of the Wei.

Qinghai was a thinly populated land just beyond the borders of Nagormo (which it much resembled.) Though part of the Tibetan Plateau the inhabitants were of Kirghiz origin and still practiced the old ways of Tengri and were during this period ruled by the unfortunately nicknamed High Chief Yollughtegin 'Girl-Arm'. Neither the local paganism nor the eccentricities of their ruler (who was a kinslayer among much else) endeared Qinghai to the rulers of Ü-Tsang but what would eventually drive the Tibetans to war were two different but equal fears. The first was the High Chief was in league with the barbarian adventurers who so regularly raided Ü-Tsang, many of them followers of Tengri. The second was that the Wei Empire might lose patience with this small bandit kingdom so near the Silk Road might decide to forcibly annex it - and no matter how close relations were with the Emperor no Tibetan king could rest entirely secure with the attention of the Jade Dragon focused West.

Eventually the hawkish faction would persuade the reluctant Yumtän into war against Qinghai in March 978. On the specific advice of his patriarch and mindful of the strong feelings against the barbarian raiders in Ü-Tsang the Gyalpo declared it a holy war. Ebegei was not entirely pleased; while she fully agreed with her husband that the Qinghai were barbarians in league with other barbarians and her own background had left her scant love for the Tengri the war would have been better waged in the name of the true faith rather than the Bön deities. Still she was a warrioress and would ride with the Ü-Tsang armies as a commander.

Unfortunately for Ü-Tsang, or perhaps fortunately depending on one's spiritual view, the war was not destined to be a long one. After defeating the Qinghai armies twice in the field the Tibetans had begun to besiege Yollughtegin's fortified capital of Fuqi. At this stage victory was in no doubt but the wily High Chief still had a trick or two up his sleeve. On 6 November 979 the High Chief sent a desperate letter to his opposite number:


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High Chief Yollughtegin's miraculous conversion, November 979 AD.

It was a masterstroke as many in Taktsé would privately admit. Nominally the war was being waged against the pagans and if Qinghai was now Bön the reason for war evaporated. The Gyalpo certainly thought so and signed the peace, persevering Qinghai as an independent state under her newly pious ruler.

Yumtän seemed almost relieved to have found a peaceful way out of a war he had felt pressured into but the hawks in Taktsé were not happy. Fortunately for them, and for those who had been caught up in the fervour of a Bön holy war another such conflict had opened to the South, and this one would drag Ü-Tsang in.

Relations between Bön and Buddhist across greater Tibet had been tense for over a century. Without the threat of Buddhism with its dogma and organisation the old Bön faith would have remained the domain of village shamans and wandering sorcerers, with every valley and farm having often dramatically different beliefs. In both Guge and Ü-Tsang the four generations since the fall of the Tibetan Empire had seen the qualified triumph of Bön as a politically active faith. Buddhism had grown rare among the Tibetan elite, though it had remained a factor among some of the provinces that were still under the heavy influence of Indian culture, or had like most of Nepal been under the control of Buddhist dynasties until relatively recently [1].

Had there been no great Buddhist states bordering the Tibetan Kingdom then it is likely the Bön religion would have taken a more relaxed view of the faith, in the same way the priesthood was prepared to live easily with the Taoists of Nagormo, the Rhadanites or the Nestorian Christians. Unfortunately there was a very strong Buddhist Indian kingdom at hand. The Kingdom of Pala was rich and powerful and a centre for an aggressive strand of Buddhism. Within living memory during the minority of Yumtän III one of the aristocrats of the kingdom had waged war on Ü-Tsang. In the foothills South of the Himalayas the clash of culture and religion threatened always to turn into a clash of swords.

Even though it was Ü-Tsang that bordered Pala the Tibetan war against the Indian kingdom would begin in Guge. The centre of the organised Bön faith lay in Western Tibet and in the later years of Yumtän's reign the head of the religion was a young woman named Lha.

Archpriestess Lha was from a humble background. Perhaps her parents were not actual peasants as later legends would insist but certainly of non-noble origin. A naturally gifted and eloquent theologian she came to the notice of her predecessor while only in her very early twenties. By the age of twenty five she was the Archpriestess herself, vaulting over the heads of dozens of senior priests and priestess. Lha was perhaps the first leader of the reformed Bön religion who could convince everyone she met that her elevation owed more to the gods and their gifts than to court politics. In many ways she was the most remarkable woman of an age already rich with remarkable women.

The Archpriestess was well informed of events in the outer world despite her youth. Lha knew that the Muslims and Christians had waged war over their holy cities in the far west of the world [2]. Such conflicts were not unknown closer at hand but the religious clashes of the barbarians left a deep impression on the young and earnest theologian. She also knew from her studies that some at least of what was now ruled by the Pala Kingdom had been part of the old Tibetan Empire. The Worldly Protector himself had been appearing to her to speak in her dreams of the need to crush the Buddhists lest they grow strong enough to try and conquer Tibet once more. On 23 July 978 with Ü-Tsang on the march against Qinghai, Lha called for a far grander holy war.


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Archpriestess Lha's pronouncement of a Great Holy War, July 978 AD.

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The generally agreed 'natural borders' of 'Kamarupa.'

As unpopular as the Buddhists had become with the Tibetan elite a war on a distant and difficult frontier was probably the last thing they wished. Still the persuasive powers of Archpriestess Lha, the temptation of the wealth of India and Bengal and, at least in some cases sincere religious conviction caused many to flock to the Archpriestess's cause. Many great barons and the monarch of Guge picked up their swords and turned South East.

Though word of the Great Holy War had obviously reached Taktsé the initial reaction was muted - Yumtän had a war of his own to fight. Even once that ended the ruler of Ü-Tsang showed limited enthusiasm for joining in the new conflict. The war against the pagans of Qinghai had been waged for sound strategic and military reasons to cut off an avenue for barbarian raiders. However unpopular the Buddhists had become in Eastern Tibet the Kingdom of Pala had yet to aid adventurers looking to win ground in Ü-Tsang. Even beyond that it would be a difficult war; however close it was on the map Kararupa was bordered by mountainous and hilly terrain and the descent of the great Yarlung Tsangpo river into Bengal. The Tibetan soldiers would be facing brutal weather, jungle, tigers and unfriendly gods.

Yumtän respected Archpriestess Lha and he was a believer, but his first instincts had been to stand aloof. Unfortunately that option seemed less and less viable. Should one of his own barons triumph in the Great Holy War then he would suddenly find himself bordering an ambitious and prestigious new kingdom with automatic sway with the nobles of Ü-Tsang. Should the Gyalpo of Guge prove the victor then Ü-Tsang would be squeezed between the frontiers of her rival. Finally should the Great Holy War fail not only would the entire Bön faith be shaken the Kingdom of Pala would be left powerful and likely vengeful against the Tibetans - any Tibetans. On 2 January 980 after many sleepless nights Yumtän sent a letter to the Archpriestess, pledging his support for the war.

Not that Yumtän personally would be doing much of the fighting. Never a martial character his fading health would keep him away in Taktsé. Instead it would be the commanders of Ü-Tsang who led the armies, among them the Gyelmo herself, Ebegei Sartaq. Ebegei had become a senior general on raw merit as her skills become more finely honed over the years. The irony of a ferociously devout Nestorian Christian leading the forces of a Bön holy war would have been obvious to many. It was certainly obvious to the Mongolian princess herself, as she noted in her letters to her daughters. Still Ebegei was willing to fight. She might not have liked the Bön faith but she liked Buddhism even less and she was also a patriot for her adopted homeland.


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The Great Holy War against the Pala Kingdom, January 980 AD.

As predicted it was a hard war. By the time Ü-Tsang entered the fray the various Bön armies had begun to falter. The Maharajah Harasimhadeva was no weak opponent and he could rely on support from other Buddhist rulers. The Buddhists could rely on fantastical troops including war elephants [3]. The Bön were split into a half a dozen factions who might have had religious unity but were at daggers drawn over other rivalries. Even the entry of the fresh forces of Ü-Tsang did not guarantee victory.

Ebegei had no intention of fighting fair if she could avoid it. Leaving the Pala armies to chase the other Bön armies around she concentrated on siege warfare and conquering the North East, city by city. The Ü-Tsang army could not entirely avoid field battles and suffered a defeat at Sri Surya Pahar (30 March 983) but Ebegei learnt from the loss and together with General Sönam, the Marshal of Ü-Tsang she waited until the overconfident Buddhist army split in two to retake some of the cities captured early in the war. At the battles of Sepla (6 September 984) and Tawang (10 October 984) the Tibetans crushed the split enemy armies, threatening to eliminate the great advantage the Buddhists had in numbers.

Ebegi and Sönam were in the process of retaking the last of the cities they had lost in 983 when word arrived of Yumtän's death. The Great Holy War would continue but with a new and untested monarch on the throne of Ü-Tsang...


Footnotes:

[1] Nepal was devoured in piecemeal fashion by the great barons rather than the Gyalpo himself. The same ambitious nobles had pushed a foothold in India without the direction of their monarch.

[2] To Lha and most educated Tibetans Christians, if defined at all were generally assumed to be Nestorians. The Roman Empire (Byzantium) was known but points beyond that were only taken from the tall tales of Rhadanite merchants.

[3] Elephants were familiar to most educated or seasoned Tibetans but there was a difference between academic knowledge of the animal and facing them in battle!
 
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stnylan: Yes, I found that surprisingly affecting as well. And despite participating in two holy wars I'd agree that Yumtän was very much a live and let live type - besides his Christian wife he developed the Sympathy for Eastern religions trait.

GoukaRyuu: Fortunately matrilineal marriage is available, though I shall certainly have to choose Torma's husband with care!

darkhaze9: It was sad, and I was sorry to see him go so young. As I said above I enjoyed mending fences with a character that had been a serial nuisance - though I have to say part of me grew fond of Thumo Purgyal Khrimalod even before her reconcilliation. She was certainly a colourful character! :)

DensleyBlair: I agree on both counts. Fortunately Torma is a full adult and at least apparently healthy so hopefully she can manage interesting times!

lad: Thank you so much, I'm honoured! I'll check it out! :)
 
There is a certain irony in the fact that the most tolerant of all the Gyalpos thus far has presided over not one, but two aggressive holy wars ;) That being said, your narrative goes a long way in making that involvement seem plausible. Politics and duty have a nasty habit of overriding personal convictions, even for one as powerful as Yumtän.
 
His reign is proving an interesting mix of contradictions.

And I wouldn't dare cross his wife