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Eh, the sagas aren't very consistent, so it's hard to know which bits to trust. When we already have another source, consistency between them is a positive indication, provided of course that they are independent sources. ...

Which neatly brings us back to OP. It seems to me that the reconstruction there extends trust too widely. The sagas are definitely an interesting source for the Norse exploration of North America, no question there. But how far can you take them? Some elements have proved reliable, certainly, but then OP goes on to treat every detail as equally informative. That's fine as an experiment, or as a guide to where to look for archeological evidence. Take those travel times, where he takes the best recorded time and applies it to pretty much every journey recorded in the sagas. Well, perhaps some were that fast but most likely the average distance over time was much lower. At best the procedure gets you a maximum reach but I think it's much more probable that the places described are much closer to Greenland than the maximum. And the details of the description of the coastline may be not that accurate at all. "They could have reached so and so far" - that's one thing - "and they describe a river mouth thusly" - that's another thing entirely, maybe from a different source, maybe from the scribe's imagination - "therefore let's look at those details near the maximum reach" - nah, that takes it altogether too far.
Nice thoughtful post by you, Barsoom.

Even considering that the Sagas may use mythological or exaggerated elements, once one decides that the Sagas are describing a real place, it's helpful to list to directions for locations in that place and chart a map as to how that place would look. This strategy is helpful both to get an idea of the land that they are describing, and to look for archaeological places like you mentioned, and also to see where in real life geography the Vikings were talking about. This instructional and mapping strategy would be helpful even if you were conceiving of Vinland as a purely mythological location and were planning to illustrate it in order to better help the audience conceptualize it, as if you were trying to map Shambhala or Odysseus' journey.

As you rightly noted, once you've listed and mapped the locations, there is no need to literally force what you have listed and mapped onto real world locations, as if we know for a fact that the VIkings camped as far south as a certain area of the US (NJ, Maryland, DE, Virginia, Carolinas) if that was the northenmost snowless coastal region then. That is, we can simply note that the Sagas describe a snowless winter land, then give reasons to think why they reached this place. For instance, their descriptions seem rather detailed as if they were describing real world places. They describe Halibut in the lake or estuary area, but Halibut aren't in the Carolinas today, just farther north. Then we can note the mythological aspect and leave things a bit open.

The same applies to the travel times. You write correctly, "When we already have another source, consistency between them is a positive indication, provided of course that they are independent sources."

You are raising an issue that I've considered myself - the distance that the Vikings would have traveled in 2 days in real life, based on available sources.

The WIkipedia article on Straumford says:
The "two half-days or days" [two doegr, which could refer to 12 or 24 hours], referenced three times in the saga, are important to the question of the whereabouts of Straumfjörð because they suggest the distance travelled when Karlsefni and his men, perhaps, crossed open seas. The two doegr were suggested by Carl Christian Rafn in 1841[6] to be equivalent to about 54 to 60 miil. He bases this on old Icelandic sources such as the Landnámabók. Miil would refer to either sjømil or to Scandinavian mile. William A. Munn (1929) assumes the two days to correspond to "about 200 miles".[7] Jónas Kristjánsson and colleagues, in a 2012 article, suggest that 170 nautical miles, which is the distance between Greenland and Baffin Island, or an even longer distance, could well be transversed over two doegr, as modern replicas of Norse ships have been reported to make 12 knots and more under favourable conditions.[8] Geoffrey Malcolm Gathorne-Hardy and William Hovgaard estimated a day of 24 hours' sail at about 150 miles.
  • In the Landnamabok (It's a history of Iceland), they say that someone sailed for 15 days west of Ireland and came to White Man's Land / Ireland the Great, where they found an Amerindian community led by a Scandinavian exile man named Ari. Newfoundland is practically 1900 miles from Ireland or less, making that a journey of about 127 miles per day or less.
  • In one Saga, it says that it took 2 days to get between Labrador and Baffin Island, and in another Saga it says that the journey between them was 3 days. In one Saga, the journey between Baffin Island is 2 says, and in another Saga, the journey is 4 days. Based on the actual distances between those locations, the 2 days between between Markland (Labrador) on Cape Kjalarnes (apparently on the same landmass as Vinland) would be 66 miles to 250 miles.
  • Canoeing down a river, you might cover 20 hours in one day. One would expect the Vikings to be faster than that.
  • The distance between Labrador and the NW edge of Newfoundland is only 10.8 to 20 miles, depending on the section of Newfoundland. One would expect this to take under a day of Viking travel, not the two days that both Sagas describe the distance to Cape Kjalarnes to take.
In my two maps depicting Vinland's regions in each Saga, I showed the approximate distance that each Saga (the Greenlanders' Saga and Eric the Red's Saga, respectively) implies there to be between Labrador and Cape Kjalarnes.

Vinland Map-Greenlanders with names.png


Eric the Red Vinland Map with Names2.png
 
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The Poetic Edda is poetry. It was solely eddic poetry. The sagas are generally prose with poetry interspersed (and the poetry might be in a different style, I can’t remember exactly).

Yeah, I misunderstood that as a reference to the Volsungs. Aslaug is the daughter of Sigurd and Brynhildr (somehow. I’m not sure how that works with the actual saga, but it might have been political).
 
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Can't remember if he's in by name, but Aslaug is. She's born around the time of Atli/Attila (ca. 450 AD) in the Volsunga Saga and marries Ragnar (ca. 800 AD*) in the Tale of Ragnar Lodbrok. (* There's not enough evidence to be sure whether Ragnar was a historical figure or an imaginary one; if he was historical, events in the tale put him in the early 9th century.) The two legendary sagas are in a single document, so the scribe either didn't see the discrepancy or he didn't think it was important to get the chronology right.
My money would be on a scribe not seeing the discrepancy or finding it important.

Could also be it was a centuries old story that got updated to then present day heroes. Or that characters from older stories were taken and added to new stories for recognition.

The Poetic Edda is poetry. It was solely eddic poetry. The sagas are generally prose with poetry interspersed (and the poetry might be in a different style, I can’t remember exactly).

Yeah, I misunderstood that as a reference to the Volsungs. Aslaug is the daughter of Sigurd and Brynhildr (somehow. I’m not sure how that works with the actual saga, but it might have been political).
I was mostly referring to the old edda. That's not really poetry, AFAIK.

Is Aslaug actually historical?
 
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Nice thoughtful post by you, Barsoom.

Even considering that the Sagas may use mythological or exaggerated elements, once one decides that the Sagas are describing a real place, it's helpful to list to directions for locations in that place and chart a map as to how that place would look. This strategy is helpful both to get an idea of the land that they are describing, and to look for archaeological places like you mentioned, and also to see where in real life geography the Vikings were talking about. This instructional and mapping strategy would be helpful even if you were conceiving of Vinland as a purely mythological location and were planning to illustrate it in order to better help the audience conceptualize it, as if you were trying to map Shambhala or Odysseus' journey.

As you rightly noted, once you've listed and mapped the locations, there is no need to literally force what you have listed and mapped onto real world locations, as if we know for a fact that the VIkings camped as far south as a certain area of the US (NJ, Maryland, DE, Virginia, Carolinas) if that was the northenmost snowless coastal region then. That is, we can simply note that the Sagas describe a snowless winter land, then give reasons to think why they reached this place. For instance, their descriptions seem rather detailed as if they were describing real world places. They describe Halibut in the lake or estuary area, but Halibut aren't in the Carolinas today, just farther north. Then we can note the mythological aspect and leave things a bit open.

The same applies to the travel times. You write correctly, "When we already have another source, consistency between them is a positive indication, provided of course that they are independent sources."

You are raising an issue that I've considered myself - the distance that the Vikings would have traveled in 2 days in real life, based on available sources.

The WIkipedia article on Straumford says:

  • In the Landnamabok (It's a history of Iceland), they say that someone sailed for 15 days west of Ireland and came to White Man's Land / Ireland the Great, where they found an Amerindian community led by a Scandinavian exile man named Ari. Newfoundland is practically 1900 miles from Ireland or less, making that a journey of about 127 miles per day or less.
  • In one Saga, it says that it took 2 days to get between Labrador and Baffin Island, and in another Saga it says that the journey between them was 3 days. In one Saga, the journey between Baffin Island is 2 says, and in another Saga, the journey is 4 days. Based on the actual distances between those locations, the 2 days between between Markland (Labrador) on Cape Kjalarnes (apparently on the same landmass as Vinland) would be 66 miles to 250 miles.
  • Canoeing down a river, you might cover 20 hours in one day. One would expect the Vikings to be faster than that.
  • The distance between Labrador and the NW edge of Newfoundland is only 10.8 to 20 miles, depending on the section of Newfoundland. One would expect this to take under a day of Viking travel, not the two days that both Sagas describe the distance to Cape Kjalarnes to take.
In my two maps depicting Vinland's regions in each Saga, I showed the approximate distance that each Saga (the Greenlanders' Saga and Eric the Red's Saga, respectively) implies there to be between Labrador and Cape Kjalarnes.

View attachment 1009174

View attachment 1009175
Thanks for the elaborate reply; unfortunately I lack the time to devote as much study to my own response. Instead let me just give you a few examples of where I would be more cautious:
  • You start from the assumption that the sagas describe a place that's not L'Anse Aux Meadows. I don't see exactly which discrepancies lead you to that assumption. Bear in mind here that sagas are rarely precise in every detail.
    • In the example I gave above, the Hervarar Saga, the story told is highly likely to be that of the defeat of the Greuthungi Goths by the Huns in what's now Ukraine or Moldavia but parts of the description of the course of the battle seem to derive from the battles of Nedao and the Catalaunian Fields. If you were to look for the place of the battle, those details could really throw you off.
    • Then again, the sagas do give two named settlements. They may be different names for the same place but I think that's less likely than there being two places. We've only found one so far, so even if L'Anse fits, there may be another one to find.
  • One of the data points is the description of the land as not covered by snow in winter but this may be from another source than the sailing distances. It may be from the scribe's imagination, it may be advertisement for settlers (like the name Greenland), or it may be a trope for describing a good land.
    • I did see that you are yourself somewhat skeptical on this point, no frost at all would put them at the Carolinas which isn't credible. So how much weight do you want to put on it? If L'Anse is too cold, how far south before it's too warm?
    • According to Wikipedia it was debated whether Eric's Saga copied part of the Greenlander Saga; the consensus now is that it didn't but that doesn't rule out one or both of them using tropes common to sagas in general. I would like to know a bit more about how often this snowless thing crops up in descriptions of good lands - is it rare or unique, or is it quite common?
    • I do credit something as specific as the time of sunset, just the level of detail makes it seem authentic. The snowless winter is quite generic, though.
  • Norse settlement of Greenland and Vinland took place during the Medieval Warm Period, which raised temperatures everywhere but seems to have had a bigger effect in that region. This would of course affect frost and snow, but also have indirect effects on flora and fauna. Nuts and fruits, as well as fish, may have been found in more northerly habitats than today.
    • Or, well, considering global warming in our age, flora and fauna may be migrating north again but I'm not sure whether that's been taken into account. Something to check, I guess.
  • When the sagas describe the sailing distances, it's given as so many days from there to Labrador, then so many days south from Labrador. Your maps start at the southeastern cape of Labrador but I think the text can also be read as starting from where they happen to reach the coast of Labrador. IMO that's more likely as otherwise the saga would skip the part of the journey where they traveled south along the Labrador coast.
    • If I'm right about this, then part of the puzzle is figuring out where they hit that coast. It doesn't seem likely to me that it would be exactly at the southeastern tip but if it's close, then your picture is still reasonable. If it's further north, then that distance needs to be distracted from the journey southwards after they got to the tip.

I don't mean to discredit your project, the reconstruction does seem worthwhile to me, particularly as the sagas describe more than one settlement and we've only found one. Please take them as constructive suggestions.
 
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Thanks for the elaborate reply; unfortunately I lack the time to devote as much study to my own response. Instead let me just give you a few examples of where I would be more cautious:
  • You start from the assumption that the sagas describe a place that's not L'Anse Aux Meadows. I don't see exactly which discrepancies lead you to that assumption. Bear in mind here that sagas are rarely precise in every detail.
Thanks for replying, Barsoom. Actually I don't start from the assumption that the sagas don't describe L'Anse aux Meadows. Personally, I would actually have a starting bias that the Sagas do describe L'Anse aux Meadows, because we know as a fact that L'Anse Meadows was a real Viking site south of Labrador. Instead, my approach was to take the Sagas at face value, list their directions, map them, and only afterwards compare their coordinatees with real world places like L'Anse aux Meadows.

In fact, I'm open to the idea that the Sagas at some point do mention an area that includes L'Anse Meadows, such as the Sagas' Cape "Kjalarnes." However, I share a common opinion that the Sagas describe the Vikings settling at a place that is not L'anse aux Meadows, and there a line of good reasons with this, starting with
(A) the Vikings describe their settlements as being a noticeable distance from the northern Cape Kjalarnes, whereas L'Anse aux Meadows is at the north end of the Great Northern Peninsula; and
(B) the two northernmost settlements south of Labrador mentioned as such are Leif's camp where there are grapes, west of Cape Kjalarnes, and the camp at Straumsfjord, which is south of the Wonder-strand shores where the Vikings also find grapes. In contrast, L'Anse aux Meadows is typically considered to be much north of the northern line for grapes in eastern Canada, even for that time. Writing on the topic typically goes that Grapes were found in New Brunswick, with there being different assertions that grapes were found in south Newfoundland as welll due to there being a warmer climate at the time.
(C) The west camp is described as being by a lake, whereas the Straumsfjord camp is by a fjord, neither description matching the area at L'Anse Aux Meadows
(D) The Sagas say it took 2 days to get from Labrador south to Kjalarnes (~66 to 250 miles if consistent with other sailing times in the Sagas), whereas the northern Peninsula that L'Anse Aux Meadows is on is only 10.8-20 miles from Labrador. (You could canoe down a river that distance in 1/2 to 1 days or less.)

There are a host of other ways that L'Anse Aux Meadows doesn't match any of the other such settlements specified.

  • One of the data points is the description of the land as not covered by snow in winter but this may be from another source than the sailing distances. It may be from the scribe's imagination, it may be advertisement for settlers (like the name Greenland), or it may be a trope for describing a good land.
    • I did see that you are yourself somewhat skeptical on this point, no frost at all would put them at the Carolinas which isn't credible. So how much weight do you want to put on it? If L'Anse is too cold, how far south before it's too warm?
    • According to Wikipedia it was debated whether Eric's Saga copied part of the Greenlander Saga; the consensus now is that it didn't but that doesn't rule out one or both of them using tropes common to sagas in general. I would like to know a bit more about how often this snowless thing crops up in descriptions of good lands - is it rare or unique, or is it quite common?
    • I do credit something as specific as the time of sunset, just the level of detail makes it seem authentic. The snowless winter is quite generic, though.
In Eric the Red's Saga, the Vikings sail south to Cape Kjalarnes, then go south to Straumfjord and settle with Leif's camp. Then they keep sailing south past another cape, and it's a total of a long time until they get to another land that they name "Hop" (Tidal Pool Estuary). They settle at a lake where it doesn't snow that winter whatsoever. The area has Halibut in the water by the Ocean (It doesn't mention salmon like the Sagas say are farther north around the Vinland). It's reasonable to think that this would be somewhere between the Carolinas and NYC. Halibut today just go as far south as the deep waters at Virginia. Then they sail back up the coast later after the Amerindians attack them, and the Vikings camp on the cape that I mentioned that is between Hop and Straumsfjord.

I laid out the description of the journey described in Eric the Red's Saga in another thread:

So in Eric the Red's Saga, the Vikings actually camp in three places on the American/Canadian east coast. We can tell that those places would be on the east coast (like from L'Anse Aux Meadows down the ocean coast to the Carolinas) because they are south and on the east coastline from Cape Kjalarnes, and one time a Viking group got blown west from Cape Kjalarnes back to Ireland.

In the Greenlanders' Saga on the other hand, it only describes the Vikings making a single camp, which is placed to the west of Cape Kjalarnes. It's given a sunshine time and winter description that don't fit each other, and for a couple other reasons the winter description doesn't work:
(A) In the Greenlanders' Saga at Leif's camp, the sunset time for the winter solstice (shortest day in December) is counted at being after 3:30 PM, or maybe after 3:00-4:30 PM. More specifically, the sun is said to be still visible at that time, which actually means that the literal sunset time by current astronomer notation was probably even later. In any case, it points to a location in Newfoundland or any location farther south, but with decreasing likelihood as one goes farther south. This is because if the Viking camp of the Greenlanders' Saga was very farther south like in the Carolinas, the narrator would likely have given a much later sunset time.
(B) The Greenlanders' Saga says that at this camp there was no frost that winter, ie. in real life current terms this would literally be at the Carolinas.
(C) This Saga also claims that there were salmon there at this camp, IIRC. That works for eastern Canada and the NE USA, but not the Carolinas.
(D) Today with the benefit of current mapping, we can see that any promontory that the Vikings would have met on a straight sail south from Labrador, ie. a possible Cape Kjalarnes would not have allowed the Vikings to sail west from that same cape and then south to any place that is snowless in the whole winter, like the US east coast. This is because to the west of any such spot (like the Newfoundland great northern peninsula or Cape Breton or the Gaspe Peninsula), a sailor is blocked by the coasts of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Quebec from going farther south in a westerly direction.
(E) Eric's Saga says that the winter at Leif's Camp at Straumsfjord was harsh, whereas at Hop, the camp (I don't recall if Leif was there) was snowless. Alot of readers imagine that Leif's Straumsfjord camp is the same as Leif's camp in the Greenlanders' Saga. However, at face value, there are two different camps, one by the lake to the west side of Kjalarnes and another on its east side (Straumsfjord).

In any case, the description about the snowless winter in the Greenlanders' Saga is the one that doesn't work as a matter of real world geography as the Viking world would have known it. That is, the latitude with the given sunset time fits at the latitude around the St Lawrence Bay, but doesn't work well with the snowless description however someone living in the Viking period would imagine the Vinland coast to look, and vice verse.

One solution is that the writers of the Greenlanders' Saga was conflating the Viking's northern camp at the >3:30 PM sunset latitude with the southernmost, snowless one.
Another solution could be that the witer was euphemizing / puffing up the snowlessness of the region. But a problem with this solution is that generally the writer doesn't do this kind of boasting. For instance, when he talks about Greenland, the writer notes that Greenland was Eric's name for the land because Eric thought people would rather want to settle there more if it has a "good name." The author is being candid about Greenland's name being puffery. And then later in the Saga, Bjarni says that the forest land in Eastern Canada must not be Greenland because Greenland has many glaciers.

Either way, it doesn't look like Leif's camp down the west coast from Kjalarnes was actually snowless in the winter for the reasons given in A to E above.

To answer your last question: In descriptions of Helluland, Greenland, and Iceland in the two Sagas, I don't find descriptions of them being snowless in the winter. In the Vikings' history about finding Iceland, they say that they winter there, and it's super snowy, and they even call it Snowland at first, but then when one Viking spends the summer there from the winter time, he is amazed to find how Iceland changes so that it gets lush summer forests.

There are a couple times when the two Sagas about Vinland seem fanciful, like when Eric the Red's Saga describes a one footer Native attacking them, and the one footer flees. The fanciful element is the idea of a "one footer" who attacks and flees. I guess the attacker could have been a real person who ran away on crutches or something like that, and the Vikings thought it was remarkable or entertaining enough that they included the event. There is also a ghost story in one of the two Sagas that takes place in Greenland. But overall the fanciful elements don't seem to nullify the realistic-sounding aspect of the coordinates for Vinland in the narrative. Europeans writing real life documents in the era like Adam of Bremen in the 11th century take Vinland to be a real place, and the Pope appointed a bishop for Vinland.

  • Norse settlement of Greenland and Vinland took place during the Medieval Warm Period, which raised temperatures everywhere but seems to have had a bigger effect in that region. This would of course affect frost and snow, but also have indirect effects on flora and fauna. Nuts and fruits, as well as fish, may have been found in more northerly habitats than today.
    • Or, well, considering global warming in our age, flora and fauna may be migrating north again but I'm not sure whether that's been taken into account. Something to check, I guess.
Right. From what I found with some cursory research was that the difference was only about 2 degrees in temperature. The Vikings were visiting in around 1000 AD, and the climate was actually in transition and the Warm Period was still in its starting and growing phase, so it wasn't making as big an impact as some people might think. Plus, we are today in a warm phase, so our current warm climate actually gives us a better idea of the climate then comapred to if you and I were writing in the 1960s when the Viking site in Canada was found.

The big climate and environmental issues of that time were: 1) The Vikings chopped out the forests of Iceland and Greenland (although they left some in place), and this was a big deal because the Vikings used wood to make boats and buildings. 2) The Little Ice Age of ~1300-1400, which basically was the number 1 reason for the Greenland region getting depopulated of Vikings, although the Eskimos stayed.


  • When the sagas describe the sailing distances, it's given as so many days from there to Labrador, then so many days south from Labrador. Your maps start at the southeastern cape of Labrador but I think the text can also be read as starting from where they happen to reach the coast of Labrador. IMO that's more likely as otherwise the saga would skip the part of the journey where they traveled south along the Labrador coast.
    • If I'm right about this, then part of the puzzle is figuring out where they hit that coast. It doesn't seem likely to me that it would be exactly at the southeastern tip but if it's close, then your picture is still reasonable. If it's further north, then that distance needs to be distracted from the journey southwards after they got to the tip.
Maybe I wasn't clear enough. The Vikings sail that they sail from Greenland west to Baffin Island and then south to Labrador. They go down the Labrador coast. At the south east end of Labrador there is an island with dew. The Vikings keep sailing more, for two days and get to Cape Kjalarnes.

If you read the two Sagas where they talk about their journey from Greenland to Baffin Island to Labrador to the northern cape on Vinland's north side, this part of the geography issue that you are getting into is partly simple (The simple part is that they sailed 2 days south from Labrador; the unclear part is what part of Labrador was their departure spot). One reason that it's simple is because we have real world maps of those first three lands and scholars have a common opinion identifying those three (Greenland to Baffin Island to Labrador). Second, the two Sagas have three tellings of journeys between these lands, the first journey being Bjarni's.

In Chapter 3 of the Greenland Saga, Bjarni sails southwest from Iceland and accidentally runs into a new land that is apparently Vinland (Nova Scotia or Newfoundland) while trying to get to Greenland. Bjarni told his fellow sailors,

‘My advice is that we sail close to the land.’ They did so, and soon saw that the land was level, and covered with woods, and that it had small hills. They left the land portside, and let the sheet turn toward the land. They sailed for two days before they saw another land. They asked whether Biarni thought this was Greenland yet. He replied that he did not think this any more like Greenland than the former, ‘because in Greenland there are said to be many large glaciers.’ They soon approached this land, and saw that it was flat and wooded.
In this telling, Bjarni gets to the land, and sails away with the land on their left hand side, ie. they were sailing north up the land's east coast when trying to get up north to Greenland, or else they were sailing west, with the land on their left side. Sailing either north or west away from Vinland would put the land behind them on their lefthand side. Then as mentioned in the quote above, two days after leaving Vinland behind them, they got to Labrador, the flat and wooded land without glaciers.

If you sail up northward up the east coast of Newfoundland, you would get to the north end of the island and sail northwest to look for Greenland as a fresh explorer, but it would only take half a day or less to get to Labrador.

On the other hand, if you sailed up northward up the east coast of Nova Scotia, you would get to Cape Breton at its north end. Then if you sailed north, you would hit Labrador in two days' time without hitting Newfoundland. Then you could sail up Northeastward along the Labrador coast still without hitting Newfoundland, all the way up to Baffin Island. This would help explain how the Vikings could theoretically hit Nova Scotia from Europe and go north to Labrador, and vice verse, without hitting Newfoundland.

However, looking at a real world map, Newfoundland is the most obvious spot one would land sailing from Iceland south of Labrador. So the whole Nova Scotia vs. Newfoundland thing is one of the little puzzles about Vinland, and scholars are alittle bit divided on the topic.

Sveinn Traustason in his "Visit Vinland" Thesis paper has made the following chart below of where various scholars have put potential locations for some of Vinland's particular sites in the Greenlanders' Saga, like the <> diamond for the dew island; the O Green dotted circle for Cape Kjalarnes, etc.

Greenlanders' Saga Map by Sveinn.png
(Click to expand)
 
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Straumsfjord camp is by a fjord, neither description matching the area at L'Anse Aux Meadows
BTW, do keep in mind that a fjord in Scandinavjan is a broader term than in English.
It needn't be bordered by tall mountains. A fjord is just a narrow strip of sea cutting deep into the land. It can have lowlands on all sides.

Helluland
What's that?
 
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BTW, do keep in mind that a fjord in Scandinavjan is a broader term than in English.
It needn't be bordered by tall mountains. A fjord is just a narrow strip of sea cutting deep into the land. It can have lowlands on all sides.
Plus what I said earlier: That any given area today has no fjord does not automatically mean there wasn't one a thousand years ago...
 
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Plus what I said earlier: That any given area today has no fjord does not automatically mean there wasn't one a thousand years ago...
Or that the Vikings would have called it a fjord, but Americans don't as they seem to require mountains.
 
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Plus what I said earlier: That any given area today has no fjord does not automatically mean there wasn't one a thousand years ago...
The thing at the top of Jutland that cuts almost fully across it (or fully today due to an artificial canal) is a fjord, for reference.
 
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"Straumsfjord camp is by a fjord, neither description matching the area at L'Anse Aux Meadows"

BTW, do keep in mind that a fjord in Scandinavjan is a broader term than in English.
It needn't be bordered by tall mountains. A fjord is just a narrow strip of sea cutting deep into the land. It can have lowlands on all sides.


"To answer your last question: In descriptions of Helluland, Greenland, and Iceland in the two Sagas"
What's that?
Wagonlitz,
Based on your response, could the Bay of Fundy be a fjord? Some writers theorize that the Bay of Fundy was Straumfjord, but one problem for me is that it's a Bay, rather than what in English is a fjord. Plus, the sea there is not a "narrow strip" like you said.

L' Anse aux Meadows doesn't sit on the inland end of a narrow strip of sea cutting deep into the land either. Rather, it looks like it's at the end of a cape, like Kjalarnes in the Sagas.

Here is a map of that site:
map-02.jpg

(Click to enlarge)
It looks like a cool place to visit.

Helluland means Flat-Stone Land, and in the Sagas it's described as the treeless, stoney, glaciered major landmass west of Greenland and north of Labrador. Typically it's considerd to be Baffin Island, which meets that description and has the remains of 3 Viking outposts.
stcor01b.jpg

SOURCE: Helluland Archaeology Project:
 
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Based on your response, could the Bay of Fundy be a fjord? Some writers theorize that the Bay of Fundy was Straumfjord, but one problem for me is that it's a Bay, rather than what in English is a fjord. Plus, the sea there is not a "narrow strip" like you said.
Most of it no. The innermost parts could be. It seems to narrow a lot there.
Especially if the vikings considered the bay of Fundy to be open sea rather than a bay, which they well could have, then I definitely could see then consider the innermost parts fjords. Especially the or going to Moncton. Slightly less the one going to Truto, as that one probably rather would be called a nor, albeit I believe that at least original nor solely denoted the narrow entrance to what today would be called a nor.

Here's Mariager Fjord for comparison, a fjord in Denmark.

Anse aux Meadows doesn't sit on the inland end of a narrow strip of sea cutting deep into the land either. Rather, it looks like it's at the end of a cape, like Kjalarnes in the Sagas.
Yeah, that's no fjord.
 
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The sagas aren't necessarily completely accurate. Still, we did find L'Anse, so who's to say that we won't find additional Viking settlements in the future? If we do, more of a hint as to why they were abandoned would be nice...

Aslaug was probably based on a real person, Wagonlitz, but that's not what I meant. The sagas (and the Gesta, I think) say that all of Ragnar's kids were by Aslaug/Kraka. Ragnar was apparently king of Sweden and/or Denmark - or at least the dynasties ruling those lands claimed that. If their claims were legitimate, and Aslaug was Sigurd's daughter, then they were the descendants of both Ragnar Lodbrok and Sigurd of the Volsungs (and probably also Brynnhild, the famous shieldmaiden).

Helluland is indeed the northern parts of the Viking settlements in the Americas. It could also be Nunavut, although that's more of an AH/AAR idea (name the islands in northern Canada Helluland). Markland was the mainland (mostly Labrador, I think?), and Vinland was probably Newfoundland.
 
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Aslaug was probably based on a real person, Wagonlitz, but that's not what I meant. The sagas (and the Gesta, I think) say that all of Ragnar's kids were by Aslaug/Kraka. Ragnar was apparently king of Sweden and/or Denmark - or at least the dynasties ruling those lands claimed that. If their claims were legitimate, and Aslaug was Sigurd's daughter, then they were the descendants of both Ragnar Lodbrok and Sigurd of the Volsungs (and probably also Brynnhild, the famous shieldmaiden).
Does make me wonder whetehr Ragnar might actually be older than normally thought. Like, whetehr he actually could be 5th century, not 9th century.

And we do know that in Denmark a new, powerful dynasty took part around the 200s or 300s. Whos to say that can't be it. (That one is said to have been started by Skjold, who's thought to have utiulised Roman war tech to gain supremacy.)
 
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Does make me wonder whetehr Ragnar might actually be older than normally thought. Like, whetehr he actually could be 5th century, not 9th century.

And we do know that in Denmark a new, powerful dynasty took part around the 200s or 300s. Whos to say that can't be it. (That one is said to have been started by Skjold, who's thought to have utiulised Roman war tech to gain supremacy.)
If you change the chronology to fit this one element, you mess up many other elements. They are less clearly magical/mythical than the Aslaug bit, they fit together quite well, and they point to the 9th century.

Your other idea makes even less sense. If Ragnar descended from the Skjoldungs, both their fame would ensure that both sagas mentioned the fact. They don't, so he didn't, even in a legend that makes his wife hundreds of years old to connect him to Sigurd.

In general, we should not simply assume that the sagas give us facts. Like all legends, they tell us more about the people who told them than about the people who figure in them. That is, they reflect the norms and ideas of the society in which they were composed and/or retold. They do sometimes include historical people but the tales about them are vastly different from their lives as documented in more reliable historical sources. We know this because we have the legends told about Alexander the Great, Charlemagne and Theoderic king of the Ostrogoths. In the medieval versions of their legends, they are all very knightly, even though they all lived before the ideal of knighthood developed.

So if one wants to use legends as a historical source, one should be very cautious. There are methods we can use. The first is to cross-check independent sources. It's best if we can find a more conventional historical source to compare the legend with but it's not impossible with multiple sagas. The more different sources we have, the more likely it is that their common elements were real. And we double-check whether they really are independent by comparing the wording to see if one maybe copied the other. If they contain passages that are word for word the same, then they're likely not independent. Unless those identical passages are standard formula, like church ritual. As you can see, this gets quite complicated when you dive into it.

The other methods are no less complex but I'll try to keep it brief. The second is internal consistency, if there are contradictions then at least one element is false (and possible both). This is where your first suggestion fails, the Ragnar saga has decent consistency, including with facts known from historical sources, if it is placed in the 9th century. By changing it as you proposed, it would lose most of that consistency and gain some inconsistencies (e.g. why is there no mention of the Romans?).

The third is detail. A story that contains verifiable detail is more likely to be true, especially if it's mundane. Details that are glorious, like elements of a battle scene, can be put in to make the hero look better. Sometimes a detail is so obviously mythological, such as an ancestor of a royal house being the first to cultivate grain, that we can be certain that it's not true. But detail such as the time of the sunrise isn't particularly heroic. It isn't standard formula either. Stuff like a land being rich in milk and honey can be boilerplate, it tells us no more than that it was good land but we shouldn't put too much weight on either milk or honey, after all the scribe copied that phrase from the Bible. The mention of grapes in the Vinland sagas is another tricky one, although it's not standard formula, there's still a chance that it just means good land, or it might use a known word for an unknown fruit that somewhat resembles grapes.
 
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both their fame would ensure that both sagas mentioned the fact.
Well, the Skjoldungesaga has been lost for 300 years, so we don't know whether it might have.

Anyway, I see your points. I don't know whether any of the other stories about Ragnar are corroboratd with historical sources. Seem they are.
The mention of grapes in the Vinland sagas is another tricky one, although it's not standard formula, there's still a chance that it just means good land
Grapes couldn't be cultivated here back then, though, so while they probably were known, it'd be from down south. I'd rather expect good land to be called other things. Perhaps comparing to gold, or the land of [name of Freys pig in English].
 
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Grapes couldn't be cultivated here back then, though, so while they probably were known, it'd be from down south. I'd rather expect good land to be called other things. Perhaps comparing to gold, or the land of [name of Freys pig in English].
I'm not sure, that's why I presented it only as an option. The Norse were familiar with wine, though, and going by their sagas quite fond of getting drunk, so it could be a "land where there's good drink to be had." In any case the grapes and the name Vinland have been much discussed, both separately and together. Even in the Medieval Warm Period Newfoundland is too far north for actual grapes and wine, so if they're literal then we must look further south, if they're metaphorical, then maybe not.
 
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In general, we should not simply assume that the sagas give us facts. Like all legends, they tell us more about the people who told them than about the people who figure in them. That is, they reflect the norms and ideas of the society in which they were composed and/or retold. They do sometimes include historical people but the tales about them are vastly different from their lives as documented in more reliable historical sources. We know this because we have the legends told about Alexander the Great, Charlemagne and Theoderic king of the Ostrogoths. In the medieval versions of their legends, they are all very knightly, even though they all lived before the ideal of knighthood developed.

So if one wants to use legends as a historical source, one should be very cautious. There are methods we can use. The first is to cross-check independent sources. It's best if we can find a more conventional historical source to compare the legend with but it's not impossible with multiple sagas. The more different sources we have, the more likely it is that their common elements were real. And we double-check whether they really are independent by comparing the wording to see if one maybe copied the other. If they contain passages that are word for word the same, then they're likely not independent. Unless those identical passages are standard formula, like church ritual. As you can see, this gets quite complicated when you dive into it.

The other methods are no less complex but I'll try to keep it brief. The second is internal consistency, if there are contradictions then at least one element is false (and possible both). This is where your first suggestion fails, the Ragnar saga has decent consistency, including with facts known from historical sources, if it is placed in the 9th century. By changing it as you proposed, it would lose most of that consistency and gain some inconsistencies (e.g. why is there no mention of the Romans?).

The third is detail. A story that contains verifiable detail is more likely to be true, especially if it's mundane. Details that are glorious, like elements of a battle scene, can be put in to make the hero look better. Sometimes a detail is so obviously mythological, such as an ancestor of a royal house being the first to cultivate grain, that we can be certain that it's not true. But detail such as the time of the sunrise isn't particularly heroic. It isn't standard formula either. Stuff like a land being rich in milk and honey can be boilerplate, it tells us no more than that it was good land but we shouldn't put too much weight on either milk or honey, after all the scribe copied that phrase from the Bible. The mention of grapes in the Vinland sagas is another tricky one, although it's not standard formula, there's still a chance that it just means good land, or it might use a known word for an unknown fruit that somewhat resembles grapes.
This method looks good. Also, one should compare archaeology as well - and the biases of the other sources that you're reading. The sagas are biased in favor of the Norse, but the Anglo-Saxon chronicles, for example, are biased against them. Just because something is mentioned in the sagas and not in the chronicles doesn't mean that it's untrue - especially if it describes the Norse as heroic (why would the Anglo-Saxons portray their enemies heroically?).

As such, Ragnar (or his inspiration) being from the 9th century makes more sense than being from the 5th century. It's also possible that he was a composite character between a 9th century king and a 5th century chieftain, I guess. If so, though, the king would've inspired most of the legendary character... Other than the Aslaug thing, the timing is mostly consistent.
 
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Most of it no. The innermost parts could be. It seems to narrow a lot there.
Especially if the vikings considered the bay of Fundy to be open sea rather than a bay, which they well could have, then I definitely could see then consider the innermost parts fjords. Especially the or going to Moncton. Slightly less the one going to Truto, as that one probably rather would be called a nor, albeit I believe that at least original nor solely denoted the narrow entrance to what today would be called a nor.

Here's Mariager Fjord for comparison, a fjord in Denmark.


Yeah, that's no fjord.
Thanks for the feedback, Wagonlitz!

After reading Gisli Sigurdsson's book "The Medieval Icelandic Saga and Oral Tradition," I had to revise my drawing of the one-footer's land in my map for Eric the Red's Saga. I am attaching my revised drawing. The reason is that in Eric the Red's Saga, it says that the Vikings sailed from Kjalarnes with the cape's western coast on their "larboard" side to get to the one-footer's land. I hadn't realized that "Larboard" is an outdated word for "left side."

Eric the Red Vinland Map with Names2.png


By comparison, Icelandic scholar Gísli Sigurðsson charts Vinland's regions as described in Eric the Red's Saga the following way on page 611 of his book:
Gisli map of Eric the Reds Saga.png

My only disagreement with Sigurdsson's map is that it shows Leifsbudir (Leif's camp) on a separate landmass than Kjalarnes, whereas my reading of the Saga is that they are on the same landmass. On one hand, the Sagas don't specify that they are on separate landmasses, and on the other hand, the Greenlanders' Saga describes the journey from Leif's camp to Kjalarnes in the following way that made it sound to me like they were on the same landmass:
The following summer, Thorvald sailed out toward the east and along the northern coast. They were met by a high wind off a certain promontory and were driven ashore there, and damaged the keel of their ship, and had to remain there for a long time to repair the injury to their vessel. Then said Thorvald to his companions: ‘I propose that we raise the keel upon this cape, and call it Keel-point,’
(Chapter 6, Reeves' translation, THE SAGA OF THE GREENLANDERS)
 
The sagas aren't necessarily completely accurate. Still, we did find L'Anse, so who's to say that we won't find additional Viking settlements in the future? If we do, more of a hint as to why they were abandoned would be nice...
The Sagas list four settlements if read literally. In the Greenlanders' Saga, they explored and made Leif's Settlement by a lake down Newfoundland's West coast from L'Anse aux Meadows, or else they made Leif's Settlement on the south coast of the St Lawrence Bay that runs from northern Cape Breton west to New Brunswick and Cape Gaspe', or even west to Montreal. Icelandic Scholar Sveinn Traustason, in his Thesis Visit Vinland, mapped scholars' suggestions for possible real world locations for Leif's camp in the Greenlanders' Saga. In my personal opinion, a modern "Vinland tourist" might best want to go to the north end of Cape Breton island, and then sail south down that west coast, and then up each estuary that he comes to.

I took Traustason's map of scholars' theories for the site in the Greenlander's Saga, and then I drew 2 thick red lines to show you the 2 coastlines that I see as the apparent candidates for Leif's settlement:

Greenlanders' Saga Map by SveinnJPG.jpg


Eric the Red's Saga on the other hand gives 3 other settlements besides Leif's settlement described in the Greenlanders' Saga. In Eric the Red's Saga, these 3 Viking settlements are 1. at Straumsfjord, 2. farther south at a cape, and 3. farther south in the Land of Hop. In Eric the Red's Saga, these 3 settlements are down the east coast from Kjalarnes, which would mean in real life terms that they are down the east coast of Newfoundland, or else down the east coast running south from Nova Scotia to Florida.

You added:
Helluland is indeed the northern parts of the Viking settlements in the Americas. It could also be Nunavut, although that's more of an AH/AAR idea (name the islands in northern Canada Helluland). Markland was the mainland (mostly Labrador, I think?), and Vinland was probably Newfoundland.

Both I and scholars consider Helluland and Markland to be Baffin Island and the Labrador Peninsula, respectively. The Sagas describe them as the two main, big landmasses west and south of Greenland, respectively, and give geographic details and sailing times that accord with those two landmasses.

As for Vinland, it's a region south of Labrador with grapes. It's not really clear if Vinland would be a big region like Newfoundland + Nova Scotia + New Brunswick or a smaller region like Nova Scotia's coast south of Prince Edward Island.

The current growing range for Canada's and the US's native wild grapes is below, and I've seen assertions online that south Newfoundland had wild grapes in the Viking Age but that north Newfoundland did not. Maybe if you showed the Vikings the map below, they would think that "Vinland" ranged from south Newfoundland or Nova Scotia to Kansas.

467555_1_En_10_Fig2_HTML.png
 
So if one wants to use legends as a historical source, one should be very cautious. There are methods we can use. The first is to cross-check independent sources. It's best if we can find a more conventional historical source to compare the legend with but it's not impossible with multiple sagas.

The other methods are no less complex but I'll try to keep it brief. The second is internal consistency, if there are contradictions then at least one element is false (and possible both).

The third is detail. A story that contains verifiable detail is more likely to be true, especially if it's mundane. Details that are glorious, like elements of a battle scene, can be put in to make the hero look better. Sometimes a detail is so obviously mythological, such as an ancestor of a royal house being the first to cultivate grain, that we can be certain that it's not true. But detail such as the time of the sunrise isn't particularly heroic. It isn't standard formula either. Stuff like a land being rich in milk and honey can be boilerplate, it tells us no more than that it was good land but we shouldn't put too much weight on either milk or honey, after all the scribe copied that phrase from the Bible. The mention of grapes in the Vinland sagas is another tricky one, although it's not standard formula, there's still a chance that it just means good land, or it might use a known word for an unknown fruit that somewhat resembles grapes.
Right, @Barsoom.
There is actually a swathe of medieval literature about Vinland and landmasses thereabouts independent and separate from the two Sagas that I've been focusing on. Some of that outside literature is it contemporary to the 11th century Vinland exploration. But unlike the two Sagas, the information isn't as detailed.

Adam of Bremen's Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum (Deeds of Bishops of the Hamburg Church), written circa 1073-1076, says:
"Moreover, he [Sveinn Estridsson, King of Denmark] spoke of an island in that ocean [beyond Iceland] that has been discovered by many, which is called Vínland, for the reason that vines grow wild there, which yield the best of wine. Moreover that grain unsown grows there abundantly is not a fabulous fantasy but, from the accounts of the Danes, we know to be a fact."
SOURCE: https://experiment.com/u/YpgWqA