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That little piece of poetry from Grimr may be applicable to the whole Rurikid story - it is such an obscure work of a possessed man that however you interprete it, it is very fitting. Clearly Eilif, with his response, saw that as well .
And there have been a few good opportunities here. The goal Russia may be in sight. If there's a big enough duchy to be taken from Cumania to form the empire, it may even be worth it to take on the pagan pact. The adventurer shouldn't be too much of a problem.
Ch 108 Q1: Corruption Event Effects. Game-wise, it seemed in Eilif’s interests to not lose Frirek’s services (or piss him off by sacking him from Council). Just to confirm though, is it just the short-term effects that apply per the tooltips? Or is there some additional penalty (ie to reputation, unrest, more corruption or related events etc) for ignoring it? Similar situation to Seer Kolbjörn last chapter, whose excusing created a bit of a narrative precedent.
Ch 108 Q2: Helgi’s Resignation. Any light to be shed on Helgi's automatic resignation here (presumably something to do with the clashing war objectives) and more particularly on why I couldn’t rehire him? Is there a chance there might have been a ‘micro-war’ that was triggered if he had troops in place in Ugra when this happened that I missed? Or some automatic mechanic when you clash claims? I didn’t notice them being hostile – they still seem ‘blue allied’ coloured on the map. There’s a shot later of Helgi’s full opinion of Eilif and nothing specific in there that says ‘mowed my grass in Ugra’ .
I'm not sure. People creating titles are auto-removed from the council, which can be very annoying, so my guess would be that people whose wars are invalidated are, too. All in all, it's just annoying and serves no real purpose, and is most likely an unintended sideeffect.
Chap 108 Q3: New Discovery. This is more a statement and request; not being familiar with the event chain (and not having yet read about it in another AAR) I would ask people NOT say what this one might bring, if anything. I’d prefer to be surprised. It could be from the base game, or even the precursor to an Aztec Invasion (which is enabled for this ‘learning’ AAR. Let my interest remain piqued for now, I humbly request.
Ch 108 Q4: Siege Forts. OK, I moused over every screen and sub-screen I could find in the army or the county, looked at wikis, tried google … but nothing described or showed how to actually do this and I could find nothing. Is it not possible in some lands (though this was a tribal pagan county) or is there some other dark art I’m missing here? A screenshot plus description or specific short-cut to actually build such a fort would be greatly appreciated.
Holy Fury only added an additional tab for great works. In your screenshots, it is not visible because you need to deselect your army first - it is covering where the tab is hiding.
Chap 108 Q5: Law Changes for Sweden and Holmgarðr. Just interested in what the implications would be or changing whether of these and whether it is worth doing, especially if Eilif can’t form the empire before he dies.
Holmgarðr doesn't need a change, as a ducal title it should follow the inheritance law of the higher title. Sweden on the other hand is better off as gavelkind - while I'm not sure (because, as said before, I really hate elective gavelkind), if Sweden follows elective gavelkind, its inheritor should be able to declare himself independent even if Russia is created under gavelkind.
There isn't any for other targets, at least. I would expect there to be a mechanic in place preventing him from plotting against Tolir again, though. I don't recall anyone plotting against the same target another time, but then again, I mostly pay attention to the plots aimed at my character.
In this case, discovered co-conspirators get a short-lived opinion bonus (+25) to make it less likely that they'll join the same plot again.
I have recently been reminded by Midnite Duke that the tanistry inheritance system exists in this game. I have no reason to recommend it for this AAR but would like to point out that both it and its opposite system are fascinating game tools, and probably excellent comedy AAR fodder. Tanistry forces the oldest member of your dynasty to become the new ruler upon PC death. The opposite is making your youngest child inherit everything. According to Duke, they ended up with an 89 year old shy Finnish virgin inheriting Scotland, and their heir was a 20 year old woman from north africa.
Butterfly, I am sorry that you misunderstood me. Tanistry is only for Celtic culture. Tanistry is elective but limited to members of dynasty. Tanistry is open to all members of dynasty whether residing inside realm or not. Being elective agnatic-cognatic, women are on equal footing with men. Seniority is the oldest member of your dynasty. Ultimogeniture is the opposite of primogeniture in that youngest inherits everything. Both are good alternatives for primo. I have used both seniority and ultimogeniture in my current game to avoid gavelkind.
Butterfly, I am sorry that you misunderstood me. Tanistry is only for Celtic culture. Tanistry is elective but limited to members of dynasty. Tanistry is open to all members of dynasty whether residing inside realm or not. Being elective agnatic-cognatic, women are on equal footing with men. Seniority is the oldest member of your dynasty. Ultimogeniture is the opposite of primogeniture in that youngest inherits everything. Both are good alternatives for primo. I have used both seniority and ultimogeniture in my current game to avoid gavelkind.
@diskoerekto, @TheButterflyComposer and anyone else: Here are the full screenshots I took at the time as evidence re the siege fort in enemy territory 'mystery', in case they might shed any light on it.
Underneath the fort icon one the right of the defender morale, there's a button with two arrows. If you click it you get the province view, from which there should be a button or tab to build forts and hospitals. The expansion you're missing moved the UI around, so I'm not sure where it'll be from there.
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Chapter 108A: Bonus Material & the Thirty-Fifth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – August 926
Chapter 108A: Bonus Material & the Thirty-Fifth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – August 926
There’s been a bit of a gap as the other three AARs have been updated, but the next big session of Blood & Battle has been played and there is plenty of material ready to go. Before we get to the Þing I’ll start off with some bonus material, some stuff previously requested by @Midnite Duke and that sets a little of the scene for the next chapter, which will be coming out in the next day or so.
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Succession Candidates and Royal Laws
As at 1 August 926 AD, the great Kingdom of Garðariki had a line of succession through the Rurikid dynasty determined by the recent change from elective to ‘simple’ gavelkind succession.
Young Styrbjörn Eilifsson was the heir apparent. He was thoroughly loyal and serving his ‘apprenticeship’ as Advisor on the Fylkir’s Council. He had a brilliant wife but no current title to his name, after having his stripped from him while still a child in a ‘loyal rebellion’ by Kezhevat Meryavid. But he stood to inherit much.
Tolir Eilifsson, Jarl of Tver, was approaching his majority. He now had extensive but relatively poor lands after recent conquests in the frozen north were added to his demesne.
Jarl Gorm Eilifsson of Bolghar was the Fylkir’s third (surviving) son. He was also the current heir to the Kingdom of Sviþjod (more detail later).
Next came Helgi ‘the Scholar’ Budlisson, Eilif's loyal great-nephew and the former heir to the throne before the elective succession was abandoned. Though naturally displeased by that change and resigning as Spymaster after his Holy War claim for Ugra was ‘jumped’ by the Fylkir, he remained loyal to Eilif. He was now a very formidable soldier and one of the most talented and powerful Jarls of the realm. What role he would play after the Fylkir passed was, however, a matter of some conjecture.
Helgi had just the one young son, also named Styrbjörn, who was next in the Rurikid line of succession.
And sixth in line was Eilif’s infamous nephew Chief Hakon ‘the Repulsive’, a rival of the Fylkir since childhood, though his animosity for the Fylkir had waned over the years. He had been rehabilitated by his brother Buðli – a trusted aide of Eilif’s – and now served his own nephew Jarl Helgi loyally enough. Since making his way home from a ‘banishment by marriage’ in Britannia and a failed career as an adventurer, he had largely behaved himself since returning to Garðariki. His son and heir Kolbjörn was the Fylkir’s very industrious Seer of Garðariki. Reviled by some and distrusted by many, he was nonetheless one of the real characters of the realm – and had been for many years. Approaching 50 years of age now, he was a real survivor.
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Swedish Succession
Succession in Sviþjod remained by elective gavelkind, but there was active discussion in the Þing about changing that to correspond to Garðariki’s royal laws. Jarl Gorm was the heir to the kingdom, the rest of the succession very similar to that for Garðariki. It could be a troubled title for a successor of the Fylkir, as many of the Swedish Jarls coveted it, but had not dared to challenge Eilif for it. A young son of his may be another matter. Many advisors had advocated the creation of an Imperial title and gavelkind succession in Sviþjod to ensure the kingdom did not break away on Eilif’s death.
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Royal Laws in Garðariki
Due to a change a few years ago, the royal laws could not be changed again for another three years yet. If the adoption of feudalism was pursued, high tribal organisation would be the next stepping stone. But it would mean granting more power to the Realm Council: not a great problem for Eilif, with his long reign, power, prestige and majority of very loyal Councillors. But it may prove more problematic for a younger and less-well-established successor.
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The Thirty-Fifth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – 1 August 926 (a summary of advice from Chapter 108)
When you own the province you can expel them, but they migrate to another correct-religion province I guess? Although wiping the corresponding religion off the world would surely destroy them
I suppose I may settle their hash at some point, but a problem for another day, I suppose. Wiping out Christianity could be a tall order! Though maybe the Aztecs will do it some day
Great episode! 4 provinces closer to the empire dream in a short amount of time, only 4 left! And when Cumania drops out of the pact, they have a 4 province duchy (Perm I guess?) bordering our northeasternmost exclave. In the meanwhile, I trust our industrious vassals to conquer a bit as well
Hmm. I think I'd still push a bit more for tipping the scales in Helgi's favor since if he won you'd still have the 3 provinces in the realm but none of the increase in threat level. Although, the war was not going well anyway so this more direct approach will be certain and quick.
Eilif was itching for the provinces and didn’t think Helgi was going to be able to get them any time soon, if ever. A bit rude and hasty, but Eilif is in a race with the clock at this stage. He’s reaching the age his father died at.
Yes, that was it. No special gender laws yet, but being a daughter was apparently fine to enable it. Wives and concubines can serve too, I believe (without re-checking).
There isn't any for other targets, at least. I would expect there to be a mechanic in place preventing him from plotting against Tolir again, though. I don't recall anyone plotting against the same target another time, but then again, I mostly pay attention to the plots aimed at my character.
3) Hakon should always be treated as a high level (rival, deceitful, title claimant) threat. Not all plots are displayed, only the ones that you know about. There are four possible outcomes:
a) Hakon lives, you are undetected: no effects
b) Hakon lives, you are detected: small relationship hit with Hakon (who cares) and his family (son on your council)
c) Hakon dies, you are undetected: removed major potential threat to you and your family with no downside
d) Hakon dies, you are detected: removed major potential threat but you receive murderer and kinslayer maluses. Note only the plotter and 1 sidekick receive maluses.
All noted – your long-standing distrust of Hakon may indeed be well-founded. But Eilif has come to kinda love to hate him! Also, there will be a little more on the technicalities in the next chapter.
That little piece of poetry from Grimr may be applicable to the whole Rurikid story - it is such an obscure work of a possessed man that however you interprete it, it is very fitting. Clearly Eilif, with his response, saw that as well .
Very much so. But Eilif has decided ‘to be’ and have his commanders suffer the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune in battle, in order to preserve the Rurikid dream – much as he itches for blood, battle and Valhalla himself!
And there have been a few good opportunities here. The goal Russia may be in sight. If there's a big enough duchy to be taken from Cumania to form the empire, it may even be worth it to take on the pagan pact. The adventurer shouldn't be too much of a problem.
It could be – let’s hope though that fate doesn’t trip him up with the finish line in sight! The Pact though is very all-encompassing at present – as long as it doesn’t take too long, Eilif would prefer to wait for either a lamb or even full-grown sheep to wander from the flock before he pounces. As to the adventurer – it proved an ‘interesting’ little episode.
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Ch 108 Q1: Corruption Event Effects.Game-wise, it seemed in Eilif’s interests to not lose Frirek’s services (or piss him off by sacking him from Council). Just to confirm though, is it just the short-term effects that apply per the tooltips? Or is there some additional penalty (ie to reputation, unrest, more corruption or related events etc) for ignoring it? Similar situation to Seer Kolbjörn last chapter, whose excusing created a bit of a narrative precedent.
There's the short term debuffs, then of course there are longer term issues (the most obvious being he's going to do it again at some point) and unsubstantiated rumours that it make sense the other councillors more liable to do the same thing. Naturally if you pardon all of them, peasants get antsy very quickly.
I think these series of events are somewhat stupid, there's no better consequences to choose removing the councilor than turning a blind eye. You're right.
Ah, OK, the screen is ambiguous there, as it varies between effects on Frirek and Eilif.
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Ch 108 Q2: Helgi’s Resignation.Any light to be shed on Helgi's automatic resignation here (presumably something to do with the clashing war objectives) and more particularly on why I couldn’t rehire him? Is there a chance there might have been a ‘micro-war’ that was triggered if he had troops in place in Ugra when this happened that I missed? Or some automatic mechanic when you clash claims? I didn’t notice them being hostile – they still seem ‘blue allied’ coloured on the map. There’s a shot later of Helgi’s full opinion of Eilif and nothing specific in there that says ‘mowed my grass in Ugra’ .
I'm not sure. People creating titles are auto-removed from the council, which can be very annoying, so my guess would be that people whose wars are invalidated are, too. All in all, it's just annoying and serves no real purpose, and is most likely an unintended sideeffect.
Yes, that could be it. I would like him back on the Council again at some point (and he has many talents), especially after a succession: Styrbjörn (if he does get to inherit) will need Helgi in the tent, not outside it. At least Halla has proved a loyal and effective replacement Spymaster.
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Chap 108 Q3: New Discovery.This is more a statement and request; not being familiar with the event chain (and not having yet read about it in another AAR) I would ask people NOT say what this one might bring, if anything. I’d prefer to be surprised. It could be from the base game, or even the precursor to an Aztec Invasion (which is enabled for this ‘learning’ AAR. Let my interest remain piqued for now, I humbly request.
Ch 108 Q4: Siege Forts.OK, I moused over every screen and sub-screen I could find in the army or the county, looked at wikis, tried google … but nothing described or showed how to actually do this and I could find nothing. Is it not possible in some lands (though this was a tribal pagan county) or is there some other dark art I’m missing here? A screenshot plus description or specific short-cut to actually build such a fort would be greatly appreciated.
Forts are essentially a barrier for county sieges. Initially, not a very strong one. Even raiders will smash through your early forts and you'll have to fork out more money to rebuild them. When your tech and county fort level is sufficiently high, it makes that county immune to siege assaults (I.e. The army will have to sit there and run down the siege timer rather than smash through manually and move on). This makes the most very useful for protecting your own holdings and border in the late game. Oh, and they increase the infrastructure of that county, so it makes building anything there cheaper as well as safer. Generally speaking, forts are actually incredibly useful but underused because they are pathetically weak and expensive in the early game.
To build a fort, you must have complete control of that county and the gold to build it obviously, then you go to the county screen, click the tab on the right and open up a sub menus telling you the terrain type and modifiers, fort and hospital slots. Because of how county mecnhaics work, it's quite hard to build a fort in enemy's territory whilst at war with them because you have to have sieged out all developed county slots (so if a baron is independent of the war you can't build there) and it can't be under attack by the enemy.
My computer is turned off now so no screenshots but I'll describe to the best of my memory. The UI can sometimes drive me crazy. When you click the province and you see province details on the bottom left of the screen, there's a subtle triangle that points to the right and when you click that you see the special holdings (trade post, fort, hospital). There you will see an option to build one.
Holy Fury only added an additional tab for great works. In your screenshots, it is not visible because you need to deselect your army first - it is covering where the tab is hiding.
Underneath the fort icon one the right of the defender morale, there's a button with two arrows. If you click it you get the province view, from which there should be a button or tab to build forts and hospitals. The expansion you're missing moved the UI around, so I'm not sure where it'll be from there.
Thanks everyone! This all helped and I got to play with it in the subsequent session (a small hint there of more Blood and Battle to come – but you all expected that anyway, I’m sure ). Very very helpful.
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Chap 108 Q5: Law Changes for Sweden and Holmgarðr.Just interested in what the implications would be or changing whether of these and whether it is worth doing, especially if Eilif can’t form the empire before he dies.
Q5: The choices are only relevant if they fall from your control or they are your best title. Sweden could be spun off upon your death. The max chaos for AI would be a-c elective gavelkind. I would go a-c elective for Sweden and a-c gavelkind for the jarl. The a-c elective would be for practical purposes cognatic, placing both sexes on equal footing with the electors. A-c gavelkind gives you more options for you, as you would have had more control of daughters than brothers and nephews.
I still find the inheritance stuff a bit baffling! Still, I’ve only ever gone through one CK2 succession in my entire playing career so far, so that’s little wonder!
Holmgarðr doesn't need a change, as a ducal title it should follow the inheritance law of the higher title. Sweden on the other hand is better off as gavelkind - while I'm not sure (because, as said before, I really hate elective gavelkind), if Sweden follows elective gavelkind, its inheritor should be able to declare himself independent even if Russia is created under gavelkind.
That makes sense – even an increased risk of Swedish secession is something I’m desperately trying to avoid.
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Thank you all for the very helpful comments and advice – especially on siege forts: it had become even more of a ‘thing’ than the dreaded Sacred Raiding Toggle! Plenty of interesting stuff to come in the next couple of chapters – the session could not easily be crowded into one chapter. All the images are edited, need to write up now. Hopefully out in a day or so.
It doesn't have anything to do with the character itself, even personal wealth doesn't factor so far as I can tell. Even the pope will eventually try and steal something from you if he's the steward and the event fires.
I have a question for the Thing: Is there a third option for tribal prisoners besides ransom/release and retaining? In our world, tribes raided to increase tribe side. The three uses were labor (men), breeding (women) and assimilation (children). In game terms: men could become commanders and councilors; women wives and concubines; children educated to Norse Germanic. Alscon, the reason, that I asked about cooldown, my first murdered character had a spymaster with positive 100 opinion would rejoin monthly and I was playing whack-a-mole until my murder. Bullfilter, will you make the sons commanders as they come of age? The simplest way around gavelkind is to turn three into one. If Styrbjorn reaches the throne, will you play him as being less likely to jail people since he spent time in a jail.
Not sure: there’s another factor coming up that might affect the equation, and also, having had younger characters (including Eilif’s first son) die off early, I think I’d rather have the spares around for the time being, and they remain loyal family members for now. Not sure though about after a succession. Hmm
Not necessarily because, as a minor, in game he was never actually in jail. He was more a forced house guest with his captor Kezhevat as educator (who was soon converted and always on good and then great terms with his father Eilif). I always treated it in my mind as Kezhevat being embarrassed at having to keep him and wanting to hand him back (he sent a number of polite messages seeking to hand him back for the allotted ransom) but being restrained by the ‘tribal code of honour’ from doing it without a suitable price being paid. Almost like to do so would undervalue the son and royal heir and insult the Fylkir.
And then Eilif was embarrassed by being skint and in the middle of a big war where he could not afford to pay the ransom and his troops, until he raided a bit to restore the coffers - hence the Finnish raid for quick cash before the main one to the west, which I knew would take a long time. So Styrbjorn hasn’t really been scarred by his experience and, as ruler of the great realm, will do what he must. But Eilif himself usually releases the children after a reasonable time if there is no likelihood of ransom, so Styrbjorn would probably take a similarly humane line.
I have a question for the Thing: Is there a third option for tribal prisoners besides ransom/release and retaining? In our world, tribes raided to increase tribe side. The three uses were labor (men), breeding (women) and assimilation (children). In game terms: men could become commanders and councilors; women wives and concubines; children educated to Norse Germanic. .
Landed prisoners give you the least options, ransom, release, put under house arrest, execute, torture/release, or use them as sacrifices in blots or other pagan events.
Unlanded males have all of the above options as well as the option to recruit them and have them join your court, if they don't hate you too much.
Married woman can have all of the landed prisoner options, as well as being taken as concubines, but can't be recruited.
Unmarried woman (even other men's concubines) can be recruited as well as be taken as concubines.
Child prisoners under 10-years old can have their education focused changed to heritage or religion, and you can choose their guardian so you can attempt to convert their culture and religion. They can't be recruited or taken as concubines until they become adults.
Chapter 109: A Steppe of Faith (1 August 926 to 31 December 927)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Fylkir Eilif remains in good enough health, but cannot but help notice how the winters have begun to seem colder and the burdens a little heavier on his shoulders these days; he is now driven to achieve imperial glory for House Rurikid as his final great legacy; the Reformed Germanic faith continues to spread quickly, both from the efforts of his own seer and now those of his diligent vassals; with some more recent acquisitions, he waits for the grip of the Pagan Pact to loosen on more de jure Russian territory; until then, he will bide his time and take his chances when offered – so long as he lives to take them; he fears not to visit the halls of his ancestors – he fears instead for his son, realm and dynasty should he not live to complete the final of his life’s great works.
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August 926
On 1 August, informants from northern Denmark confirmed the adventurer Leofric Henry planned to launch his conquest on 24 May 927. The Guard continued to keep an eye on his expected place of appearance in southern Sweden. The rest of the levy was dismissed.
“Tell me of the Novgorodian Band,” asks Eilif of his old command, which he founded under his father Rurik so long ago.
“They are now commanded by a lame heretic and are down to only 177 men in strength, I’m sorry to say,” answered Marshal Frirek ‘the Great’. “They are on contract to some Armenian Duke and only contribute a small amount [0.77 gold] per month in fees to the coffers.”
“I’m really not sure it's worth keeping them going I’m afraid, Frirek. It’s little recompense for the drain they place on recruiting back home. Oh, and get rid of that heretic from the command. Any competent courtier will do.”
“As you command, My Fylkir.”
Ch 109 Q1: Novgorodian Band.I know I’ve asked before, but I think it may be time to wind up the experiment – it doesn’t seem to be worth it really.
And noticing Totil was unmarried, Eilif decided to do him a favour, inviting to court a strong 16 year old Norse Germanic woman – Utyaka Syrkid, currently a courtier in Radstofa – who also wanted to be married.
“And Grimr,” Eilif said, turning to his Chancellor. “It is time to proclaim the succession law change in Sviþjod. They may not like it, but I will take the advice of the Sage Alscon on this matter.”
“As you command, so I obey, My Fylkir,” replied Grimr, with that slightly disturbing gleam in his eye.
A week later, the diligent Seer Kolbjörn converted another subject – a minor female Slovensky clan member – to the True Faith: one heathen or heretic at a time, Eilif thought to himself.
On 13 August Karelia left the Pagan Pact: Eilif was tempted to attack them given their history and frequent raids they launched, but kept his patience. They weren’t worth the trouble.
A few days later, as Eilif had speculated (and hoped) might happen, Jarl Bragi demanded the conversion of his sister Astrid, who he had recently installed in Nordgau.
On 18 August, old High Chief Syudbar of Bjarmia also left the Pagan Pact – but Eilif let him fight his war with Kola, where the two were still marching towards each other. Eilif was intent on larger game.
Another small win came for the Faith the same day, with Eilif's physician and some-time commander Ingjald agreeing to the ‘re-conversion’ demand Eilif had issued a few weeks before. Interestingly, Ingjald was far more upset by the succession law change to gavelkind than he was about being forced to convert back to his previous religion. I hope he burns that heathen preacher-physician of his at the stake soon, noted Eilif in his private journal. But he could not enforce such a measure on Ingjald himself.
Advice from the Chancellor indicated the inheritance law change in Sviþjod had left the line of succession unchanged, even if some of the technicalities had been varied. Gorm remained heir to the kingdom, the rest in the same order as before [see Chapter 108A].
The next day, young Utyaka arrived at court: a junior noblewoman of the Syrkid dynasty, with a county claim to her name. Brawny and young, Eilif made the offer of her hand to Tolir in a matrilineal marriage (as he was a commoner) as the new captain of the Novgorodian guard actively sought a spouse. Only to be firmly rejected: She is unimportant, Totil wrote back dismissively.
“Unimportant!” fumed Eilif. “He should try looking in mirror some time! Make him a mercenary commander and he thinks he is a King of the gutter rats!”
Sorry for Utyaka and noting his re-converted physician Ingjald had lost his wife quite recently under distressing circumstances (the apostate had died on the chamber pot from the effects of dysentery), Eilif brought the two together. Ingjald was very happy to have her; mainly for Eilif’s sake, but he was also impressed with her youth and skills. A far better result! Totil can go and get stuffed, noted Eilif in his journal. He may be unemployed at some point soon anyway.
On 28 August, Eilif briefly summoned his Steward back from the futile tribe-settling exercise in Ladoga to instruct the building of a weaponsmith [400 prestige, 700 days] in Ladoga, a market city upgrade [105.97 gold, 333 days] in Holmgarðr, a war camp [400 prestige, 511 days]in Toropets and a weaponsmith [400 prestige, 702 days]in Torzhok. [Note: this still left Eilif with 1,773 prestige for contingencies.]
At the end of a very busy August, Eilif invited a possible future steward - Holmger Arnbjörnsson of clan Hammer, currently Steward of Bornholm [18 stewardship, 14 martial] in case his current incumbent [another Tolir, stewardship 15] should need replacing. Holmger would arrive on 12 September.
The very next day, Eilif got the news he had been waiting for: Khan Uzluk of Cumania had chosen to leave the anti-Eilif Pagan Defensive Pact. He may not command many troops directly himself, but had many vassals who may answer a call to arms.
But so too did Eilif – on top of his own sizeable levy. He pounced, launching a Holy War for the four de jure Russian counties of Perm. The only vote against the war in the Council was from Marshal Frirek – who was just granstanding, considering them too puny to bother with!
The main 'central' Garðarikian levy was mustered (over 3,700 troops) and sent to gather in Qazan, bordering on the Perm counties. Hroðgar took command of the lead contingent and would provide the initial rallying point for vassal allied forces, all of whom were simultaneously called to arms.
Another 334 troops from Naumadal were sent down to join the Royal Guard in southern Sweden. And the 1,000-odd troops of the Flanders levy were also called out (vassal levies under direct command due to their feudal government).
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September 926
Jarl Eilif of Smáland [opinion 9] was the only one out of the Fylkir’s 20 direct vassals to decline the call – he was already leading troops in some venture of his own. The vassal troops were all initially sent to join Hroðgar, as planned.
And just two days later, the otherwise fairly loyal Jarl Bragi of Sviþjod founded a faction to make himself king of the subordinate realm. He was the only member so far [8.9% strength]. Eilif was not very concerned. Jarls will be Jarls, was his dismissive opinion on the matter.
Then, with the march to war in full stride, old Kinyak Cheremisid – the former High Chief of Mordva and later political refugee and valued commander in Garðariki – died peacefully.
Note: Kinyak must have had some artifact from his days as High Chief – which I was informed had been lost when he died and didn’t make it to Eilif <shrugs>. I doubt it was too great a loss!
Nine days afterwards, Ingjald was appointed once again to the vacant command position.
Then followed the death of the redoubtable Jarl Frirek ‘the Great’: no diplomat, but an effective (if sometimes corrupt) Marshal. Eilif’s best and most experienced military leaders were falling like flies!
On 20 September Barid (a loyalist) was promoted from commander to Marshal and the recently arrived Holmger to fill his slot as commander, by which time reports started filtering in of Uzluk calling his own vassals and allies to arms.
On 28 September, raiders made an ill-timed attack on Gent, where the local levy had gathered (their morale still low from that). The raiders were beaten off easily by 8 October. But with most vassal troops called out and off to the war against Cumania, raids (large and small) would plague the far-flung lands of Garðariki for the coming years.
As September ended, the Holy War had many participants on both sides readying themselves and marching to the front.
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October-December 926
But the first news in early October was of a foreign plot by a heretic Old Germanic Chief Sverker of Orknö (in Norðreyjar, part of the Kingdom of Noregr) to kill Chancellor Grimr. And Eilif had no influence to make him halt.
On 7 October, raiders of Jarl Boson (an Irish lord) sacked Hlymrek, killing the garrison. And a check of Eilif's dungeon revealed that no prisoners were left alive. Some would have to be captured in the coming fighting to make the next blot worthwhile! The plot on Grimr [50.5%] was the only known one other than the existing plot by Chief Pentti on Hakon the Repulsive[47%] still continuing. The rest were now stopped by Eilif as a matter of policy [per the @Eurasia ‘tell him/her to stop’ principle! ]. He had let the plot on Hakon continue – and Halla advised him he could not join it anyway [‘not in the same sub-realm']. He could perhaps have started one of his own, but did not wish to go that far.
As the troops continued their long trek to the front, the Fylkir sought his Seer’s guidance to become more pious.
Having lost two of his best military leaders recently, on 1 November Eilif decided to attract more foreign talent given the requirements of the coming war for good leadership. Though foreign, he insisted they must be good Norse Germanic men. The Marshals Ragnarr of Viken and Rikulfr of Orsha were happy to answer his call. Both lowborn men were also keen for marriage, so Eilif obliged them with noble minor courtiers in matrilineal marriages, which lent each of them a family name. Ingjald and Holmger found their temporary commissions revoked and were soon replaced by the new men.
Other miscellaneous news from abroad was that old Lothaire Karling (twice ex-King of Bavaria and once of Italy, where his Muslim son Louis III still ruled) had been released from his Hungarian dungeon.
On 6 November, Jarl Bragi of Sviþjod brought salacious rumours to the Fylkir in an attempt to defame Jarl Helgi. Eilif refused to entertain them and kept the scandalous information to himself.
On 16 November, the forces of Kola (5,100 men) and Bjarmia (2,800) clashed in Dvina (High Chiefdom of Bjarmia). It was no surprise when by 28 November Syudbar’s army had been defeated and Dvina assaulted and occupied.
In early December, 27 longboats were mustered in Kexholm and Narva and sent to be ready to embark the Flanders army to wherever it may be needed when the time came. It was basically the ‘western reserve’ for the kingdom while the Guard stood watch in Sweden (where the new and most junior commander Rikulfr took charge) and the rest of the realm marched on Cumania.
In mid-December, the first skirmish of the Cumanian Holy War started in Kerzhenets (a western Cumanian county), when Hroðgar’s army surprised a small enemy company and saw them off easily before the year ended.
Supply there was fine at the time, but by 3 January more troops were transiting the county and the winter had turned severe, bringing attrition to the troops passing through to friendly territory in Gorm’s Jarldom of Bolghar.
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January-March 927
1 January 927 AD marked 60 years since the founding of the original petty Kingdom of Holmgarðr by Rurik, the dynasty founder. Now, his son sought to forge an empire. And wondered whether he would live to see it happen, or if the task would fall to his son to take forward.
On 11 January, Áilu ‘the Frog’ of Kola succeeded in installing his brother as High Chief of Bjarmia. Though Baeivi – despite being a young and brawny man by all reports - didn’t seem to be in good health and suffered from a bout of pneumonia.
As January ended, Khan Uzluk managed to convince the fellow Tengri High Chief Tukiy of Itil to join the Holy War on his side. Tukiy quickly mobilised his levy of almost 1,000 men in Syrt and marched them towards Cheremisa, no doubt hoping to harry behind Garðarikian lines.
On 6 February Helgi was given command of a royal levy regiment in Galich Mersky and a number of nearby vassal allies were ordered to join him to forestall this threat, while the main army kept heading east. Three days later, Hroðgar was in Qazan, planning to march through Bolghar to Perm.
On 10 February, word came that a group of around 900 raiders – ‘Malyy’s Host’ – had suddenly appeared in Bryansk (seemingly out of nowhere – it was an internal Garðarikian county) but was moving west towards Chernigov. Given the war, no troops were diverted to deal with them (for now anyway) in the hope they would not prove too worrisome. Ten days later, Jarl Boson’s raiders had sacked Connacht in Ireland – the mouse playing while the cat was away in Cumania.
Hearing of these latest troubles and with the main war still not even seriously begun, all the worries and anticipation finally got to Eilif. On 21 February he decided to seclude himself rather than risk falling prey to tiredness and listlessness. Grimr - a competent enough administrator, if not of the Fylkir’s grand stature – took over as Regent. On 12 March, Eilif emerged somewhat refreshed and more pious – though the seclusion was not enough to make him more temperate.
By 28 March, Helgi was in Nizhny Novgorod with almost 2,200 men, while Tukiy’s 1,000 men were in Cheremisa and in the process of fording the (major) Oka River to Gorodez – just north of Helgi.
“They should be over the river in five days, Jarl Helgi,” said the scout who delivered the news.
“Good,” was the succinct reply. “Let them come. I’ll have their guts for garters!”
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April-May 927
The tempo of the war began to increase a little in April. On 3 April, the Flanders levy (1,020 men) began embarking on ships in the Waddenzee. By mid-April, Helgi had begun marching north to attack Tukiy in Gorodez, where he was due on 29 April. One of his vassal companies was commanded by the now loyal and Germanic Jarl Kezhevat. He would one day come to play a crucial part in the campaign during a critical time.
The wily Chief Pentti was commanding the 945-man main body of Helgi’s Belo Ozeran warriors as they marched through Cumanian Votyaki, north of Bolghar, on the way to the front. Between 16 April and 1 May, fought and defeated 427 enemy troops from Perm and Zyriane.
Also on 16 April, Eilif received news of which only he knew the full significance. Rurik Dyresson Rurikid of Cornwall had died at the age of 24, from cancer. The young man was supposedly his nephew, son of his exiled and long-dead brother (and rival) Dyre.
He was in fact Eilif’s secret son through an affair with Dyre’s still-living wife Elin (not to be confused with Eilif’s now-dead concubine and former Spymaster Elin). Young Rurik had managed to find himself a county, a wife and a young daughter (Eilif’s actual granddaughter, though by law only a ‘grandniece’). And now he had found an early death. Eilif’s moral certainty was once again shaken.
With a month before Leofric’s conquest was due to start, Eilif thought to order Jarl Bragi’s large force of 1,365 men, by then just over in Finland, to reinforce Rikulfr’s army (1,035 with the Guard and Naumadal levies) in Austergautland. It seemed however the message was either lost, delayed or ignored, as Bragi’s men kept marching east as originally ordered. [I should have done this as soon as they were mobilised, as this delay keeps happening when attachments are swapped. Ah well.]
As Pentti still skirmished to the west in Votyaki, in late April Hroðgar’s main force finally arrived in Perm, the seat of the duchy being targeted in the Holy War. Seeing the tribal hold only had a small garrison, he assaulted it as soon as he could, with only light losses. But the main holding in the county had over 600 men to defend it, so he settled in for a siege. It would likely be a long war, so the speed Eilif craved had to be balanced against the need to sustain manpower in the long haul – and during long winters to come.
On 1 May, a large Cumanian vassal army (around 2,200 men under High Chief Koza) was spotted to the south of Perm in Bilyar, heading for Syrt. This was the day Helgi attacked Tukiy’s well-led army in Gorodez. Without assigned flank commanders, Helgi had won a solid victory by 23 May.
The victory in Gorodez came on the day Leofric’s conquest attempt began. He had a little under 2,000 men – and 200 ships! He sent one third of his force into Värend, but held the rest back. Because Jarl Bragi’s regiment had still not turned around, Rikulfr was reluctant to attack them, in case Leofric’s main force joined the battle, outnumbering him two-one. He had orders to thwart the invader, but not to take unnecessary casualties doing so.
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June-July 927
Now that Leofric had shown his hand, on 3 June the Flanders regiment (alerted by a fast, long-range carrier pigeon ) started sailing to Sweden, where they would link up with Rikulfr and should have enough troops to give battle on more than even terms if Bragi did not come. And that day, Malyy’s host arrived in Turov to start looting the Teutonic Order’s holding there! Eilif was glad he’d left them alone: they were doing Odin’s work!
Also on 3 June, the Cumanian army in Bilyar had grown to over 3,600 in size. Around 2,200 were still heading to Syrt, which Helgi would have to deal with. The 1,500 or so newcomers were making for Bolghar – where it looked like they would ambush about 500 Garðarikian vassal ally troops.
In response Helgi, who now had a little over 3,000 men (mainly allied) under command in Gorodez, had three more contingents ordered to attach to him (from Jarls Þorfinn, Rikulfr II and Oddr II): 2,500 more men if they all materialised (which was doubtful). His job would be to deal with the southern army while Hroðgar continued with offensive operations in Perm. And Ragnarr was given his first Garðarikian command that day: around 1,750 royal and allied troops in Qazan, ordered north to besiege Votyaki. The intention was to use him as a roving besieger in Cumania’s western provinces. Votyaki was the westernmost of the Perm counties.
The siege of Perm (proper) was won on 4 June with no loss [warscore 24%], but 47 men were left as a garrison (starting the gradual erosion of numbers these operations would cause). Hroðgar marched north with 3,250 men to do the same to Komi.
Eilif’s son Tolir came of age on 7 June. He had somehow become the heir to the Jarldom or Bergslagen [perhaps I’ll interrogate it sometime]and was already betrothed to Jarl Kezhevat’s daughter Tetyava Meryavid (the family were now good Germanic people these days). He was a solid enough young man, though a bit sly and without much diplomatic ability.
The two small allied companies in Bolghar (around 500 men from the Jarldoms of Bolhgar and Lithuania) were ambushed by over 1,400 Cumanian troops (from Kipchack) on 19 June. They were in rout, by 5 July, losing around 180 men.
The recalcitrant Slavic Chief Vladimir ‘Three Vees’ Vyatich of Vyazma was up to his old tricks, Halla uncovering his plot on 27 June to fabricate a claim on young Tolir’s Jarldom of Tver. Vladimir’s regard for (and fear of) Eilif was just enough to persuade him to cease, which he did by 16 July.
On 1 July, Helgi received a report that the 2,200 enemy troops heading west were now in Syrt and heading to neutral Cheremisa. Helgi, now with 3,35 troops, could not ford the Oka in time to meet them there, so instead began crossing over to Chuvash (also in Mordva), north of Cheremisa.
Over in Sweden, the Flanders regiment arrived off Austergautland on 8 July and began unloading. The smaller Leofric army was besieging Värend by then, but the other larger army – and all the ships – had disappeared to places unknown.
Back in Cumania, Sverker now took over the sole command of the main army (as mainly siege work was expected) from Hroðgar. He was in Komi and ready to assault the tribal hold by 26 August. It was all over three days later, 114 men lost taking down the 338 man garrison [warscore 27%]. Sverker was soon marching further east to Ural (the eastern Perm county, commanding a pass through the Ural Mountains).
In late July, The Cumanian force (under Chief Koza) arrived in Cheremisa, spotted Helgi crossing the Oka and started heading north-east to Garðarikian Ashli instead – perhaps to link up with the other Cumanian army then in Bolghar.
At home, the Market City (Level III) in Eilif’s richest personal county (the capital, Holmgarðr) was finished on 27 July. [Note: should I try to upgrade this to Level 4 before feudalism is adopted for conversion purposes?]
The Flanders regiment had reinforced Rikulfr in Austergautland by 29 July, but were still recovering condition from their sea voyage [78.5% morale in their companies]. Leofric’s 645 men still besieged Värend to the immediate south but were still not even halfway finished. Rikulfr (now with 2,050 men, including 700 Guardsmen) waited a little longer.
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August-September 927
But Hroðgar arrived on 1 August to take command of the expected battle. With Flanders company morale deemed good enough [84%] he advanced on Värend straight away.
Helgi was across the Oka into Chuvash by 1 August and marching south against Chief Koza, hoping to catch him before he could escape. The Cumanian army in Bolghar (almost 1,500 men) under a commander named Borç, was now marching on Perm, no doubt intent on liberating it for his khan.
A week later, not wishing to see their good work undone, Sverker broke off his march on Ural and headEd south from Komi to Perm instead – with over 3,100 men, he hoped Borç would continue; he wouldn’t, halting in Bolghar on 14 August.
At home, the Faith continued to prosper. Seer Kolbjörn finished his conversion of Belo Ozero on 8 August and was sent next to do the same in Narva, currently still infested with heretic Old Germanic worshippers. Just three days later, the important county of Yaroslavl had also converted to the True Faith.
Even with a crucial Holy War in progress, domestic events still strained Eilif’s patience. On 21 August he was unlucky enough to witness a heated argument between the somewhat scary Chancellor Grimr ‘Son of Hel’ and his wife. He decided to beat a hasty retreat rather than get involved.
Ch 109 Q2: Domestic Argument.I didn’t hear anything further of this one, but suppose there would be some kind of an event chain attached. Eilif had enough on his plate at that stage without risking a falling out with his possessed and unhinged (but effective and loyal) Chancellor and Regent!
Only four days later, his Spymaster (and daughter) Halla was attacked; she survived, though she was wounded. Halla was now sporting a rather dashing facial scar! While proud of her of course, it added to Eilif’s personal worries.
Two days later, the colourful – and rather debauched – life of Frirek ‘the Unchaste’ of Gent came to an end. A natural death, but no doubt hastened by the lover’s pox he had contracted.
His son Suni seemed to have inherited both Frirek’s lisp and his romantic preferences, to which a puny frame was added. Though he was not a seducer, had a wife (like his father, ‘for show’ and siring heirs, no doubt) and otherwise leaned towards virtues rather than sins and seemed to have a good enough opinion of Eilif.
By the time Hroðgar got to Värend on 28 August, Leofric’s army had broken its siege and escaped south into Danish lands – they must have been faster-moving outfit. Hroðgar continued the chase into neutral territory.
But the main game remained in the east. In the second half of August[I didn’t get an alert so missed the start], Jarl Helgi had caught up with Chief Koza in Cheremisa to begin the largest battle of the war so far. By 28 August the skirmishing phase was still in progress, but Cumanian morale was already failing. Helgi completed another good victory by 17 September, killing over 500 enemy troops.
Helgi gave chase to Syrt after the victory, intending to besiege High Chief Tukiy’s seat and see if Itil could be taken out of the war.
To the north, Ragnarr had won his siege of Votyaki on 10 September with no losses, leaving a small garrison and heading west to Zyriane.
Marshal Barid informed Eilif on 26 September that Commander Rikulfr Nyalkid had improved his skills [+2 to 20 martial]. Eilif always liked to have top-notch commanders in charge of his precious troops and was cheered by the news. But the same day, Hroðgar reported he had not only failed to catch Leofric’s smaller force, but had completely lost sight of them – they had left southern Sweden entirely! The fleet was ordered around to the Kattegat to see if they could spot them on the way.
The month finished with Ragnarr finding a fairly weak garrison in Zyriane (only 179 men) which he assaulted on 31 September, eventually winning on 4 November [warscore 38%] for the loss of 77 of his 1,731 men, leaving just over a dozen as garrison and making south for his next siege target: Kerzhenets. And Uppland was brought out of its heresy to the True Faith that same day – a satisfactory end to the month.
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October-December 927
Helgi had his mainly allied army in Syrt by late October. And, having received expert advice from the Þing at the start of the war, Garðarikian armies had finally figured out how to construct siege forts! He surveyed the ground outside Syrt, but did not actually construct a siege fort in this case as the weather was fine and there were ample supplies in the county to sustain a siege. But it was good to have the ability to do it if required.
On 11 November, Sverker – now with 4,023 troops in the main army – encountered a far smaller Cumanian force (904 men) when they returned to Bolghar, having missed Borç’s 1,400 man army, which was faster moving and hand slipped north to Votyaki by then. Sverker defeated the smaller force in a straightforward battle, ending on 6 December (details further below).
Leofric’s main army of around 1,200 men turned up in Hlymrek of all places on 8 December. He must have had some help from local raiders passing through in the area, because the report came that a force of 1,786 men had assaulted the strong garrison of 923 men, taking the holding of Killaloe in two days for the loss of only 60 attackers, but with only 1,230 listed as survivors!
Ch 109 Q3: Assault Result.The activity itself was too small to include in the narrative as a major battle with a screenshot, but this was both unexpected (falling so easily) and another of those instances when the report doesn’t really explain the full story. I’d be curious as to how to interpret this – and can provide a screenshot subsequently if more info is required.
In any case, there were 1,183 of Leofric’s men left there besieging Hlymrek itself, after a garrison of 48 was left in Killaloe. Back in Sweden, by this time Leofric’s other army (645 men) had last been seen in Fyn and was now out of sight. The fleet was in Kattegat, while Hroðgar had already been marching across to Danish Halland, where they would arrive on 23 December and most likely take ship for Ireland to see if they could trap Leofric’s main army there – or at least liberate Hlymrek. It was becoming a classic wild goose chase!
After his victory in Bolghar on 6 December, Sverker began marching north from with the main army to Votyaki, hoping to relieve Borç’s siege and perhaps catch him there before he could get away, if he dallied to continue the siege.
Helgi won the siege of Syrt on 22 December, taking three young boys as prisoners. One of them, Kormesiy Dulo, was valuable enough to High Chief Tukiy of Itil to pay 46 gold for his release, the transaction completed a week later. Another prisoner still being held, Tähtaman, was Tukiy’s heir. Helgi headed east to Bilyar next, on a mission to take the war towards the heart of Cumania.
As the year ended, Borç (1,481 men) retook Votyaki for Cumania on 29 December. But he had tarried long enough for Sverker (now with 4,338 men) to hopefully catch and defeat him there. Helgi continued east to Bilyari and Ragnarr continued his siege of Kerzhenets. Rikulfr was off chasing the elusive Leofric in Ireland, while sundry other raiders plied their trade in parts of the wide-spread Garðarikian realm.
By this time, Eilif had come to the conclusion that the large size of Cumania, the long distances and severe winters of the steppe, plus the unknown number of allied contingents that kept joining Khan Uzluk periodically, meant the Holy War could be long, hard and far from a sure thing. And the passage of time was one thing Eilif could not control.
All the while, opportunists took advantage of Garðariki’s distraction to nip away at the flanks with a multiplicity of raids and military adventures. But there was nothing for it now than to forge ahead and try to conquer enough Cumanian territory to force Uzluk to surrender as quickly as possible. The war would drag on for some time yet, it was clear.
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Questions
Noting the next phase of the war has been played forward, here are the questions for the Þing relating to this first phase of it (and all the other stuff that goes on elsewhere). There were a few smaller ‘in text’ questions and comments raised along the way too, which people may care to comment on. And as ever, more general commentary and suggestions are always welcome.
Ch 109 Q1: Novgorodian Band. I know I’ve asked before, but I think it may be time to wind up the experiment – it doesn’t seem to be worth it really.
Ch 109 Q2: Domestic Argument. I didn’t hear anything further of this one, but suppose there would be some kind of an event chain attached. Eilif had enough on his plate at that stage without risking a falling out with his possessed and unhinged (but effective and loyal) Chancellor and Regent!
Ch 109 Q3: Assault Result. The activity itself was too small to include in the narrative as a major battle with a screenshot, but this was both unexpected (falling so easily) and another of those instances when the report doesn’t really explain the full story. I’d be curious as to how to interpret this – and can provide a screenshot subsequently if more info is required.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
It was now time to take on a serious horse lord – none other than the Khan of Cumania himself and his renowned horsemen.
But so too did Eilif – on top of his own sizeable levy. He pounced, launching a Holy War for the four de jure Russian counties of Perm. The only vote against the war in the Council was from Marshal Frirek – who was just granstanding, considering them too puny to bother with!
Note: Kinyak must have had some artifact from his days as High Chief – which I was informed had been lost when he died and didn’t make it to Eilif <shrugs>. I doubt it was too great a loss!
I think his wife always wanted to throw out that weird skull collection of the man, and he didn't let her. My grandmother also threw out a lot of my grandfather's curiosities after he passed.
At home, the Market City (Level III) in Eilif’s richest personal county (the capital, Holmgarðr) was finished on 27 July. [Note: should I try to upgrade this to Level 4 before feudalism is adopted for conversion purposes?]
It's not one of the best buildings to improve for conversion purposes, but any building (except shipyard) that's an odd-level is better upgraded to an even-level as a higher priority so I advise to upgrade this to level 4.
Ch 109 Q2: Domestic Argument.I didn’t hear anything further of this one, but suppose there would be some kind of an event chain attached. Eilif had enough on his plate at that stage without risking a falling out with his possessed and unhinged (but effective and loyal) Chancellor and Regent!
In any case, there were 1,183 of Leofric’s men left there besieging Hlymrek itself, after a garrison of 48 was left in Killaloe. Back in Sweden, by this time Leofric’s other army (645 men) had last been seen in Fyn and was now out of sight.
All the while, opportunists took advantage of Garðariki’s distraction to nip away at the flanks with a multiplicity of raids and military adventure. But there was nothing for it now but to forge ahead and try to conquer enough Cumanian territory to force Uzluk to surrender as quickly as possible. The war would drag on for some time yet, it was clear.
besiege their capital, that sometimes brings great warscore to force a win
A great episode! The war is going good, and if we can get rid of that Leofric we'll have more troops to chase the fast horselords. The empire crown is so much in sight now, I hope nothing goes wrong with Eilif's health and he gets to see the second fruit (first being the reformation) of his hard work!
I always saw the mercenary bands as a way to give a son a title and let him gain prestige and possibly get improvements in skills/traits, without giving him a landed title and have him become involved in the plotting and intrigue in the Kingdom. This can some times backfire if he is killed or maimed, or comes back with bad traits.
Ch 109 Q2: Domestic Argument.
I think the event chain only continues if you choose to interfere.
Ch 109 Q3: Assault Result.
Don't know about this, but as you mentioned they may have had help from raiders. Any raiders in the area of about the right size?
Taking the capitol county may not add much to war score depending upon how many counties the Khan holds, the real hope is to take some or all of the Khan's family as prisoner. Close family can give 5% war score each and if you snatch his heir it is 50% war score in your favor.
then there're too many tribal vassals. nomad horselords normally do not have holdings other than the capital so if you take the capital suddenly you take (nearly) all the holdings he holds. if he has some tribes as vassals (in fact we see this since nearly every province needed a siege and had a holding in it) then the value of the capital gets reduced to normal levels.
Another great episode. Love the humor. Love the [ ] info. Does anyone know the percentage of AI murder plots that succeed? Unless me, my ancestor, or my descendant is target, I use a 25/50 approach to plotting. If target has an opinion of me 25 greater than plotter's opinion of me, I ask plotter to stop. If plotter has an opinion of me 50 greater than target's opinion of me, I offer the plotter assistance. All others, I ignore as it gives them something to do.
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