II: Fragments from the First Centuries
As I have said, until about 2650, we have almost nothing by way of writings from the Rock. It seems that people knew how to write, as the Old World script never died out completely in Newfoundland like it did in some other places, though people in certain parts of the island seem to have ditched the ancient alphabet in favour of newly minted systems. We simply seem to have done most of our writing on birchbark. And though it is quite possible to keep birchbark dry and preserve it for great lengths of time, few people seem to have felt the need to do that, since it was easy enough to find a new piece of bark. The author of a paper book bound in leather is understandably much more concerned with keeping it preserved.
Still, there were some early authors in Newfoundland who must have desperately wanted some few words of theirs to survive, and so carved them painstakingly into stone. By and large, these are not stories, but short declarations of various kinds. Of those carvings which I know, the one which is likely the oldest stands on a rockface near the ancient roadbed at a clearing known as Halfway House, in Avalon. The rock reads simply:
MY NAME IS LISA MACRAE
Being perhaps the only carving found on the Rock in pure Old English, I hardly doubt this must be our oldest stone source. I find it easy to imagine the author of this brief message, one who before the Calamity might have had some hope of leaving a legacy, who had now seen her whole world turned upside down, who was perhaps an old woman already by the time she hacked into that rockface, set on leaving her name there for future generations if nothing else. There was a time when the folk of nearby harbours understood Lisa Macrae somehow to dwell in the rock itself, and local holy women would trek inland to leave offerings of food and oil underneath her inscription, offerings which always disappeared. But at one point it seems the site was forgotten, and by the time it was rediscovered the name of Lisa Macrae no longer meant much to anyone alive.
A much better-known “ancient” site is carved into a large rock in the forests north of Burin, on a large peninsula jutting off the southern coast of the Rock. Like Lisa Macrae’s inscription, it is short and written in pure Old English:
IF MAN IS 5
THEN THE DEVIL IS 6
AND IF THE DEVIL IS 6
THEN GOD IS 7
Unlike Lisa Macrae’s rockface, however, this carving (known to some as the “Burin Spell”) is almost certainly a later fake. Its words are exactly those found on a holy rock in the forest around Boston, an inscription known as the Riddle of the Pixies. According to a local yarn which has spread far and wide – as yarns from Boston often do – the Pixies were a race of beings from the Spirit World who came to Boston in the form of bards just before the Calamity. They foretold the Calamity and the world to come in many Riddles such as this one, which most people of the Old World could not understand and so did not heed. Only a select few grasped some of the more basic meanings which hid within these mysteries, mysteries which proliferated in the years before the Calamity, pronounced not only by the Pixies but by hosts of prophets and bards and otherworldly visitors. Those who studied these mysteries became the first Adepts of the Occultist tradition.
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A pixie from a sacred tapestry in an Augusta temple
Occultism never took hold in Newfoundland, where the Druids and Druidesses did their best to keep out “dark magic” from the continent. When Eliza the Great conquered the Yankee homelands in the 2860s, however, a wave of interest in the Occult swept the Rock. Many tried their hands at Yankee rites, which were rumoured to unlock powers and summon sprites which the Druidic orders were keeping jealously for themselves. By and large, these amateur spellcasters managed at most to visit minor injuries upon themselves and get fined by local courts on charges of Carrying On (mischief, basically; one of the lowest-level charges in our Common Law). The Burin Spell is almost definitely the work of a copycat from this time or later.
Besides Lisa Macrae’s rockface, then, I know of only one genuine old inscription in all of Newfoundland. It stands in the centre of the Portaport peninsula, on the west coast of the Rock, nearly surrounded by the Gulf. It is written in the old Stephenville Script, which I cannot read myself, but which a friend from Portaport was able to interpret for me:
Peace laws of the Portaport Men
With Lug Longarm, the handy skipper, as our witness
From now on,
When a man says that another has stolen his pig, or up to three of his sheep, or up to twenty of his chickens, or less than a tenth of his catch,
The two men will agree on a judge in their district, who will weigh the truth of the charge and decide what compensation is to be paid.
And when a man says that another has stolen several of his pigs, or more than three of his sheep, or more than twenty of his chickens, or more than a tenth of his catch,
The two men will bring the case to the Five Druids in the town, who will judge it and pronounce their verdict in public for all to hear.
The Druids will not judge the case unless both men are present and each has brought a friend who can vouch for him.
From now on,
Driftwood is free for all to take from the beaches. No man will bring charges against another for stealing his driftwood, unless the man robbed had actually taken care to pile up the driftwood near his house, in which case the procedures will be the same as they are for small-time chicken theft.
From now on,
Whenever a band of men go raiding on the Mainland, they will reach an agreement beforehand about how to split the loot, and state their agreement in front of the Five Druids in the town before setting off to sea.
When a man returns after having fought in Mainland wars, his wages are his to keep.
All Portaport men have gathered and agreed to these laws, and Chief Druid Kevin Shanks has sealed them with his blood, and he has not flinched.
The inscription records no date or year, but according to the family lines which the Portaport Druids have preserved, Kevin Shanks is the twenty-two- to twenty-four-times great-grandfather of most folk in Portaport today, so that he might have been Chief Druid around the year 2500. The yarn goes that he cut off his left arm to seal the new laws - a sacrifice called for only on the most solemn occasions - which were drawn up to end a generation of bloody infighting on the peninsula. The fact that these laws are written as if they only concern men is something which was normal in the western parts of the Rock, where women were long barred from public affairs. In Avalon and much of the east, while men still did most of the raiding and livestock theft and the like, litigation was largely a woman’s job. The Fay gradually blurred over these local differences with their law codes which rarely made any distinctions between women and men.
As for Lug Longarm, he is a god worshipped all over the Rock and even in parts of the Mainland; he is often prayed and sacrificed to by rulers for guidance, and he is invoked whenever new laws are passed. It is only in Portaport, however, that they call him “the handy skipper”.
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Lug Longarm
As far as I know, this is the only time in the Age of Heroes that anyone felt the need to write down laws in stone. Though many people could read and write, the written word was looked on as a tool for trade or for messages that could easily be forgotten. The real important things, be they laws or spells or epic tales, could only be trusted to memory and to speech.
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The Portaport peninsula
Most of the written sources on Newfoundlanders in the earlier part of the Heroic Age come from the Mainland, where the Newfie heroes of the old tales often travelled to make a name or a fortune for themselves in whatever way they could. The Portaport laws mention local men going abroad to raid or to hire themselves out to foreign lords, so it must have been a thing common enough in the time the laws were written. For the earliest heroes, whose stories seem to be set around 2400 though they were not written down until much later, going to the Main is usually quite a casual matter. Adventurers take up jobs, conduct business, and make friends among the Maritimers and the other peoples they meet – sometimes they even settle down on the Mainland and start families. If they raid and fight, it is in the same way the people of the Main raid and fight each other. The various Maritime chroniclers also mostly talk about them in this way.
Sometime in the 25th century, things begin to sour. The gradual turn of the Maritimers towards the Anglican church may have played a part: in the early years especially, the Ministers of Christ tried to preach peace and love among neighbours, virtues which do not mesh well with the turf wars and livestock theft which employed our heroes. Raiding and feuding were also becoming a less viable way of life as the Maritimers emerged from the chaos which had engulfed their lands for two centuries. In the words of Phyllis Munro, the late 27th century chronicler to the Beaton family (translated from courtly Gaelic):
In the ages after the kingdom of the Irvings first fell, the lords of the provinces first set crowns upon their own heads; then the lesser lords rose up against these provincial kings, and each county was a kingdom unto itself; and in some places it happened that the towns or clans cast away the authority of the lords, so that it appeared as if these lands would continue to splinter forever until each family was left as a law of its own. And in these times just as there were no great wars, there was never true peace, as neighbours carried on bloody feuds with neighbours and chiefs slaughtered their rivals before falling to the spear themselves. But even before the cursed king Tarleton briefly restored the Irvings to power, the winds had already turned: counties were reunited either by great warriors or by the common agreement of the people, and some of these counties were yoked together under new kings who made the common folk pledge to leave off their deadly squabbles.
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The Maritimes on the eve of Tarleton Irving's wars, 2460 CE
Onto this scene stepped one of the most famous warriors of the Avalon Cycle of heroes: Edgar Coates. According to the oral tradition, which may have begun shortly after his death, Edgar was from Conception Bay, in the Fay heartlands of northern Avalon. Though he was bright and brawny, more than able to hold his own in the Grand Banks fishery, Edgar loathed life at sea, and when he was nineteen boarded a ship for Halifax, at first working as a day labourer. Spending his free days in one of the city’s wrestling clubs, he fell in with a band of dishonest livestock traders who offered him a more lucrative job in the country. After spending a couple years cattle-rustling for these traders in the Annapolis Valley, Edgar was seen and almost caught by a local lord’s bodyguards.
No longer sure he could keep up his business safely in the Valley, he fled by ship to Moncton with a band of fellow robbers. There they offered their services to Tarleton Irving, one of the most powerful lords in the Maritimes, who was at war with the Cobequid League. Edgar quickly distinguished himself in a series of battles, leading Tartleton’s men in the sack of Truro in 2468. Most of the lords and mayors in the Cobequid League were converts to the Anglican church, while Tarleton and his men, including Edgar, followed the old gods and the Druids. We know how much anxiety Tarleton’s advance caused the Anglican ministry from a letter sent by Katherin Leveck, first Bishop of Dartmouth in what was then the Kingdom of Scotia, to the Archbishop of Canterbury:
Othe many poor solls who now streeme in from the North, neer all is Christian, but more than 1 has tolld me they finde it hard to beleeve in ar gud Lord’his mercee after what they seen at Truro. Ten Churches has aredy puffd up in flame ithe wake othe heethen’his armee. I now dote if ar Mishon will survive this mad dog of Hell and his Newfee retaaners, who creepe closer to ar seet daybiday.
Not long after, Bishop Katherin’s worst fears came true: Tarleton’s armies stormed Halifax, and Edgar’s company personally burned the seat of the Anglican diocese in Dartmouth. The bishop herself fled south and found shelter with the lord of Pubnico, but many clerics were massacred. After Tarleton has subjugated most of the Maritimes and reached the peek of his power, he rewarded Edgar with a swathe of land around Pictou for his service.
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Edgar hardly ever had time to enjoy his new estates, however, as Tarleton’s harsh rule spawned one revolt after another. After remaining loyal to Tarleton for twenty years, however, Edgar had a different feeling about the Beaton Rising of 2488; sensing that the rebels would make topple the king no matter what he did, the now middle-aged warrior joined forces with the Beaton armies and helped them find a safe passage through Tantramar Marsh to Tarleton’s castle.
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The Beaton Rebellion, which toppled Tartleton the Mad and sealed the christianization of the Maritimes.
After the king had been killed in battle and the Irving family cowed, however, Edgar found himself next on the chopping block: a band of rebels raised from his own lands around Pictou stabbed him to death as he slept in the dead king’s own bed. The old yarn says that Ivor, leader of the Beaton rebellion and newly-crowned King of the Maritimes, had Edgar’s body packed in a barrel of salt and sent to his family in Avalon; on this point the Mainland chronicles say nothing.
If King Ivor, called Ivor the Just by his family’s later chroniclers, actually did send Edgar’s body packed in salt to Newfoundland, it was likely with mind to letting his family bury him properly, something he may have felt was his Christian duty. Yet we can imagine Edgar’s startled relatives, who had not seen him in over twenty years, seeing the gesture quire differently: they may have understood that Newfies were no longer welcome to stay on the Mainland, not even in death, not even if they had been killed in battle. For over 150 years, that is more or less how it went: ships would set out from Newfoundland, arrive on the Main, pillage what they could for a season, then leave, careful not to leave their own bodies behind. This began to change in the late 27th century, a change which seems to begin with a queen in Avalon by the name of Morgan.