-
We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Government of the Russian Empire
Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias
Алекса́ндр II Никола́евич (Aleksandr II Nikolaevich)
Born: 29 April 1818, Moscow
Reign: 2 March 1855 -
Married:
Мария Алекса́ндровна (Marie von Hessen und bei Rhein) b. 8 June 1824
Issue:
Александра Алекса́ндровна (1842-1849), Николай Алекса́ндрович (1843-), Алекса́ндр Алекса́ндрович (1845-), Влади́мир Алекса́ндрович (1847-), Алексей Алекса́ндрович (1850-), Мария Алекса́ндровна (1853-), СергейАлекса́ндрович (1857-), Павел Алекса́ндрович (1860-)
Tsesarevich
Николай Алекса́ндрович (Nikolay Alexandrovich)
Born: 20 September 1843, Alexander Palace, Tsarkoye Selo
Chairmen of the Committee of Ministers
Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias
Алекса́ндр II Никола́евич (Aleksandr II Nikolaevich)
Born: 29 April 1818, Moscow
Reign: 2 March 1855 -
Married:
Мария Алекса́ндровна (Marie von Hessen und bei Rhein) b. 8 June 1824
Issue:
Александра Алекса́ндровна (1842-1849), Николай Алекса́ндрович (1843-), Алекса́ндр Алекса́ндрович (1845-), Влади́мир Алекса́ндрович (1847-), Алексей Алекса́ндрович (1850-), Мария Алекса́ндровна (1853-), СергейАлекса́ндрович (1857-), Павел Алекса́ндрович (1860-)
Tsesarevich
Николай Алекса́ндрович (Nikolay Alexandrovich)
Born: 20 September 1843, Alexander Palace, Tsarkoye Selo
Chairmen of the Committee of Ministers
Граф Дмитрий Николаевич Блудов (Graf Dmitriy Nikolaevich Bludov)
Born: 1785
Appointed: 1861
Minister of War
Граф Дмитрий Алексеевич Милютин (Graf Dmitriy Alekseyevich Milyutin)
Born: 28 June 1816, Moscow
Born: 1785
Appointed: 1861
Minister of War
Граф Дмитрий Алексеевич Милютин (Graf Dmitriy Alekseyevich Milyutin)
Born: 28 June 1816, Moscow
Appointed: 1861
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Алекса́ндр Миха́йлович Горчако́в (Aleksándr Mikháylovich Gorchakóv)
Born: 15 June 1798, Haapsalu
Appointed: 1856
Metropolitan of Moscow
Mитрополит Филарет Дроздов (Mitropolit Filaret Drozdov)
Born: 26 December 1782, Kolomna
Appointed: 1821
Minister of the Interior
Граф Пётр Алекса́ндрович Валу́ев (Graf Pyotr Aleksándrovich Valúev)
Born: 22 September 1815, Tsaritsyno
Appointed: 1861
Field Marshal of Russia
Принц Александр Иванович Барятинский (Prints Aleksandr Ivanovich Baryatinskiy)
Born: 1814
Appointed: 1859
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Алекса́ндр Миха́йлович Горчако́в (Aleksándr Mikháylovich Gorchakóv)
Born: 15 June 1798, Haapsalu
Appointed: 1856
Metropolitan of Moscow
Mитрополит Филарет Дроздов (Mitropolit Filaret Drozdov)
Born: 26 December 1782, Kolomna
Appointed: 1821
Minister of the Interior
Граф Пётр Алекса́ндрович Валу́ев (Graf Pyotr Aleksándrovich Valúev)
Born: 22 September 1815, Tsaritsyno
Appointed: 1861
Field Marshal of Russia
Принц Александр Иванович Барятинский (Prints Aleksandr Ivanovich Baryatinskiy)
Born: 1814
Appointed: 1859
Last edited:
History of the Russian Empire, 1721-1796
The Empire of Russia was formally founded by Peter the Great on the Second of November, 1721, following his victory over the Swedish Kingdom in the Great Northern War and the cession of Ingria (amongst other provinces) to Russia. The following year, Peter instituted the Table of Ranks, codified the Emperor's ambitions to establish a meritocratic bureaucracy and at last bring the anti-reformist boyars to heel, whilst continuing to foster education (having previously made education compulsory for all bureaucrat and noble children aged 10-15 in 1714). He further made many reforms to taxation, abolishing the land and household taxes and instituting a poll tax, which expanded the tax base from the nobility to the serfs. The Emperor also made war with the declining Safavid Empire from 1722 to 1723, which saw Russian territory in the Caucasus expand. In his final year, the Emperor made his second wife, Catherine, his Co-Empress
Peter's death in 1725, which coincided roughly with the completion of the grand Peterhof Palace, Catherine took to the throne (his only son by his first wife to survive to adulthood, Alexei having died several years previously) – though brief, and her influence over most affairs small (she deferred to her advisers in most matters), her reign was remembered fondly, especially by the peasantry, which saw its taxes lowered due to her cuts in army expenses. It was also during her reign that several bridges and other improvements in St Petersburg were built.
Following Catherine's death from an abscess of the lungs in 1727, Tsesarevich Alexei Petrovich's only living son, Peter II, was crowned Emperor whilst only 12 years old; stubborn and uninclined to rule, his brief reign saw the Russian navy neglected and the corruption of the bureaucracy; he was only 14 when he died of a sudden illness, and was in turn succeeded by his cousin Anna (Peter the Great's niece), who was crowned in the hopes that she would be indebted to the nobles.
Anna's decade-long reign proved a disappointment for those nobles; amongst her first acts was to establish the Cadet Corps, whilst increasing funding for the Academy of Sciences. In her direct actions against the nobles themselves, she showed a great mistrust of the Russians, and instead favoured Germans for many high offices, whilst she also established the Secret Office of Investigation. It was also during her reign that the War of Polish Succession and the latest Turkish War took place; during this time, the court reached new heights of lavishness and westernisation continued unabated. Her death from kidney disease in 1740 undermined her plans to deny the Petrine branch of the Romanov dynasty from reclaiming the throne, as successor and grand-nephew, Ivan VI, was only a year old upon his ascension (and his mother was despised for her German preferences).
Ivan VI was never crowned, and was overthrown less than a year after his accession to the throne by Elizabeth Petrovna, daughter of Peter the Great; her twenty year reign saw the nobility gain dominance over local governance whilst the court continued its lavish ways (with the Winter Palace being the most notable piece of architecture constructed in her reign). However, her fervent anti-Prussian policies and the lack of executions during her reign made her immensely popular with the people, whilst the War of Austrian Succession and the Seven Years War saw her anti-Prussianism in action. Upon her death in 1762, the Empire spanned over six and a half million square miles.
Elizabeth was succeeded by her nephew Peter III (born Karl Peter Ulrich von Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov), who she had been grooming as heir since her ascension to the throne – he had also been elected King of Sweden in 1742, though once news arrived of his status as Tsesarevich, his right to the throne was rejected. His brief reign (only 186 days), some 220 laws were passed by the Prussophile Emperor, some of which were democratic in nature, such as a guarantee of religious freedom, the abolition of the secret police, and the exemption of nobility from mandatory military service, amongst others. He also established a state bank and had considered drastic changes to serfdom. In late June, Peter was seized by his wife and her supporters and imprisoned at Ropsha, where he was either murdered or committed suicide.
Peter III's wife, Catherine II then assumed the throne, and soon endeavoured to expand the realm; during her Turkish War, she accomplished Peter the Great's goal of a Russian control Crimea, whilst she participated in the partition of Poland, and continued the eastward expansion of the Empire. She also established the Smolny Institute for girls, though her other educational programmes met with limited success, and she also enforced some small changes to the institution of serfdom. By the time of her death in 1796, the she left a stable and culturally rich empire, though the outbreak of the French Revolution had soured her once notable pro-French sentiments.
Last edited:
Russian Ambassadors
United States: Эдуард Андреевич Стекль (Eduard Andreevich Stoeckl), a.1855.
United Kingdom: Филипп граф фон Бруннов (Filipp graf fon Brunnov), a. 1860.
France: Граф Па́вел Дми́триевич Киселёв (Graf Pavel Dmitrievich Kiselyov), a. 1856.
Brazil: Дмитрий Григорьевич Глинка (Dmitry Grigoryevich Glinka), a. 1856.
Belgium: Николай Алексеевич Орлов (Nikolay Alekseyevich Orlov), a. 1859.
Communiques, Telegrams, etc. between the Russian Empire and the Other Powers
1861
Principality of Serbia
(From the Serbian Ambassador, Reply)
Empire of Austria
(From the Austrian Ambassador, Reply, From the Austrian Ambassador, Reply, From the Austrian Ambassador, Reply, From the Austrian Ambassador, Reply)
Empire of France
(From the French Ambassador, Reply)
Empire of the Qing
(To the Emperor of the Qing)
Principality of Montenegro
(To the Prince of Montenegro, Reply)
Kingdom of Prussia
(From the Prussian Ambassador, Reply, From the Prussian Ambassador, Reply)
United Principalities of Wallachia and Moldova
(To Domnitor Alexander I, Reply)
United States of America
(To the President and the President Elect, Replies)
Declarations and Internal Communications
1861
Emancipation of the Serfs
Trans-Siberian Railway
Serfdom
Regarding the Railway
Last edited:
From the Principality of Serbia, a (secret!) message delivered personally by the ambassador to St. Petersburg
The Prince of Serbia would like to express an interest in the Russian Empires foreign policy regarding Serbia and the Balkans. Between our two nations it is safe to say that Russia and Serbia, both Slavic and Orthodox states, have no reason to foster anything but friendship. We do not expect official commitment, alliances or guarantees but it would put the Prince at ease if he knew he had a friend in the Tsar of Russia.
To His Excellency, Aleksándr Mikháylovich Gorchakóv,
Though the Brotherly Kinship between our Empires has chilled these past years, know that we grieve for the lost relationship, and that its restoration bears paramount on my mind, and on the mind of Emperor Franz Joseph. Thus, I write to you in the hopes that we may work now to mend this divide, and forge anew the relations we held in the past when we fought back the tide of chaos from the West, bound as compatriots in ideology and tradition.
Should you, and His Imperial Majesty Alexander, share this same thought, I make myself fully available for further discussion.
Though the Brotherly Kinship between our Empires has chilled these past years, know that we grieve for the lost relationship, and that its restoration bears paramount on my mind, and on the mind of Emperor Franz Joseph. Thus, I write to you in the hopes that we may work now to mend this divide, and forge anew the relations we held in the past when we fought back the tide of chaos from the West, bound as compatriots in ideology and tradition.
Should you, and His Imperial Majesty Alexander, share this same thought, I make myself fully available for further discussion.
From the Offices of Foreign Minister
Count Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen
Count Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen
To: Tsar Aleksandr II Nikolaevich
To the most glorious Tsar of Russia, I am writing to you today in the hopes of our continued friendship, as we have shown as recent as the Crimean war, we have been friends as Prussia was the only power not to oppose Russia during the war, whereas the British, Austrians and French all acted with hostility towards the Russian Empire.
As your Majesty is well aware, up until this conflict, we shared together with the Austrians an alliance which had stood for decades. It was an alliance that greatly benefitted the stability of the East, and it is a stability which we have an interest in maintaining. As we believe that the friendship between Prussia and Russia has no reason to cease in the light of the Austrian hostilities. As such I, on behalf of his Majesty, Wilhelm I, would like to propose that the Prussian and the Russian governments form closer ties over the coming years, where our governments can work together to solve many of the issues and questions which plagues Europe in this time.
I have also been told to express the extreme sadness that was felt in the court of Berlin at the death of Alexandra, your royal mother, and my king's royal sister. It was a saddening day in the Prussian court when the news arrived, my king shares his grief with you, and his love.
To the most glorious Tsar of Russia, I am writing to you today in the hopes of our continued friendship, as we have shown as recent as the Crimean war, we have been friends as Prussia was the only power not to oppose Russia during the war, whereas the British, Austrians and French all acted with hostility towards the Russian Empire.
As your Majesty is well aware, up until this conflict, we shared together with the Austrians an alliance which had stood for decades. It was an alliance that greatly benefitted the stability of the East, and it is a stability which we have an interest in maintaining. As we believe that the friendship between Prussia and Russia has no reason to cease in the light of the Austrian hostilities. As such I, on behalf of his Majesty, Wilhelm I, would like to propose that the Prussian and the Russian governments form closer ties over the coming years, where our governments can work together to solve many of the issues and questions which plagues Europe in this time.
I have also been told to express the extreme sadness that was felt in the court of Berlin at the death of Alexandra, your royal mother, and my king's royal sister. It was a saddening day in the Prussian court when the news arrived, my king shares his grief with you, and his love.
From:
Otto von Bismarck
Prussian diplomat in the Russian Court
Otto von Bismarck
Prussian diplomat in the Russian Court
22 February 1861
His Imperial Majesty has relayed to me his great concern that, due to the vast size and scope of the Russian Empire, the lack of a railway traversing the breadth of the Empire, particularly its eastern recesses, renders the far east nigh indefensible and the Imperial hold over Russian America tenuous at best. Therefore, it is the desire of His Imperial Majesty that a Trans-Siberian Railway begin to be laid down by the year eighteen hundred and sixty three, and that these two intervening years be spent directing surveyors, plotting out the course of the route, and gathering all necessary supplies to undertake such a programme; His Imperial Majesty places his full faith in both the Interior Ministry, as well as the Transport Ministry, to see this task begun and completed in a timely manner.
His Imperial Majesty has relayed to me his great concern that, due to the vast size and scope of the Russian Empire, the lack of a railway traversing the breadth of the Empire, particularly its eastern recesses, renders the far east nigh indefensible and the Imperial hold over Russian America tenuous at best. Therefore, it is the desire of His Imperial Majesty that a Trans-Siberian Railway begin to be laid down by the year eighteen hundred and sixty three, and that these two intervening years be spent directing surveyors, plotting out the course of the route, and gathering all necessary supplies to undertake such a programme; His Imperial Majesty places his full faith in both the Interior Ministry, as well as the Transport Ministry, to see this task begun and completed in a timely manner.
Граф Дмитрий Николаевич Блудов
Last edited:
To His Excellency, Aleksándr Mikháylovich Gorchakóv,
It is undeniably true that the issue surrounding the various Balkan states have always been a point of contention and discord, even between allies of our stature. But we must strive to cooperate, and not allow lesser states to dictate the course of greater Empires, nor must we allow our friendship to wither over single issues.
Still, the topic of the Balkans is of course a must valid point for which demands talks between the governments of His Imperial and Royal Majesty Franz Joseph and His Imperial Majesty Alexander II, a demand of which we wholly concede. Open discussion is paramount, and allow us to combine our efforts towards ensuring a amiable solution to the competing imperial spheres of we and the Ottomans. We invite the opportunity to form a meeting of Austrian and Russian officials to better speak, in person, regarding the future status of the Balkans in respect to our imperial goals.
Furthermore, as has been relayed from the Austrian ambassador in the Turkish capital, the Ottomans seek to strike at the lands of Montenegro, and this, coupled with their unilateral actions in determining the status of the Danubian Principalities, shows an aggressive new policy within the Porte, which shows the reason our empires must collaborate, to fend off those that seek to overturn the balance within Europe towards chaos.
It is undeniably true that the issue surrounding the various Balkan states have always been a point of contention and discord, even between allies of our stature. But we must strive to cooperate, and not allow lesser states to dictate the course of greater Empires, nor must we allow our friendship to wither over single issues.
Still, the topic of the Balkans is of course a must valid point for which demands talks between the governments of His Imperial and Royal Majesty Franz Joseph and His Imperial Majesty Alexander II, a demand of which we wholly concede. Open discussion is paramount, and allow us to combine our efforts towards ensuring a amiable solution to the competing imperial spheres of we and the Ottomans. We invite the opportunity to form a meeting of Austrian and Russian officials to better speak, in person, regarding the future status of the Balkans in respect to our imperial goals.
Furthermore, as has been relayed from the Austrian ambassador in the Turkish capital, the Ottomans seek to strike at the lands of Montenegro, and this, coupled with their unilateral actions in determining the status of the Danubian Principalities, shows an aggressive new policy within the Porte, which shows the reason our empires must collaborate, to fend off those that seek to overturn the balance within Europe towards chaos.
From the Offices of Foreign Minister
Count Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen
Count Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen
To the Honorable Mikháylovich Gorchakóv,
I can speak for the Moldavian and the Wallachian people when I say that we are honored to have been thought of by the great Tzar. The people of the United Principalities would be honored and overjoyed to be in close relations with the great Russian Empire, however, the Sublime Porte has made it clear that the United Principalities is to remain property of the Porte. If the great Tzar wishes to aid in the maintenance and armament of a Moldavian and Wallachian army, the he must go through negotiations with the Sultan. This is a regrettable necessity of the existence of the United Principalities, yet it is a necessity that must persist, in the absence of a free United Principalities.
I can speak for the Moldavian and the Wallachian people when I say that we are honored to have been thought of by the great Tzar. The people of the United Principalities would be honored and overjoyed to be in close relations with the great Russian Empire, however, the Sublime Porte has made it clear that the United Principalities is to remain property of the Porte. If the great Tzar wishes to aid in the maintenance and armament of a Moldavian and Wallachian army, the he must go through negotiations with the Sultan. This is a regrettable necessity of the existence of the United Principalities, yet it is a necessity that must persist, in the absence of a free United Principalities.
With much respect and admiration,
Alexandru Ioan I, Domnitor of the United Principalities.
Alexandru Ioan I, Domnitor of the United Principalities.
Dated 27 February, 1861
In light of the declaration emancipating the serfs of the Empire, it is now deemed necessary and altogether vital for a functioning policy be implemented to achieve such a goal – His Imperial Majesty has advocated a cautious and thoroughly pragmatic route be taken to assure that the changes to the Empire, agriculturally and economically especially, are not affected negatively, and that the positive aspects of this reform be utilised quickly and effectively.
In light of the Memorandum dated 22 February regarding the establishment of a Trans-Siberian Railway, it may indeed be pragmatic to enlist the newly freed serfs for employ in this project, and to assure that those who do endeavour to labour on this project are amply rewarded with lands in Siberia and America to best ensure that these lands, once connected to the Imperial centre, are rendered useable and effectively governed and populated.
It is also recommended that lands grants, akin to the American Land Claim Act (regarding the Oregon territory) be made around the Primorskaya Oblast to encourage further settlement there; His Imperial Majesty has stated that the port-town of Vladivostok, though still an infant town, will likely grow into a key port in the Pacific, and a vital connection to that ocean and to our colonial possessions in America, and therefore is deserving and requiring of such tender and forward-thinking policies.
Lastly, those in the state of serfdom who are not bound to lands, and left untrained in farming and agricultural pursuits, would likely fail in any such programmes designed for those fields; therefore, it is both reasonable and desirable to encourage the expansion of industry within the western cities and towns of the Empire to encourage these serfs to find employ in these new fields; as such, capital should be devoted to such industrial and commercial stimulus and incentivisation.
Граф Дмитрий Николаевич Блудов
In light of the declaration emancipating the serfs of the Empire, it is now deemed necessary and altogether vital for a functioning policy be implemented to achieve such a goal – His Imperial Majesty has advocated a cautious and thoroughly pragmatic route be taken to assure that the changes to the Empire, agriculturally and economically especially, are not affected negatively, and that the positive aspects of this reform be utilised quickly and effectively.
In light of the Memorandum dated 22 February regarding the establishment of a Trans-Siberian Railway, it may indeed be pragmatic to enlist the newly freed serfs for employ in this project, and to assure that those who do endeavour to labour on this project are amply rewarded with lands in Siberia and America to best ensure that these lands, once connected to the Imperial centre, are rendered useable and effectively governed and populated.
It is also recommended that lands grants, akin to the American Land Claim Act (regarding the Oregon territory) be made around the Primorskaya Oblast to encourage further settlement there; His Imperial Majesty has stated that the port-town of Vladivostok, though still an infant town, will likely grow into a key port in the Pacific, and a vital connection to that ocean and to our colonial possessions in America, and therefore is deserving and requiring of such tender and forward-thinking policies.
Lastly, those in the state of serfdom who are not bound to lands, and left untrained in farming and agricultural pursuits, would likely fail in any such programmes designed for those fields; therefore, it is both reasonable and desirable to encourage the expansion of industry within the western cities and towns of the Empire to encourage these serfs to find employ in these new fields; as such, capital should be devoted to such industrial and commercial stimulus and incentivisation.
Граф Дмитрий Николаевич Блудов
Your Majesty,
Though I must spend my days confronted with dark tidings and grim news, it is with unreserved pleasure that I received your letter. I must thank you most profoundly for your sympathies and support during this time of unpleasantness. Your Majesty's reputation as a great leader and reformer are without question, and that your thoughts would go out to our nation's internal problems is truly remarkable and praiseworthy.
Though it is my fervent hope that this disunion may be resolved diplomatically and without further need for hostilities, I believe that the support of the Russian Empire shall be invaluable in times to come, given the rapidity of which other great powers have declared so-called "neutrality." Should I in my future capacity as President be able to render Your Majesty a similar kindness, you shall find me at your disposal.
Sincerely,
Abraham Lincoln
President-Elect of the United States
Though I must spend my days confronted with dark tidings and grim news, it is with unreserved pleasure that I received your letter. I must thank you most profoundly for your sympathies and support during this time of unpleasantness. Your Majesty's reputation as a great leader and reformer are without question, and that your thoughts would go out to our nation's internal problems is truly remarkable and praiseworthy.
Though it is my fervent hope that this disunion may be resolved diplomatically and without further need for hostilities, I believe that the support of the Russian Empire shall be invaluable in times to come, given the rapidity of which other great powers have declared so-called "neutrality." Should I in my future capacity as President be able to render Your Majesty a similar kindness, you shall find me at your disposal.
Sincerely,
Abraham Lincoln
President-Elect of the United States
To His Excellency, Alexander Gorchakov, Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire
Please express my thanks to His Imperial Majesty for his kind words and his support. These are trying times, and I am sure that my successor shall find his support and the support of your government to be of utmost value and comfort. Please convey my kindest regards to His Majesty and to the Imperial family.
James Buchanan
President of the United States
Please express my thanks to His Imperial Majesty for his kind words and his support. These are trying times, and I am sure that my successor shall find his support and the support of your government to be of utmost value and comfort. Please convey my kindest regards to His Majesty and to the Imperial family.
James Buchanan
President of the United States
Whilst the project is laudable, one ponders on the efficacy of such a vast project, and whether or not the Empire has the economic infrastructure, and indeed the technological ability, to undertake such a programme. It would, at most generously, span over 1,200 ми́ля. How can we hope to finance this project?
Граф Пётр Алекса́ндрович Валу́ев
Граф Пётр Алекса́ндрович Валу́ев
Such a project would indeed be an immense undertaking; however, by making good use of our American contacts (financiers, etc.) and the workforce available to us in the form of the former serfs, such a railway is not an unfeasible goal, though stringent oversight of funds and progress will be needed to ensure it does not go awry.
Pavel Petrovich Melnikov, with his experience in both America and in the undertaking of the St Petersburg-Moscow line, has relayed to me that he is confident that such a railway could be completed; he further suggests that work begin both in the west and the east, at St Petersburg and Vladivostok, to ensure that the line and its progress is not limited to the speediness of one overseer and team, as well as to maximise efficiency.
I would would further suggest that this intervening time, these two years, be spent surveying Siberia for a suitable route, and courting American and domestic financiers; as well, it would be wise to organise the sale of land to some domestically organised company, at least partially subsidised and overseen by the government, to manage this project.
Константин Владимирович Комнат
Pavel Petrovich Melnikov, with his experience in both America and in the undertaking of the St Petersburg-Moscow line, has relayed to me that he is confident that such a railway could be completed; he further suggests that work begin both in the west and the east, at St Petersburg and Vladivostok, to ensure that the line and its progress is not limited to the speediness of one overseer and team, as well as to maximise efficiency.
I would would further suggest that this intervening time, these two years, be spent surveying Siberia for a suitable route, and courting American and domestic financiers; as well, it would be wise to organise the sale of land to some domestically organised company, at least partially subsidised and overseen by the government, to manage this project.
Константин Владимирович Комнат
To His Excellency, Aleksándr Mikháylovich Gorchakóv,
Such offers of coordinated action are most welcomed with a warm heart in Vienna. As a bretheren to the Slavic people, it was suspected that His Imperial Majesty would take much interest in the planned Ottoman attack on the Principality of Montenegro.
Were I to suggest a course of action, it would be that Austria and Russia stand firm together as equals, offering a stern warning to the Porte, stating our joint desires for stability and an absence of violence within the Balkans region, not only to promote a balance in the Balkans and to prevent wanton chaos, but also to help protect the Christian peoples of the Ottoman Empire from certain suppression.
Such offers of coordinated action are most welcomed with a warm heart in Vienna. As a bretheren to the Slavic people, it was suspected that His Imperial Majesty would take much interest in the planned Ottoman attack on the Principality of Montenegro.
Were I to suggest a course of action, it would be that Austria and Russia stand firm together as equals, offering a stern warning to the Porte, stating our joint desires for stability and an absence of violence within the Balkans region, not only to promote a balance in the Balkans and to prevent wanton chaos, but also to help protect the Christian peoples of the Ottoman Empire from certain suppression.
From the Offices of Foreign Minister
Count Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen
Count Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen
To A. M. Gorchakóv, Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire
It is clear that this Austrian Empire is not a German Empire, in any form imaginable, while we have no doubt in our minds that if they could, they would indeed try seek control of all of Germany, the only thing holding them back being my king, Wilhelm I. But instead it is a multinational Empire with designs across a whole regions, as it was shown in the Crimean War, that region also includes the Balkans, which the Austrians no doubt would also like to swallow up, being quite happily as they did so.
It is also becoming clearer each year that the German issue presented during 1848 will not simply go away, and that more and more people desire a unified Germany, a thing which the Austrian Monarchy has had great desires to lead, and has formed a rivalry between our two nations in the process. Should such a thing come into existence under the Austrians. It is clear that they will use their new power and influence to take the Balkans under their control, which would naturally be a threat to Russian interests there, which was already shown during the Crimean war, whereas Prussia has no interest in the Balkans, and thus would not oppose Russia, or her interests in the region.
Eventually this will come to a conflict within the German states themselves, as a decision will need to be reached, and both my king, his Majesty Wilhelm I, and the Austrian Emperor, Franz Joseph, has supporters within the Confederation. As such it is unlikely that a diplomatic compromise will be reached that both sides can agree to, while my king is more than willing to try and reach one with the Austrian Emperor, one which the other princes can also agree to, it is unlikely to happen, and as such a war will most likely ensue, which is why I have been commanded to inquire about the Russian Tsar and his government in regards to their position on the issue.
From
It is clear that this Austrian Empire is not a German Empire, in any form imaginable, while we have no doubt in our minds that if they could, they would indeed try seek control of all of Germany, the only thing holding them back being my king, Wilhelm I. But instead it is a multinational Empire with designs across a whole regions, as it was shown in the Crimean War, that region also includes the Balkans, which the Austrians no doubt would also like to swallow up, being quite happily as they did so.
It is also becoming clearer each year that the German issue presented during 1848 will not simply go away, and that more and more people desire a unified Germany, a thing which the Austrian Monarchy has had great desires to lead, and has formed a rivalry between our two nations in the process. Should such a thing come into existence under the Austrians. It is clear that they will use their new power and influence to take the Balkans under their control, which would naturally be a threat to Russian interests there, which was already shown during the Crimean war, whereas Prussia has no interest in the Balkans, and thus would not oppose Russia, or her interests in the region.
Eventually this will come to a conflict within the German states themselves, as a decision will need to be reached, and both my king, his Majesty Wilhelm I, and the Austrian Emperor, Franz Joseph, has supporters within the Confederation. As such it is unlikely that a diplomatic compromise will be reached that both sides can agree to, while my king is more than willing to try and reach one with the Austrian Emperor, one which the other princes can also agree to, it is unlikely to happen, and as such a war will most likely ensue, which is why I have been commanded to inquire about the Russian Tsar and his government in regards to their position on the issue.
From
Otto Von Bismarck
Ambassador of the Kingdom of Prussia
To His Excellency, Aleksándr Mikháylovich Gorchakóv,
I am in complete understanding of your caution. I did not intend to suggest a violent action, but instead something akin to your suggestion of a joint diplomatic statement, affirming our desire for stability in the Balkans, whilst recognizing that Ottoman actions run counter to such desires. A single message, supported by both of our Empires would likely do well to persuade the Porte from further violence, lest they allow their foolishness to manifest again. As for Montenegro, I am in support of your notion of offering diplomatic assurances and protection, as it would ensure our joint position acts as a ward from Ottoman schemes.
Our interests are surely one and the same, to defend stability and prevent the rise of powers that exploit the recent inventions of nationalism and the like, in favor of a proven system, the old order. If I am correct in this assumption, then I feel we must strive to tighten this bond. I know that His Imperial and Royal Majesty Franz Joseph would be most welcome to hosting His Imperial Majesty within Wien, or in sharing the company of His Imperial Majesty in the lands of Russia, of which he has been curious of late. Such a meeting would be most fruitful I believe, in allowing deep conversation between our two masters, and ultimately in furthering the cause of the old order.
I am in complete understanding of your caution. I did not intend to suggest a violent action, but instead something akin to your suggestion of a joint diplomatic statement, affirming our desire for stability in the Balkans, whilst recognizing that Ottoman actions run counter to such desires. A single message, supported by both of our Empires would likely do well to persuade the Porte from further violence, lest they allow their foolishness to manifest again. As for Montenegro, I am in support of your notion of offering diplomatic assurances and protection, as it would ensure our joint position acts as a ward from Ottoman schemes.
Our interests are surely one and the same, to defend stability and prevent the rise of powers that exploit the recent inventions of nationalism and the like, in favor of a proven system, the old order. If I am correct in this assumption, then I feel we must strive to tighten this bond. I know that His Imperial and Royal Majesty Franz Joseph would be most welcome to hosting His Imperial Majesty within Wien, or in sharing the company of His Imperial Majesty in the lands of Russia, of which he has been curious of late. Such a meeting would be most fruitful I believe, in allowing deep conversation between our two masters, and ultimately in furthering the cause of the old order.
From the Offices of Foreign Minister
Count Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen
Count Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen
To His Excellency, Alexander Gorchakov
If I may, allow me to offer a belated message of appreciation from the Emperor of the French for your aid and the support of the Tsar during the Italian war. Your efforts in maintaining a general peace on the continent did much to bring a just end to the conflict. While I myself was not present for such talks, coming into my office only recently, I must say that conduct of the Russian army according to the treaty of 1859 was greatly welcomed, and Alexander's desire to maintain peace does him much credit as an enlightened ruler.
I assure you that the Emperor remembers his own agreements.
If I may, allow me to offer a belated message of appreciation from the Emperor of the French for your aid and the support of the Tsar during the Italian war. Your efforts in maintaining a general peace on the continent did much to bring a just end to the conflict. While I myself was not present for such talks, coming into my office only recently, I must say that conduct of the Russian army according to the treaty of 1859 was greatly welcomed, and Alexander's desire to maintain peace does him much credit as an enlightened ruler.
I assure you that the Emperor remembers his own agreements.
To The Honorable Imperial Russian Minister to the Legation Quarter, to be delivered to His Excellency the Foreign Minister Gorchakóv
His Imperial Majesty the Emperor would have me inform you that he is grateful for His Imperial Majesty the Tsar's good intentions and his desire for warmer relations between our two States. His Imperial Majesty firmly stands, as the holder of the Mandate of Heaven, for a stronger working relationship with the many States abroad.
I am sure that His Majesty opposes the current state of civil affairs in the eastern parts of our Empire, particularly in the city of Nanking and surrounding urban settlements. The so-called Taiping rebels are proving a nuisance and, while certainly doomed to destruction, are continuing to require enormous quantities of both energy and resources to eradicate. Countless Subjects of His Imperial Majesty have perished in the previous decade, and countless more -- innocent and otherwise -- may very well similarly lose their lives in the fighting against the brutal, traitorous hordes.
While similarly desirous of both improved relations with the Russian Empire and for the increasing prosperity of His Imperial Majesty's Subjects, His Imperial Majesty has instructed me to relay to you that he wishes first to conclude the hostilities in eastern China before engaging representatives of His Majesty's Government in negotiations regarding the aforementioned railroads through Imperial Manchuria.
I hope you understand His Imperial Majesty's decree and respect it to the fullest. I wish for you and His Majesty good health, and for a strong and prosperous Empire to further the prosperity of the Russian peoples.
His Imperial Majesty the Emperor would have me inform you that he is grateful for His Imperial Majesty the Tsar's good intentions and his desire for warmer relations between our two States. His Imperial Majesty firmly stands, as the holder of the Mandate of Heaven, for a stronger working relationship with the many States abroad.
I am sure that His Majesty opposes the current state of civil affairs in the eastern parts of our Empire, particularly in the city of Nanking and surrounding urban settlements. The so-called Taiping rebels are proving a nuisance and, while certainly doomed to destruction, are continuing to require enormous quantities of both energy and resources to eradicate. Countless Subjects of His Imperial Majesty have perished in the previous decade, and countless more -- innocent and otherwise -- may very well similarly lose their lives in the fighting against the brutal, traitorous hordes.
While similarly desirous of both improved relations with the Russian Empire and for the increasing prosperity of His Imperial Majesty's Subjects, His Imperial Majesty has instructed me to relay to you that he wishes first to conclude the hostilities in eastern China before engaging representatives of His Majesty's Government in negotiations regarding the aforementioned railroads through Imperial Manchuria.
I hope you understand His Imperial Majesty's decree and respect it to the fullest. I wish for you and His Majesty good health, and for a strong and prosperous Empire to further the prosperity of the Russian peoples.
His Imperial Highness Yixin, the Prince Gong, Prince Regent, Chief of the Grand Council, Leader of the Zongli Yamen
by Order of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the Great Qing Dynasty
by Order of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the Great Qing Dynasty