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Prologue
  • The first margrave of Flanders was Boudewijn Iron Arm, granted the land in part of his marriage to Judith Karling, daughter of Emperor Charles the Bald, and by the grace of Pope Nicholas I, later known Saint Nicholas the Great. Through them, came Boudewijn II, who seized advantage of Charles the Fat’s deposition to claim Artois, and leaving the lands of Saint-Pol, Boulogne, and Thérouanne to his son Adelof, born of his marriage to Ælfthryth, daughter of Alfred of Wessex. Though Adelof passed his titles to his elder brother, Arnulf, Boulogne was given to Adelof’s son, Arnulf II, whose son was Arnulf III.

    In conflict with his Boudewijn IV, Count of Flanders, Arnulf III broke free of the Flemings and split his lands amongst his three sons, with Badouin, his first son, my grandfather, receiving Boulogne. He fought alongside Robert Capet II against Odo II of Blois, and, though Adelina of Holland was stolen from him, my father, Eustache de Boulogne, still held control over his lands. Under his rule, Boulogne prospered, though he married me to Godgifu, the widowed daughter of Ethelred the Unready, who gave me no sons like she had Count Drogo of Vexin and Mantes. Still, it was through Godifu that I became politically acquainted with her brother, the man who would be named King Eadward, whom I had already been friends with after his exile to Normandy. Following in the pious nature of her brother’s later behavior, she was more interested in visiting the Bishop of Montreuil than my bed, and I claimed three sons out of wedlock: Geoffroy, Guillaume, and Hugues. If there were others, I never learned of them.

    When Godgifu passed, I could finally change my attentions Ida of Lorraine, joining her father, Gottfried Wigeriche III, against Kaiser Heinrich III for his inheritance of Verdun, though Pope Leo IX saw fit to declare our marriage illegal, as Henry III reported to him that we were 7th cousins through Louis II--grounds for excommunication. As my liege, Boudewijn V had already entered the war, I tried to distinguish myself to my-father-in-law, as they sacked Verdun, the very city which they had feuded for. Nonetheless, my father died in 1049 of his age, naming me Eustace de Boulogne II, though one of my first actions was to seek peace with the Kaiser, as Gottfried and Boudewijn had been wearied by the years of war.

    In the aftermath, I took to carrying on my father’s legacy of good relations with the Saxons, and so I visited Eadward in England, as one of his powerful vassals, Earl Godwin of Kent, had recently married his son Tostig to Boudewijn’s sister, Judith. Not only that, but Godwin’s son Sweyn of Hereford was a foe to my stepson Ralf of Mantes, and, while I couldn’t care for Godgifu’s children like those I had had with better women, he was better than any Saxon. After visiting Eadward’s court, I was escorted back to Dover by Wilburg of Normandy, one of Eadward’s fencers, and, if rumor was true, a bastard son and Eadward’s reasoning for spending his nights in prayer, rather than pleasure. I had less concerns, however, as we had arrived after nightfall, and, fending off some robbers, were in desperate need of a good inn—and I was in need of some comfort. But my request for courtesans was met with indignity by the Saxons, as they were Godwin’s men, and, soon enough, we were fleeing through the streets, avoiding the local patrols until we eventually found our way through the city, and met with some of my own men at St. Margaret, who assisted us in fending off the armsmen.

    As I left for Boulogne, I demanded Wilburg report the hostility of the Dover peasants, and hold Godwin responsible for their crimes. While Eadward agreed, Godwin refused on grounds of self-defense, and was exiled from his county, only to return the next year with the support of his loyal Kentishmen, while also receiving support from Boudewijn’s Fleming veterans. While his rebellion was soon put down by the mobilization of the Saxons, it showed many flaws within the Saxon system of governance, as there soon was a conflict in Normandy, as William of Talou had rebelled against his nephew, Guillaume of Normandy, after the death of Robert I, Talou’s elder half-brother. Through my previous marriage to Godgifu, as niece of Guillaume’s grandfather, Richard II, I had some vested learnings of Normandy, but I mostly stayed out of the affair until Talou’s defeat, and so I offered to take the Norman into my court, as he was the trueborn son of Richard.

    As that affair wrapped up, my father-in-law’s wife had died, and so Gottfried had taken Beatrice of Bar as a wife, but Heinrich III had declared the marriage illegal, and so he had locked Beatrice and her son Frederick in prisons, where Frederick died, spurring Boudewijn V against the Kaiser once more. As Gottfried joined him, they were beaten back in Antwerp by the Lorrainers, and, the next year, as Henry III died, young Heinrich IV, only 6 years old, made peace with Boudewijn, while Gottfried was exiled to Tuscany alongside Beatrice.

    There, I’m told he deposed the antipope Benedict X, but I had more pressing issues, as Boudewijn was consolidating his place in Flanders: while my stepson Walter of Mantes was captured and killed by Normans, Boudewijin had been named tutor to our King Philip, who was only 8 at the time, serving as co-regent with dowager Queen Anne of Kiev after the death of Henry Capet. As the years passed, I found my attentions sought by William of Normandy, who sought my opinion on the matters of the English throne, as he did claim his grandfather’s sister Emma, through her marriage to King Ethelred before the reign of the Danes, which was later reclaimed by King Eadward.

    But, with his age and no viable heir, there was the question of whom would take the English crown, as few sought to return to the Danes, and some said William would be named king. As I joined the Normans in debating the fate of England, Frederick, duke of Lower Lorraine, died, and so Gottfried was finally able to return from Heinrich III’s exile, and take his court in Bouillon. However, my conversations with William bore fruit in 1066, as Eadward the Confessor died in January--but named Harold, son of Godwin, as his heir, and had been crowned the very next day, despite earlier discussions that Harold would support William’s claim.

    Anything to oppose Godwin’s son, I rallied to William’s side as other men flocked to his side, eager to support the Normans in their conquest. It was during this assembly that William produced Papal Banner, and claimed that Pope Alexander II, Kaiser Heinrich Salian IV, and King Sweyn Estridsen of Denmark all supported his claim, forgiving his place as a bastard. But Harold Godwinson and Harald Sigurdsson of Norway both contested the throne, and, even now, the Norwegians were heading in York to claim England back for the Knýtlinga, acting on a pact made with Harthacnut. Guillaume was adamant that that would not come to pass, and so he rallied other men from across Brittany, northern France, and Flanders throughout the summer, though the winds across La Manche proved unfavorable, and there was word of Saxon soldiers guarding the southern shore. And thus, we waited for his word to put an end to the mockery in England and name the bastard a King.


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    Journal 1
  • --Journal 1; 12/30/18--
    **September 15th, 1066**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne II! [4]

    But, as September proved to be clear for crossing, news came from the Holy Roman Empire, as Kaiser Heinrich IV, having been in dispute with our young King Philippe’s regent, Duke Robert de Bourgogne, had thrown down the gauntlet in pursuit of the isles of Zeeland, calling it a part of the Dutch lands of Holland. As my duke Boudewijn V included it within his Flemish domain, I was summoned to Bruges and was tasked with mobilizing the agents of Flanders: his scouts, his messengers, and, most importantly, his spies.

    Let into Boudewijn’s most trusted circle, I finally had a good chance to weaken the Duke, as he was away marshalling the men, as Duke-regent Robert had tasked him with organizing and supplying the levies of France. But, as I visited Paris to update my duke of his garrisons and watch posts, I paid a visit to Robert to discuss our 14-year-old king, currently uncrowned and unmatched. With the state of England in flux, the Spanish in inter-familiar conflict, and the Germans weighing against us, I suggested that Philippe take a French wife to strengthen his ties to the land—and my late brother Lambert had a daughter by the name of Judith, who had recently turned 12, a good age to make a match to our king. With the support of the Dowager-Queen Anne de Russie, I brought Judith and her mother, the widowed Adelaide de Normandie to Melun to meet her betrothed, and adapt to life in the city.

    While there were many who were willing to cooperate against Boudewijn, my plans went a bit awry when I learned that our young King had been cursed with a bad stomach after the new year’s celebrations, and not long after, Hugues II, 5 years younger than his older brother, was named king while his brother passed in the care of his chamber servants. As this extended Robert’s regency, he and Anne both agreed that the betrothal contract could be adjusted to Hugues, for the same reasons that we had agreed to Philippe.

    With the Duke-regent and future king on my side, Boudewijn began to feel signs of pressure, riding back from his camp in Auvergne to recall his council to Bruges to discuss his position as the Duke of Flanders. Amongst his rights, he proposed his authority be extended to the right of revocation—that is, to reassume the right that, as his vassals, we were only temporarily in control of his land. I clearly saw through the power play: it was a threat to anyone who dared act against him. Thus, alongside the other members of his council, we rejected his proposal and informed the lords that he had no such right to overstep his authority in that matter.

    Consumed in this matter, it was then that I learned that Guillaume de Normandie had won his prize, passing the Saxons throne into Norman hands. Pleased with the success of the Bastard, now called “the Conqueror,” I was then informed that age had taken Boudewijn V, and so a younger Boudewijn VI was at the helm of Flanders as the Germans finally invaded. After taking Zeeland without much issue, they advanced into the lowlands as Duke Thibault of Champagne readied the men against the Kaiser. However, unfamiliar with his men and his command, Thibault returned from Oudenaarde with only a token force alive, and so Duke-regent Robert, acting with Anne de Russie’s authority, made peace with the Reich, formally transferring Zeeland from Boudewijn to the Duke of Holland.

    But that was not the last of German trickery, as Pope Alexander had died and the Conclave had selected the Italian Marinus III, only for an immediate outcry from the Salian Kaiser, who immediately supported an antipope in Viviers, who went by the name of Callistus II. Knowing nothing good could come from the rivalry of Rome and the Germans, I then received news from within the Reich, as my father-in-law Gottfried Wigeriche was being challenged again, this time by Duke Gerhard of Upper Lorraine over control of Verdun.

    With the familiarity of the Fleming agents, I learned that this request came on the tail end of a disastrous loss at Sarrebourg at the tail end of 1068, where most of Gottfried’s men had been killed or captured. Though I had responded affirmatively, for the sake of my honor, I debated what I could do, as Duke Gerhard’s forces more than outnumbered Gottfried’s survivors and my own arms men. My mood changed in the spring of 1069, as my agents then reported that, due to the taxes raised in support of Gerhard’s army of mercenaries, the peasants of Lorraine had risen against their lord in protest, almost 10 thousand in number under a man by the name of Renaud de Stahlbeck.

    Eager to seize the advantage while the Duke was occupied—or even defeated—I summoned my vassals in support of my father-in-law. Assembling in a feast on July 11th, I was ready for this: though I had missed out on Guillaume’s conquest of England while our kingdom had been unable to overcome the Kaiser, I would make a victory out of Gottfried’s circumstances. I was only 44, and had many more years to win victories, and that trend would start today. However, as I ate and drank with my officers, I accidentally sipped wine while I still had a grape in my mouth—and it chased it down my throat. A particularly large grape, it suddenly became caught in my throat, and, trying to take a breath, it was sucked into my windpipe. My coughing turned into panicked choking as I clutched at my chest, and I stood up in hope that my posture could help. However, as my vision darkened, I fell forward onto the table, my previous massages now a frantic beating of my chest as Ida rushed to my side. I’d assume my children did the same, but, by that time, all had faded away and my one chance at victory had been stolen away.

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    !Count Eustache de Boulogne III! [4]

    After my father was buried beneath the old Basilique Notre-Dame, a tradition he had told me went all the way back to my great grandfather, our bishop Loup of Montreuil declared that, though I wasn’t the oldest, by law, my place as a trueborn son meant I was to inherit my father’s titles and honors. My elder half-brothers, Geoffroy, Guillaume, and Hugues looked to me with quiet distaste, denied any inheritance. It was a quiet ride to Paris alongside my mother, my uncle and acting regent Godefroy, all of my brothers, and bishop Loup, but I took it with grace, but all in good fun. It was there that I found myself amongst nobles my age: Arnulf II, the son of Boudewijn VI, had been born the same day as me, while our King Hugues II was a few months younger than us. Arnulf’s father had died recently, slain by Count Robert of Artois in a duel, and so Arnulf had to accept his duchy like I had my county. Thus, I said my pledges before Hugues to serve him as a Christian, and then I did the same before Arnulf, to serve as his vassal.

    As our houses were related, both descendants from Boudewijn II, Arnulf called me “cousin,” and I took a liking to my liege, as he then said that he would want to be my friend as well. As we returned to Flanders together, I took to Boulogne while he made for Bruges, and I found myself taking my father’s boots, and learning of all the responsibilities he had had to contend with. Shadowing my uncle Godefroy while he administered aspects of the county, I approved the use of our funds towards the betterment of our castle, bringing in stonemasons and architects from Macon, who had done work with the nearby Cluny Abbey before. Headed by an architect named Bastien de Saone, we were relocated to a series of apartments in the town, as internal renovations could simultaneously take place.

    While I still attended the lessons taught to me by my mother, there was another matter at hand, as Bastien took Godefroy and I on tours of his work, to inspect his progress and display his men’s craftsmanship. But there was one more person who joined our tours: his daughter, Anne de Saone. She was a very curious girl, only a few days older than me, and liked to ask me questions about my tutors, my family, and my life in Boulogne, and I felt it was not out of jealousy, but of naivety. As such, I invited Anne to join in my lessons, but Mother said that a girl shouldn’t learn like a boy, as swords and contracts were not to be her games. Instead, my mother taught her like a girl of the court instead of an architects’ daughter, of humility and embroidery and other feminine things. But, to tell the truth, I felt my heart flutter when I saw her in a womanly dress, in ways I didn’t truly understand.

    When Bastien and his men had finished their work, they were welcomed inside for the first celebration of the new grand hall, as Godefroy had spent the past few months looking for a wife of his own, and, after months of contact with a minor lord in Iberia, he had found his love in Munra Gonzalez de Lace. As Munra had arrived in port, the wedding was held only a week later at the local church by Bishop Loup of Montreuil, before we paraded to our newly renovated home. But, while my uncle celebrated, I overheard Mother talking with Bastien about the church—she had some doubts in the aged building, and Bastien had agreed with her. While they discussed plans to improve that site, I plucked the courage to ask Anne for a dance, who looked beautiful in her humble dress. With the minstrels playing, I did my best to lead her about, and she smiled all the while as I moved my clumsy feet, eventually tiring out by the time the night was done. As the grown-ups were also going to bed, I said goodnight to the architect’s daughter, and kissed her on the cheek, which she then did to me, then scurrying off without another word.

    I was saddened to think that she would be returning to Macon, but my mother announced the next day that Bastien and the de Saone company would be staying in Boulogne to work on a renovation of the local Basilique Notre-Dame. As such, I was able to enjoy Anne as a friend as we both came of age, and, as my uncle Godefroy renounced his regency, naming me as Count, I took Anne de Saone to Montreuil for the blessings of Bishop Loup, as well as to host my friend and duke Arnulf. Named his chancellor, I had to split my time between Arnulf’s duties and that of Boulogne, as well as taking a trip to Paris, as our King Hugues Capet II had come of age, and married my cousin Judith, my uncle Godefroy walking her, as the only surviving brother of her father.

    However, as we returned to our duties, I was shocked to learn that Anne had overheard Munra discussing plans to murder my younger brother Godefroy with one of her maids. While Anne had apparently learned some Spanish whilst her father had taken her to Castille for an abbey contract, I was astonished to hear such brazen talk, as my mother said she had named him after my uncle, after all. While Godefroy came to her defense, I wouldn’t doubt Anne’s word, and, to make sure Munra learned her lesson, I had her put in public stockade before the people of Boulogne, humiliating the foreign lady to protect my brother.

    In the meanwhile, I turned back to the state of Boulogne, as Richard’s invasion of England had caused ripples with our cross-channel trade, as our merchants usually traded whale blubber and oils for Kentish wool, which we then refined into fine clothes and textiles. But, as Richard de Normandie’s kingdom had finally found a level of stability, the Norman passed away from some internal plague, unable to eat or drink normally. Still, with a son to succeed him, I hoped that King Robert would not be found wanting by his new subjects. As for my king, Hugues picked up the old feud with the Brentons, and demanded the vassalization of Brittany unto King Konan de Rennes, to which the aged Celt declined. Marshalling the levies of our kingdom, Hugues made for the western shore as Konan and his men took the opposite approach, heading for Paris. While my business in Flanders kept me out of it, I’m told Hugues led a devastating sack of Rennes and Nantes, while Konan’s men managed to best the defenders of Paris.

    At the same time, I was sought by one of the weavers’ associations of Boulogne, run by the Deschamps family, who wished for support—without English wool and Parisians to purchase their products, they were suffering under the recent struggles, and, if not assisted, might be forced to sell their property to avoid foreclosure. They requested that, if I pay them for their current services, and give some funds in preparation of future costs, they would be willing to pay back my investment in double once the markets stabilized. Though the amount they requested would put our small city into temporary debt, I considered the risk worthwhile: I had confidence in Hugues, and young Robert. And, should the Bretons advance into Flanders, I hadn’t worried about protecting Boulogne, as Arnulf would be quick to respond.

    Speaking of the Bretons, I was visiting Damme Cathedral for Arnulf when Bishop Bavo received news from Rome: Pope Stephanus X, having just succeeded Pope Marinus III, had not only risen to a Papacy faced with a Salian antipope in Viviers, but also of a crisis within the church itself: beatification. Recently, a Brenton priest named Guecon had been recognized by King Konan and his clergy as the man had defended the city of Hennebont from Hugues, holding a gap in its walls by himself for over 6 hours, before falling to French steel. Stephanus was more concerned than the mere issue of Brittany’s independence: despite being a priest, Guecon was father to more than a dozen children, allegedly abusing his position to entice lustful women into confession, sometimes several at a time, to commit and absolve them of their sins. With the declaration of the Apostolic Constitution, Stephanus revoked the right of local clergy to beatify, absolving that absolute authority in the Holy See.

    As I made sure the news reached Bishop Loup of Montreuil, I returned to Boulogne to be greeted by the Deschamps, who had created a large batch of wools, eager for sale in the Champagne fairs, where they could be dyed by the Genoese. But, as my duties in Bruges had told me, there was an interesting affair elsewhere in, strangely enough, the pagan shores of Pomerania. Recent wars with the Danes, the Germans, and the Poles had left them wounded, and there were rumors that they were paying a high price for simple goods like blankets and oils. With a fresh whale brought into harvest, I knew there was a profit to be made in the deal: acquiring a vessel, I found a man by the name of Simon Benoit who was willing to captain it to the Baltic. I’m told that Bishop Loup contributed some goods for sale in exchange for sending some missionaries alongside the mission, though, when Simon met with Chief Wenceslav, he was quick to stop the priests from bickering with the pagans, offering cloaks, oil lamps, and salted kipper to the desperate Balts. Impressed by the quality of our wools, Wenceslav proposed that we regularly arrange such a “Christian market” for the peoples of Weligrad, much to the delight of Loup’s missionaries. Thus, the voyage returned successful with Danish, German, and Polish coins, as well as various materials of similar worth, that could be processed and turned into greater products, and so I rewarded Simon for his services, with a specific docking slip for his vessel.

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    This victory was then echoed in Paris, as King Konan submitted to King Hugues, as our King had claimed all of Brittany, and had forced the Brenton out of Melun. With his subjugation, King Robert’s succession had stabilized in England, securing our crafts industry, as the Deschamps were true to their word, paying back my investment in double. However, speaking of England, there was a curious case that had emerged from Guillaume’s death, as the succession of Winchester had not fallen to a Norman or a Saxon, but to a Frenchman, Count Raoul de Vexin-Amiens. While that was sure to cause some tension between our kingdoms, Robert was busy elsewhere, as, while most of his realm had been stabilized, the people of Cornwall still rejected their young, Norman King.

    If Hugues was concerned for Count Raoul, he didn’t show it, as, instead, he turned his eyes south: while the Catholics of Iberia had consolidated their power in the northern half of the peninsula, Saracen pirates still plagued the south and neighboring islands. As corsairs from the Balearics had recently savaged the countryside of Toulouse, sacking churches and stealing commoners away for slavery, Hugues gathered the French levies in Narbonne to stage an invasion of the islands, and drive out the pirates. While my good “cousin” Arnulf II led the levies of Flanders, I tended to matter as his chancellor, when Anne became pregnant! With the blessing of God, I helped her relax, hiring Dutch maids to tend to her every need, as a peaceful mother had a peaceful birth, I was told.

    As I was meeting with Boudewijn, Arnulf’s brother and acting regent in his absence, I was told that Anne’s pregnancy was getting close, and so I returned to Boulogne for a final week before she gave birth to a son, whom we named Alexandre, after her brother. But, while she breast fed the baby, he seemed sick, but Bishop Loup had tended to the care of a dozen newborns before, and so he assisted the maids in Alexandre’s condition. His good health came not a day too soon, as word spread that camp fever had been spreading from Eu, brought back by sailors venturing back from Mallorca. Preventing any ships from entering our port, we learned that the campaign wasn’t going too well for Hugues, as other Muhammadans had joined together against our King. Their sailors knew the waters better and escaped every time Hugues and his forces approached, returning only with far greater numbers to harass and beat him back.

    When rumors of the fever finally ended, we opened up our port, where I received Simon Benoit, whose ship had brought back my brother Badouin—and his wife, Dowager-Queen Mabel of England. According to him, King Robert had suffered an injury fighting against the Cornish, a wound that had festered with infection and had killed the king. But, before he had departed for Cornwall, he had married a common woman whom he had impregnated while on a tour of Kent, Mabel, as Robert had been an honorable man. Mabel’s pregnancy became King William II, the heir of England at only one year of age. Having been at Mabel’s side in the King’s absence, my youngest brother knew that the Saxons would seize upon the interregnum and reclaim their throne from the Normans. While Richard’s allies would support his son, Badouin feared for the safety of Mabel—after all, she was a just a peasant girl to them, 17 and widowed. While he couldn’t save William II, Badouin knew he could at least protect his mother, and so, as Eadwin of Hwicce was gathering men to put the house of Wessex back upon the throne of England, Badouin had married Mabel in Dover before crossing La Manche.

    Hoping that their issues wouldn’t follow them, I accepted my brother and his new wife into Boulogne, to which Mabel gave me her very humble appreciation. While some were conflicted about marrying a peasant-queen, I had married an architect’s daughter, and saw nothing wrong in the pursuit of love. Though, speaking of which, as my aunt Ida had been tending to Alexandre alongside Anne, I had spent a lot of time with her in a way I had never really done outside of our family events. An older woman, she had never married, never sought out or offered by my predecessors, and I could tell she was jealous of Anne when she made some comments about wishing she could have witnessed the miracle of childbirth. However, soon thereafter, we received an emissary from count Raoul de Vexin-Amiens, as the count’s most recent wife had passed away last year, and he now sought another lady to tend to his house. Similar in age to Ida, Raoul wished for a true relationship with one of his own standings, as his previous marriages had mostly been political, without any love. Reciprocating to the count’s advances, I bid my aunt farewell, and I’m told they honeymooned safely in Winchester, which managed to avoid being caught in the Norman-English strife.

    While Eadwin’s rebellion gained steam, it was unfortunate for them that Harold Godwinson, who had fled to Scotland upon the loss of his crown, had passed away. Nonetheless, Eadgar of Wessex was still a strong contender against the much smaller Norman loyalist, and the deposition of William was all but certain. In the meanwhile, news came from Narbonne that our King Hugues had ended his campaign against the Saracens: having suffered numerous defeats at sea, they had been unable to do any substantial efforts against the corsairs, and, as the Saracens had joined with forces from the mainland, he had only incurred more wrath upon the Toulouse. This news was brought back by Count Rutger of Yperen, who also claimed that Duke Arnulf had been slain by the Mohammadans, his body having sunk into the ocean when their galley had been overtaken. Mourning the loss of my good friend and “cousin,” I then had to attend to the newly anointed Boudewijn VII, taking up his brother’s place.

    Reassigned from chancellor to spymaster, I was, like my father once had, charged with the matters of Flanders’ internal agents, and Boudewijn’s hand against those who would seek to usurp his power. This then included enforcing our King’s will, as Hugues’ failure returned him to Paris in a terrible state, turning to drink in his depression. As such, he had blamed the Jews of France for his defeat, claiming that their merchants in Iberia had profited much from the sale of stolen French goods, and their agents had informed the Moslems of his movements. As I tasked agents with evicting the Hebrews, I was shocked to see Simon Benoit’s name upon the list, and so I went to visit him personally, bidding that he gather his family and companions upon his boat and flee in the middle of the night, before anyone else took notice of my leniency.

    While I had no idea of where he went, trade still continued in the ports of Boulogne, as word arrived from across the channel that the Saxon alliance of Eadwin of Hwicce had reclaimed Eadgar of Wessex’s throne. The grandson of Eadmund Ironside, Eadward’s elder brother who had lost his kingdom to the Danes, now ruled England from the tiny Isle of Wight, separated from his England not only by the Sollent, but also by Count Raoul de Vexin-Amiens’ Winchester. If our King was worried, he was too inebriated to show it. In the meanwhile, I came down with a malaise which Bishop Loup identified as the flu, and so he ordered my cooks to a strict dietary schedule until it passed. Luckily, it did without issue, and I was able to attend a party hosted by Rutger of Yperen. There, he introduced me to something he had found while fighting alongside our King in Iberia, a board game by the Saracens that they called shatranj. But Rutger called it “chess,” which had spread through regions of France and Italy, mostly by the Normans, consisting of figure pieces constrained to separate rules, and I was immediately fascinated by the combinations of strategy. I ended up spending all night playing different games with the other attendants of Rutger’s party, getting to a point where people stopped trying to play with me, because I was so good at it.

    Returning to Boulogne to sober up, I also sought out to acquire my own chess set, the easiest of which could be patterned with a colored wood board and whale bone figurines. I remembered the figures quite clearly and even went out of my way to draw replicas, as to make sure the carvers knew I wanted. As I wrapped up my order and was to return to Bruges for a meeting with Boudewijn regarding those that I had seen at Rutger’s party, Anne told me that she had discovered she was pregnant again. Hoping for a daughter this time, I kissed my wife and called for Bishop Loup and my aunt Ida, trusting in their care once more in the coming months. I did my duties for the Duke of Flanders and returned well enough for the birth of my second son, Robin. Faring much better than she had with Alexandre, Anne was of good spirits as Robin was a healthy newborn, much to my delight, and, as it came time to issue a new coin mint, I impressed his name upon the print.

    However, Bishop Loup stayed in Boulogne after Anne’s recovery, wishing to speak with me about our King’s behavior. Fearing I was falling into the same kind of sinful, slothful behavior by my fascination with chess, he said that I should evaluate my soul at the nearby Benedictine monastery in Guines and tend to their services. Welcomed in by a Guillaume de Guines, I tended to the minor duties of the faithful, traveling to other services around Flanders, while still performing my tasks for Boudewijn. It was during this time that Kaiser Heinrich invaded Bordeaux, pursuing claims through his matrilineal grandfather, and doing very well against our drunk king.

    As my monastic visitations brought me to Peronne, I stopped to see my aunt Ida and her husband, who were very happy with one another. As I was explaining my recent events, Ida, speaking truthfully, commented that I might have been enjoying the company of the monks far too much, and had eaten too much beer and cheese. Pondering on this, I returned to Boulogne to notice my half-brother Hugues was of a similar state, as the bastard had been in charge of interfacing with the local monasteries for Bishop Loup. However, when I spoke to him about it, Hugues was adamant that he was taking good care of himself, and that I had no control over him. With that, I got Bishop Loup to send him to Rome to temper himself with the monks there, hoping that the Italians would have better control over him.

    In the meanwhile, my half-brother Guillaume, whom I had previously assigned to managing the soldiers of our house, had grown bored of tending to the minor manners of Flanders. While we were grateful that there had been no major issues since the German invasion of Zeeland, my youngest half-brother was a man of action, and also wished to make a name for himself. Saying that he knew a number of Boulognian of the same mind, he asked for our support in sponsoring a mercenary company for the free warriors to join. In return for their work, they would return a portion of their pay back home, for the use by the warriors’ families, with the house de Boulogne receiving an overall percentage of all contracts. I approved the measure before leaving for Bruges, and, when I returned, I learned that Guillaume was already off leading his platoon in Hungary.

    Ironically enough, this is when things got interesting, as King Hugues’ behavior had finally taken its toll in Paris, resulting in an uprising of some 5.6 thousand angry metropolitans, sending our King scrambling for forces to protect himself. While a portion of Boudewijn’s levies, ergo a fraction of mine, were summoned in assistance of our king, I marshalled the arms men of Boulogne to march for Paris, partially eager to see some action myself. While the peasants tried to siege Hugues at Melun, we gathered with the forces of Henri de Bourgogne III, and scared them southward. But, as we chased them, we were waylaid by ambushes and traps laid along the way—they had prepared for this pursuit. But, following Henri, we made it good to remain organized and efficient, and so we clashed by the market city of Provins. For the battle itself, the peasants didn’t have the fury they had in their previous assaults, and their leader, a commoner by the name of Julien, was brought back to Paris to be executed for his insults against the crown. It wasn’t that he was wrong, however, but his behavior was unacceptable.

    Though the people of Paris still grumbled at our King, this was interrupted when Raoul de Vexin-Amiens informed us that King Eadgar of England sought to make due on his family name “of Wessex,” and reclaim Winchester from the French count. Content to let this fight remain between two kings, I returned to Guines to investigate some claims that Baudouin de Guines was plotting something against Duke Boudewijn VII. As our King mobilized his forces for England, another 4.7 thousand Parisians rose up in his absence, only to be crushed as the English, who, ignoring their prize of Hampshire, had marched on Paris in hopes of seizing the city before Hugues could mobilize. However, this would turn out like the war against the Bretons, as Hugues and his men had already arrived in Kent and were claiming the Saxon castles for the crown.

    I had a more pressing matter, however, as Baudouin de Guines was not too keen on my investigations. I was supposed to meet with one of his attendants who had overheard some damnable evidence against the count of Guines, only to find myself surrounded by a number of Baudouin’s guardsmen! Fending for myself, I slew two and broke free of their number, though not without being cut along the arm, and catching an arrow in my thigh! Still, I kept running, as I had been taking care of my health, and I eventually found myself tracing the path towards the Benedictine monastery, where Guillaume de Guines gave me shelter and medical attention from his older brother.

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    With all the God-given energy I had had, I didn’t think my injuries were too bad until Guillaume had to sew the gash closed, and then force the arrow out of the other side of my leg. I laid there for a number of days, unable to support myself on my injured leg yet, while Guillaume and his brothers kept me safe from Baudouin and his goons. Asking him to write a letter to Boudewijn, Guillaume brought back news from the rest of the kingdom: our king Hugues had died on campaign, taken by a sickness caught after drinking water in an English bog to ease his drinking pains. Thus, his son, Jaspert, my cousin once removed through his mother Judith, had taken up his war against the Saxons with a zeal befitting of such a young man. As my condition stabilized and the Benedictines found out how to evade Baudouin’s patrols, I was spirited away in the night, my leg able to make it in the saddle.

    As Boudewijn was to take the matter in his own hands, I was going back to my home, nearly collapsing upon my arrival in Boulogne. I awoke to find myself surrounded by Anne, our children, Alexandre, Robin, and Eustache, and my brothers, Godefroy and Baudouin, as well as Baudouin’s wife Mabel. My leg was still in pain, aching from the previous day’s ride, and so I was soon back asleep, exhausted by the energy of my children. However, I awoke in the middle of the night to see a lithe figure enter my resting room: due to my duties with the Benedictines, I had taken care to control my body’s urges, though Anne didn’t approve. Having been separated for so long on my duties, I was ready for her, but, as she approached and I felt the warmth of her skin, I realized it was too soft and young to be my wife’s. But, the moment took me, and, in the darkness, the former Queen-Dowager of England and I shared each other’s company.

    When I finished, I was quickly filled with regrets—betraying both Anne and Baudouin, and so I bid Mabel away, that I would never want it to happen again. But, as I recovered and waited for Boudewijn to respond to Baudouin de Guine’s injustice, Mabel revealed her pregnancy to all, before quietly disclosing that the child was mine. Feeling the pressure of my half-brothers as I debated what to do, I decided that the truth would absolve me, though I would still seek my peace with God—recognizing Ermyntrude as my daughter, though I did not legitimize her. Anne and Baudouin were simultaneously shocked at my admission, and, unable to bear the scorn from the rest of my family, I stole myself away in my Benedictine duties, pledging a vow of celibacy and toiling away in hopes of forgiveness.

    Doing much of my service with Guillaume de Guines, the man eventually joined me back in Boulogne, leaving his brother’s service to serve as castellan in my stead. But, as I worked in other parts of Flanders, I learned of our King Jasper’s victories, as he had married Princess Leonor Jimena of Castille for assistance against the Navarrese who had seized advantage of the war with the Saxons to strike across the Pyrenees. As the forces of Toulouse lend their strength in that conflict, another faction entered the war with the English, as a number of Anglo monks, frustrated with the conflicts of the Popes of Roma and Viviers, had risen up to assert their own authority as an independent Anglo Church, much like the Gaels of Hibernia.

    Rallying thousands of people to their cause, they proved a mighty distraction for Eadgar, stuck between continuing his war for Hampshire, and maintaining the sovereignty of Mother Church over its people. Recalling his forces from the continent and then attempting to split them up between the two forces, Eadgar’s strategy ended with simultaneous disappointment on both fronts, as our King’s forces held back the Saxon tide, while his depreciated army couldn’t withstand the numbers and zeal of the Angles. Thus, our King returned home with victorious payments of English gold, while the house of Wessex found its country being split in two.

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    Journal 2
  • --Journal 2; 1/09/19--
    **April 11, 1094**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne III! [4]

    While I did service for my Duke Boudewijn VII and the Benedictines in penance for my adultery, our King Jaspert, convinced by his wife, Princess Leonor of Castille, set his sights on removing the Saracens from Iberia, leading a campaign to reclaim the coast of Valencia for Christendom. In the meanwhile, Eadgar II of Wessex’s depleted armies had failed to suppress the rebellious Mercians fighting against what they called the corruption of God’s will in the Pope. With a Pope in both Rome and Viviers, they supported their own bishops and didn’t pay the tithes, instead owing their allegiance to themselves, and their Petty King Beorhtwine Slee.

    For the few times I did return to Boulogne, it was rarely under good circumstances, as my cousin Herbert, son of my uncle Godefroy, had managed to take advantage of my absence and low popularity to obstruct my council, as he was the acting steward. The only one who wasn’t under his thumb was Guillaume de Guines, my castellan, whom I had tasked with finding some legal precedent for me being able to seize Guines from his unlawful brother, and not incur the wrath of Boudewijn. While he found evidence that I could do so on the basis of men assaulting me, he also came with a warning that Baudouin de Guines had many more soldiers than I, and, thus, I should bide my time. As I waited for that time, I learned that, in my absence, my brother Baudouin had passed of some terrible fever, leaving Mabel a twice-widowed adulteress, and I was told I should exile both her and our daughter Ermyntrude from Flanders, but I couldn’t hide my sins from God, and so I shouldn’t do on Earth.

    It was not like she could join her son in England, as William de Normandie II of Essex had called the banners against Eadgar II of Wessex, apparently acting against a recent edict to return the lands seized by Normans in Kent back to their proper Saxon owners. But, with William supported by his uncle Richard de Normandie of Devon, the two had seized the Isle of Wight before his supporters in Northumbria could arrange transportation through Slee’s Mercia. Eadgar was deposed of his throne, but, instead of seizing it for themselves, William and Richard had feuded over the succession, and, without any noble support, the Saxons of Kent took matters into their own hands, rallying the peasants to overthrow their Norman overlords. As William and Richard departed to protect their kinsmen, the Witenagemot crowned Eadgar III his father’s successor.

    When the commoners had been crushed, Mabel requested the chance to go and visit her son, and, as the father of his sister, I realized I would have to accompany the journey across La Manche, lest I offend him. Of course, my presence there would be of equal offence, but, as we arrived, we learned that William and Richard were mustering an army against the Witenagemot for control over the English throne. While William was pleased to see his mother and his young half-sister, he had little to say to me when I pledged to assist the Normans against the house of Wessex, though it was only a paltry 300 lances.

    And so, in the summer of 1096, we marched on Dorset, where Richard’s forces had already defeated Eadgar’s army, my Boulognians were marched in the middle of the van, and were usually used for menial defensive and garrison duties. Though that meant we earned no glories, we did avoid our share of bloodshed, and we could rest and learn that our King Jaspert had seized Valencia from the Mohammadans—what I could only assume would be the beginning of more expansions into Iberia. But, returning to the fate of Britain, the Normans had seen to forcing the Witenagemot into capitulation, removing Eadgar III. But, once more, my daughter’s brother struggled with his uncle over their rights of inheritance, and, though the Normans were given seats in the Witenagemot, the Saxons united behind supporting Eadgar II as king once again.

    Leaving them in January to struggle over their land, I learned that Boudewijn VII has passed in my absence, and so I went to Bruges to renew my vows to my liege-lord, his son, Boudewijn VIII. While I learned that he aimed to assist our King Jaspert in Iberia, as our King’s newly claimed territories had already become under siege by Saracens, the Duke didn’t give me an appointment, like his predecessors had, and I was free to return to Boulogne to deal with my own tasks. It was then lucky that I had left, as Boudewijn VII hadn’t acted against Baudouin de Guines, so the count had gathered an alliance to strike against Boudewijn VIII, as the new duke had rejected some proposed legislation to strengthen the titles of the nobility. Thus, Baudouin lead aligned himself with Robert de Bethune of Artois and Egmund of Gent, Boudewijn’s brother, and it was rather unfortunate that they had thousands of men, while Boudewijn couldn’t muster as strong of a force, and, thus, held his garrisons in hopes that Jaspert would return to bring justice.

    As I awaited the fate of their squabbles from the edge, a messenger arrived from Rome: Pope Stephanus X had received emissaries from the Greek Empire, speaking of further Saracen aggression. Also speaking of sins committed by the Turks against our pilgrims to Jerusalem, the Pontiff had come to a conclusion that if faith could not stem their tide, it would have to be the sword. He had endorsed a number of militaristic monasteries to defend the faith, and proclaimed that, soon, he would summon all Christians to take up the cross and reclaim what was rightfully ours: Jerusalem itself. While this news brought fervor across all of Europe, it didn’t stop the fighting between Catholics, as Baudouin de Guines continued in Flanders as Richard de Normandie had finally earned the subservience of William, and had seized the throne of England from Eadgar once again, this time crowned king by the Norman bishop of Canterbury.

    With the Benedictine community most interested in news regarding Stephanus’ labor of war, we were met with dire news, as the Pontiff had died amidst a night of holy visions, taken up to heaven by the grace of God. With his successor, Caelestinus II, taking up the Pulpit, I learned that my good Bishop Loup of Montreuil had been made a cardinal—the highest of honors for any man from Boulogne. But, he was not the only cardinal I held in high esteem, as I joined my Benedictine brothers on a trip to the blessed cloisters of Cluny, where we gave thanks and support to Cardinal Adalbert for all that he had done for our organization. But, since we were there, I took a visit to Saone to pay respects to Anne’s father, Bastien, who had passed away a few years prior, as I promised to honor his daughter.

    As we returned, I was struck by the curious case of four poachers in Boulogne, two of them apprehended by Cardinal Loup’s men near Montreuil. Hanging them all for their crimes, I tended to my relationship with Anne, whose heart was mended by hearing of my tale from Saone. With Mabel and Ermyntrude with William in Essex, I could tend to my household when two pieces of news arrived from Rome: on the 30th day of March, in the year of our lord 1100, Caelestinus II declared that he had seen a vision that the forces of Christendom would march on Jerusalem, and, guided by the hand of God, would reclaim the city. For his dream, he called out to all Christian lords to pledge to his “crusade,” and take up arms, for service in His name would cleanse us of all of our sins!

    While the second piece of news was that he had excommunicated King Richard of England for not forcing the Mercians back into Papal compliance, I bowed my head in prayer to the news: though Anne had finally accepted me back into her life, I had still felt the guilt of my sins—but, no longer. I instantly pledged my heart to the Crusade, and, as we waited the day of mustering, I learned more of the noblemen who joined to take up the cross. Though he had been forced to concede to Baudouin, my Duke Boudewijn VIII, pledged himself to the crusade, as did Duke William de Normandie, and the Doge of Venice, Pietro Faliero XI. Word came from Cardinal Loup of the gathering forces, with Frenchmen, Normans, Hungarians, Catalans, and Germans of the Tyrol reaching to the Pope in the name of Jerusalem.

    When our King Jaspert Capet had returned from Iberia, he, too, bowed before the Pope, taking up the call to war, pledging to the vanguard as Caelestinus named November 18th of 1101 for the day of assembly. But, as we prepared throughout the summer, a fire erupted in Occitania that boded poorly, as thousands of Occitan soldiers, upset by our King’s unceasing wars in Iberia, had declared that they wouldn’t fight the Saracens any longer without benefit to a kingdom of their own. Pledging to assist our King, we gathered in the Basilique Notre-Dame-de-l’Immaculee Conception, where Cardinal Loup blessed the noble crusaders of Boulogne. With 937 men under the banner of Christ, we set our sights south and east, preparing for the most holy tasks of all—for the most holy city of all.

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    Journal 6
  • --Journal 6; 2/11/19--
    **December 4th, 1136**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne V! [8]


    With 22 ships loaded, we took to the water, later joined by Barnaerd of Ghent as his ships caught up with us. As we rounded Brittany, our fleet was joined by Clemence de Mowbray of Somerset, and then Duke Hoel de Cornouaille of Upper and Lower Brittany, our own armada that held together as we made crossed the shores of Iberia, and took the legendary Strait of Gibraltar. While Marie and I looked at the grand crossing, we were wary of the Saracens of the southern shores, though Alainde informed us that they were not concerned with the Turks of the Levant. Not fully understanding, he explained to me that there were five kinds of Saracen: the Moors of Africa, the Egyptians, the desert Bedouins, the rampageous Turks, and the far off Persians. Of those, they had their own conflicts, with the Egyptians siding with the Persians, while the Moors and Bedouins had their own similarities—but the Turks, they all hated, as invaders who had claimed Persia and much of the Levant for themselves. As the Turks had taken Jerusalem as a part of their campaign for the region, they had few allies who would support them against the might of Christianity.

    It took many weeks as we had to weather the foul Mediterranean, but, stopping in Sicily for the weather and taking to the shores of Africa and Egypt, we finally arrived, disembarking in Beirut, where our combined landing party of 12.2 thousand men sent the 1.1 thousand Turks fleeing. While the Brentons and English went for Jerusalem, Barnaerd and I looked to pursue the surviving Turks, only to be faced with a hail of arrows, as Moslems on horseback fled after peppering us with arrows. This continued for a few days as we grew more and more aggravated, until we arrived at what our local guide, a Greek Christian, called Arqah—as the surviving Turks were suddenly reinforced by a horde of horsemen and another kind of cavalry that they called camels. Within a few moments, we found ourselves completely surrounded and outnumbered, and so I called the retreat once I saw that the battle could, in no way, be in our favor. We were forced to fight through their numbers, and were chased by mounted archers as we made back for Beirut.

    Camping at a castle captured by forces loyal to our most holy Pope Victor III, we realized we had lost some 900 men out of our 2.6 thousand. A part of me was horrified to learn what had just happened, as so many men had died under my command, a pittance of guilt within my soul that burned fouler than the stench of the dead at Poligny. Marie, who had stayed with our rear, was shocked to learn what happened, and personally consoled me, reminding me that the quest for Jerusalem was the remission of our sins, meaning that those who had died had done so as martyrs, guaranteed passage into heaven.

    As we recovered, our most holy Pope’s forces removed all Turkish garrisons from Beirut, and our King Hugues III arrived with a contingent of King Ealdhun’s Englishmen, and, as I informed our King of my defeat at Arqah, our guide joined Hugues as he went to win revenge. I’m told his 12.1 thousand found the 4.3 thousand Turks at Gibelet, and sorely defeated them, killing almost 1.5 thousand of their number at the cost of only 100 of his men. With the path cleared, I roused Barnaerd and his forces to go back to Tripoli, as we could besiege the fortress without fear of recourse, as our King was leading his forces further north.

    That was the real end of our Crusade, as Barnaerd and I spent the remainder of our time tending to the siege, holding our men to wait out the Turks, isolated and without support. We, on the other hand, we amongst comrades, as men of the Knights Templar arrived to join us, led by their Grandmaster Adelfo the Giant, who stood slightly taller than Bosun. The two laughed and wrestled with one another in good sport, allowing our time outside Tripoli to be spent well enough, despite the dry heat that permeated through every inch of land. Winter didn’t offer the respite I had wished, as it was too warm for any kind of cold, and the few hours of rain were much appreciated. Though many of our men wished to make for Jerusalem itself, I told them that I had received a vision one night that our fate lay within Tripoli, for we were promised its wealth and splendor.

    As the March of 1138 arrived, we received a papal emissary, who was en route to our King in Cicilia, saying that Jerusalem had been taken by the Venetians once again, and so Pope Victor had commanded us all to make haste to the city itself to receive its blessings. To this, I had little to offer to our men regarding my dreams of Tripoli, until a man emerged from Tripoli. Apparently, he had heard of the recreation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and, a Bedouin himself, he had all reason to hate the Turks. While this meant our siege was not as effective as we had wished, the Moslem extended me an offer: should I heed my Pope’s command and make for Jerusalem, leaving Tripoli unmolested, he would deliver us the treasure of the great port, including their famous silks, soaps, and sweets. Able to fulfill both promises, we loaded their goods onto our ships, and broke the blockade to attend to the re-Christening of Jerusalem. I am told that it took our marines several days to fully sort all of the Moslem gifts, including books written in Greek and Latin from their Dar al-‘Ilm “House of Knowledge,” silk looms, sugar canes, and citrus fruits.

    Making for the holy city, we arrived after Pietro Faliero had assumed his place as the King of Jerusalem, and so we walked through the city, still awash with the devastation of the battle, as the armies of the Doge and their cousins in Damascus were eager to see the Holy City once again. A part of me was shocked at the savagery that had been wrought here, as not all of the peoples there had been Turks. But there was remission for sins, I supposed, and God would judge the innocent dead justly. Arriving at the palace, Pietro was in the business of assigning his newly-gotten gains, and called unto me! For my services, he said that my family needed to be rewarded for our efforts to seize Tripoli, and asked if I had any relatives who would be eager to take up service within his domain. At this, my “uncle” Geraud turned to me, and asked permission to join Pietro’s court. Seeing no reason to deny him such a duty, I let him pledge his service to King Pietro, swearing that I would send Adela, Adalmode, and Melisande to join him in Beersheb.

    After inspecting his new castle, I gave my uncle a decent portion of our gains from Tripoli so that he could tend to the welfare of his new title, before I took my leave from the Holy Land. For most of us, we felt simultaneously blessed to have won the day, but simultaneously cursed: only 941 of our original number had survived the campaign, a little over half of those who had embarked on the quest. Then, there were those who pledged themselves to Geraud to continue their holy work within the Levant and receive new titles, and so our return to Flanders felt very eerie, as, although all the ships were filled to the brim with the wealth of Tripoli, many of the decks were empty besides the most basic of crews.

    Mother was there to greet us on our return, clearing rooms along the Liane for our ships to unload the wealth of our campaign, and there were warm welcomes for those who had returned, and services performed for those who had been lost in service to God. It felt better to say it that way to remember the sunbaked bodies lying beside their arrow-peppered horse as the Turkish horsemen rode off, laughing off insults as our skirmishers shadowed their eyes from the desert sun. While the treasury from Tripoli paid for their burials in their home villages, there was still so much left over that I was worried about the possibility of thieves. Thus, I look to the infrastructure of Boulogne and Guines, building a castle on the eastern village of Fauquembergues, and supporting the development of trade wharves in the fishing village of Calais.

    In addition, I looked to Hesdin and aspired to develop the city into a place as well-known as Bruges, Paris, or Orleans. But, lacking as much of the physical draw of trade as much as the others, I thought of how my investments could attract an urban population. As I debated the idea, I learned of the state of our Kingdom, as I learned that Hugues had left behind issues at home, as Duke Geraud de Blois of Champagne had been feuding with Duge Hugues III de Toulouse of Burgundy for the duchy, which had only been escalated when King Sancho III of Castille had tried to intervene—on behalf of his son’s claims to the duchy through his mother, Margot de Bourgogne.

    While Boulogne wouldn’t fight those wars, my 18th birthday came and went without much of an issue, but my mind still thought back to the dead who had remained in the Levant: was there a way to overcome death? While God surely saw to everlasting life in heaven, was there a way to prevent people from dying? While a meeting with Mayor Adam of Hesdin didn’t turn up any results, he proposed maybe using some of my wealth to attract scholars to Hesdin to see if any of them could think of an idea—a college of philosophers. And, as it happened, that was the idea I needed to build that up, and, soon enough, the castle, college, and wharves all were finished, and were put to good use, with my cousin Leon being appointed baron of Fauquembergues. In the meanwhile I learned that Duke Geraud of Champagne had been captured by our King Hugues and had not only been judged guilty by our King, but had also been declared unfit by the church, and so Geraud de Blois had been burned at the stake for his heresy. This then settled the matter of Burgundy, as King Sancho backed away from the ordeal, no longer being contested.

    However, there was still something rotten in France, as a malaise took over Flanders—camp fever, it was called, and all of the minds in Hesdin couldn’t put a stop to the havoc. With the wealth from the crusade spent on developing the lands, I received news from Leon, reporting that his younger brother Richard had died from the fever. As I began to take measures to isolate our keep Boulogne, I spoke with Maurice of St. Denis for his recommendations, the monk said we needed to lock out the commonfolk and throw out any touched by the devil’s curse. Though the people of Boulogne wept and pounded on our gates, I tried to hold faith that all would go well, but, all the while, Marie would tend to the donations—personally handing bread to the worried. But, her charity was not enough, as she, too, developed the headache. I tasked Maurice with saving my sister, as he bid me away from her chambers, as her maidens described the monk in performing holy rituals to save her body and her soul.

    While her soul was saved, her body was not. Despite Maurice asking me to keep away, I tended to her in her last few days, sitting at her side as her body burned from within, until the rose colored spots took her away from us. I wept for her and, though Maurice told me to burn her body, I said that she would receive the burial she deserved in the Basilique Notre-Dame when this was all over. Preserving her body the best we could, we waited out the malaise as all seemed to return after the winter of 1140, and we could pull ourselves back together once more. As I named Leon my heir, Mother asked me if I would consider marrying—when she was serving as regent, she had tried her best to look to our neighbors to consider my options. She had done the same for Marie, as well, but…

    Taking her on her word, I accompanied some merchants to the barony of Lillebonne in Rouen, on a visit to Baron Herman di Lece, where I discussed Flemish cloth with the Norman lord, offering some silks from Tripoli in exchange for a chance to speak with his sister, Selova. While she was a hardworking and attentive woman, the strangest thing was that she reminded me of Marie—in a good way, as she was very interested about my experience in the crusades. It was through these conversations that I found she, like Marie, had the heart of a soldier, despite being a woman, and, sharing this bond, we were married that December, her dress white and pure like the first snow of the season, that had fallen that day.

    As Selova and I spent our first year together, I received news that our King Hugues, in his old age had given to his ghost, and so his 41 year old son, Hugues IV, finally took his throne. As we were all summoned to Rheims for the coronation, I learned that a war had broken out in England, as an alliance of Saxons and Normans led by Duke Ordgar Puttoc of Cumbria had rebelled against Ealdhun of Bamburgh, apparently to oust that King and put Bernard de Normandie of York onto the throne once more.

    Returning to Boulogne, I heard that King Ealdhun had died of overwork while trying to hold his crown, and, as his son Aelfgar refused to bow to the usurpers, and the war continued as England was split all over. In the meanwhile, a part of me still mourned for Marie, to have been brought low by the fever on the cusp of adulthood. For all she had done in her life, both in Boulogne and at camp in the Crusade, I felt she needed to be honored, like our Grandfather had been—I would go to Rome for her. Not a royal trip, but as a humble pilgrimage, leaving Selova, Leon, and Mother to tend to my counties. With a pair of sturdy boots and a travelers’ cloak, I took to the road, hoping to make good time over the coming months.

    Setting course to get a boat in Nice, the first few weeks were terrible, as the spring rains wore on my morale, and, while I had gathered appropriate funds to afford inns and taverns, my place amongst the commoners was not well received, and I came to spend most of my time alone. As such, I took time to think about my mission, and my purpose, and, as I waited for the storms to pass, I took to writing of my ideas. They started as commentary, but, soon enough, evolved as I made the best use of creative language, and poetry to put my thoughts into words. With the state of the roads, I was slow to arrive at Nice, and, as I sought a boat, I noticed some Knights Templar who were preparing to take sail. While I didn’t know any of the sworn brothers by name, I could remember a face, and so, for the friendship I had built with Grandmaster Adelfo, they were willing to stop by Ostia before continuing on towards the Holy Land.

    Thanking the brothers, I joined other Pilgrims to the Holy See, and, while I knew that I wasn’t of such importance that I could arrange a meeting with the Pope, I was able to find a decent apartment near the Tiber for my time. Thus, I spent my time attending to the relics and glories of the Catholic Church, seeing the ruins of old Rome, and the glories of Saint Peter. As I visited the shrines and houses of the many saints and holy men, I found myself looking at a statue of Mother Marie, and, as I overheard women praying for the welfare of their children, I was struck by an idea—one that was poetically perfect, and deserving of this pilgrimage. Taking my leave of Rome, I vowed to return home with all due speed, acquiring a horse in Nice as I sped north across Occitania, though I was surprised to learn that there was a bit of an uproar amongst the commonfolk, as it appeared that our new King had declared war upon them.

    Quietly making haste out of that country, I took to France, and, after passing my greetings to my family and friends, I immediately asked Mother for the status of our treasury, which she said had steadily grown since I had departed. I then sent an emissary to Montrieul, as I asked Bishop Gilberti f he was willing to help sponsor a medical house within Boulogne, dedicated to Saint Marie—inspired in my sister’s charity. With him agreeing to co-fund the architects and masonry, I secured the land and laborers of the de Saone company, a group that had done good work in the city before. As those plans went into motion, I learned what had happened since I departed, learning that King Hugues’ war had been to press the claim of our Duke Wicher van Vlaanderen for the Duchy of Toulouse, as his mother had been Ioulanda de Toulouse, and had won a fair battle at Limoges of late.

    But, even more pressing so, Selova had discovered that she was pregnant, and, while I knew that our Duke would expect me to serve him along with my levies, I spent the coming winter with my wife. During a brief thaw, I took her back to her home in Lillebonne so that she could rest with her sister and her brother. While Baron Herman was appreciative of my care for his sister, his other sister, Geva, was very excited, not only to help her older sister, but that we had been joined by Alainde de Arres. Smitten for the uncouth soldier, I bid farewell to my childhood instructor as Selova and I returned to Boulogne, asking that the wedding be delayed at least until the baby was born.

    Our Eustache was born in May of 1145, only a week after Bernard de Normandie’s coronation in London, returning the Normans to control of England. While our King continued rallying support towards our Duke, the summer was comfortable as we made visits to Lillebone for Geva and Alainde’s wedding, but then we stayed often in August, as Selova’s mother, Geva, for whom her sister was named after, was falling into poor health. Not to say poor things about my mother-in-law, but she was not in a good state, and it was good that her passing accompanied a cool September rain. As Selova’s tears were washed away, I took Eustache back to Boulogne as my wife grieved, only to learn that there was trouble afoot in our kingdom, as King Bernard had issued his first major proclamation, intent on seizing the ancestral home of the house of Wessex, Winchester, as a promise to the Saxons that had supported him.

    While Count Guillaume de Vexin-Amiens found himself isolated with the King’s army in Occitania, the news of the Norman invasion was celebrated in Brittany, as Adrien de Brest had seized upon the opportunity to launch a revolt to remove the local lords and free his peninsula from French dominion. And, apparently, he found great success in rallying the landowners, as the report claimed that he had amassed some 12 thousand men to his cause. Of this, our King sent out new orders to rally to his side, and so I rallied the armsmen of Boulogne and Guines, our first muster call since our return from the Holy Land, naming Bosun my second in command. But, before leaving, Selova brought news to me of another pregnancy as Bishop Gilbert of Montreiul heralded that Pope Victor III had disappeared with the Apostolic Palace. After searching for him for several days, it was declared that he had been spirited away by the angels, and, whilst a miracle, the Conclave then elected Pope Marinus IV to lead the most holy Roman church.

    Sending a rider to inform our Duke and our King that our 2.7 was on the march, Bosun commented on how the last time we had marched this way, I had been a child under Centule, while he and Alainde had then just been skilled soldiers who happened to receive our attention. Our rider returned with a response as we passed through, reporting that the van Vlaanderen flag now flew over Toulouse, as Doux Almaric de Kerret and King Bernat-Alan de Levezou had agreed to relinquish Toulouse. The former had done so under the threat of French swords, while the latter under fear of every other blade around him, as rider said that the King of Occitania was struggling to hold onto his castles in Navarra as the German Archbishop of Bordeaux had rallied against him. With that, I intercepted our King and our Duke in Tours, joining their van as we made for Brittany, as Hugues IV had heard that Winchester had fallen, and believed there would be little to do against the English for right now—we could cross La Manche later, he had said. But, for the Brentons, they could still be subdued before they sparked further rebellions, as, while Duke Hoel de Cornouaille of Upper and Lower Brittany had remained loyal to our King, Hugues doubted how long he could hold out.

    As we passed Anjou, we received a rider who brought news from Boulogne, saying that Selova’s pregnancy had passed, and she had delivered a healthy girl, whom she had named Marie, per the recommendation of my Mother. While I was pleased for that, the other news he had for our King soured him, as the Normans, having been denied their peace, had marched on Paris to coerce a formal surrender from our King. Turning east, I lingered behind our King, instead keeping pace alongside Bosun, as the kindhearted giant was of much better company than Hugues, grumbling along as Foulques of Corbeil’s optimism was equally as annoying. The mayor was a recent addition to our party, but highly valued by our King, as, while a young priest, had proved valuable during our King’s expedition to the Holy Land, rallying the soldiers with words of wisdom and faith, and encouraging them in battle. But, that was about where his usefulness ended, as he spared no disagreement with our King, regardless of the actual context.

    Nearing Paris, we learned the city had surrendered to the English, and so they had then turned to make camp in the west, outside of Montfort-l’Amaury, north of the Rambouillet Forest. While I believed that the English would use the forest to their advantage, our King, and thus Foulques, thought that the English wouldn’t make a fight. After all, we had 11.7 thousand men, while our scouts said that they had about 10 thousand—with our numbers and élan, the Saxons could not win. But then, as Foulques was assigned control of the right, I stayed alongside Bosun as our right collapsed—as a sudden ambush of Kentishmen drove into the mayor’s exposed flank, entirely unprepared for such an assault. As our Hugues IV raged against the Normans, calling them traitors for having betrayed their place in Normandy, Bosun organized our retreat north through Les Mureaux to Hadricourt, where we could finally collect ourselves and keep tabs on our number.

    It was devastating, as we had lost some 3.7 thousand of our number, and killed, at best, 2.4 thousand of the English—our manpower advantage had slipped from nearly 2 thousand to only 500, and, as our King ordered us across the Seine, we were immediately harangued and forced back across the river by Norman knights. Camping on Ile Saint Damine we were tended by a small monastic hospital on Ile du Fort, when our King ordered another assault. Now having lost our numerical advantage, I gave our lord one more try, but, as Foulques was the first over the river, I knew we had already lost, and that more sons would not be returning home. Myself and a number of other lords stood with the mutineers who opposed our King’s directive, who held Ile Saint Damien, and prevented the ferries from crossing the Seine. And so, our King was forced to make terms as the English had gathered in Les Mureaux, taking a lone ferry across to meet and exchange Winchester to King Bernard de Normandie, as the brothers of Ile du Fort oversaw the signing of a 10 year peace treaty in exchange for the territorial gains.

    With that, our King made all haste back for Brittany, as Adrien de Brest’s forces still lingered in the region. Following our King once more, we were ready to dismiss the peasants, and earn some manner of respect after our defeats following Montfort-l’Amaury, but, as we found the Brenton host of 6.8 thousand at Quimperle, our 8.9 thousand was attacked in the rear by some 4 thousand fresh rebels. Driving into our rear, our lines collapsed, and, while Folques kept the left in field until the very end, we ended up leaving the field having lost 2.5 thousand of our men, having killed some 2 thousand peasants—not a fair trade. Our Kingdom was looking quite dire, but, then we all heard the Spanish horn! As I then learned, our King’s nephew, Loup, had married King Sancho III’s harelipped daughter, Mencia, in exchange for an alliance of Capet and Jimena.

    With our numbers back up to 10.2 thousand, we had more than enough to face the 8.1 thousand Brentons, and so, with the forces of Castille, we met the Brentons at Vannes, the Iberian light cavalry drawing out the peasants from their hiding positions as we slaughtered them. While the melee was still bloody, we killed 3.3 thousand in revenge for Quimperele, and captured Adrien himself. Dragging his body along the ground for our whole army to see, our King then had Adrien publicly quartered for his crimes, as well as all of those who had been captured or surrendered—spare not the traitor, were his words. In those final, bloody moments, we were finally at peace once more. Riding back for Boulogne, we marched alongside our Duke Wicher, his surcoat now bearing the seals of Toulouse and Flanders, a sign of his new titles.

    But, as we returned, I learned two dire things. The first was that my cousin Leon had passed away of a coughing fit not even a month ago, and so, while Fauquembergues was passed to his son, Godefroy, I was then forced to nominate my young son Eustache as inheritor of my titles, naming Selova his regent should anything happen to me. But then, I heard word from Bruges that there was something rotten in Flanders, as our Duke Wicher passed word back to me that his agents had found out that Count Barneard of Ghent was spreading some vicious lies about me, doubting my parentage, as well as my family’s claims over Guines. But, as I learned, our Duke aspired to use such evidence against Barneard, and so I agreed to agitate the Count until he slipped up, which could then allow our Duke to revoke his titles for his fallibility as a vassal.

    As we waited for such a chance, news reached us from Rome that Pope Marinus IV had died of His age, ascending to heaven as Callistus II had taken the throne of Saint Peter in the August of 1149. The rest of the year went calmly as I returned to my life as a father, until, in the wake of the New Year’s mass, a jibe at Count Barnaerd’s expense came to blows, and, while I managed to escape with only a few minor bruises, the Count was pulled away as our Duke publicly declared him unfit to rule the county. But, in the fit of it all, Barnaerd managed to escape from Bruges, fleeing back for his castle as I sent orders to marshal the men of Boulogne to lend aid to our Duke. Arriving as they were assembling, we then turned back to Yperen, aiming to link up with our Duke when, outside of Ypres, we were surprised to find the banners of Gent, almost equally as surprised as they were to have run into us!

    Trying to throw our lines together, the battle was quickly broken as the Count’s lines were suddenly struck through, as it turned out that our Duke had been preparing to strike the army when we had accidentally ran into each other, and so, having lost only 100 men, our Duke informed me that we had killed 700 of their number, out of some 1.8 thousand. Learning that Count Barnaerd had fled back to his fortifications in Gent, most of the remaining Flemish troops surrendered, and so we made for the castle of Oudenaarde, where we camped by the Schelde for the summer, content to siege out the castle than attempt to take it by siege.

    It was during this time that we learned of events simultaneously from Paris and the east—as Prince Rutger Capet, uncle our King Hugues IV and Hochmeister of the Teutonic Order, had spoken with the Pope of organizing a Northern Crusade against the Pagans of Kiev and the Baltic, extending the reaches of Christendom, while a more cynical part of me realized the move would help form an eastern border of the ever-expanding Holy Roman empire. While that was to be organized and filled with all manner of crusaders from every walk of life, Duke Wicher and I spent the summer on Lake Donk, though it wasn’t until Christmas Eve that we received Barnaerd’s surrender, as the Count had hoped he would be granted mercy, per the season. As such, he was exiled from the land, allowed to keep some part of his dignity as he escaped to Occitan Bourbon.

    I wished this meant that all was well, and the coming years did, but as our Duke then named me spymaster, ever since my assistance with Barnaerd, my trips to Bruges became more common, and I had to interact with Count Garcia d’Aquitaine of Toulouse, and Duke Wicher’s son, Aubry. While Aubry had a decent heart, my main dispute was with Garcia, as the Occitan was quick to integrate himself at our Duke’s side, and I would say that the two made good friends of one another. But, Garcia was a man with unbridled lust, and rumors soon began to spread as more bastards appeared in the servants’ quarters. And then, for the few events I took my family to our apartment in Bruges, Garcia was very quick to be of my wife’s assistance, even more than what was required of a knight—dangerously so, in fact. Soon, I bid Selova to not come to Bruges, out of fear of the man, but, when she protested, that meant I had to remove the count from the equation. As word reached us of smallpox sweeping through Boulogne, we were forced to stay in our Duke’s city for some time, giving me all the time to have Garcia taken care for. But, as I tried to make arrangements and test out ideas, there was a leak—I don’t know who, but it happened—and so our Duke had me arrested on crimes of plotting an assassination of a fellow vassal.

    Languishing in prison, I found myself hating the Duke for all that he stood for, acting in ignorance of all that I had done for him. I mean, sure, I could have just challenged Garcia to a duel for my wife’s honor, but who says that would stop the lusty Occitan? My anger was left to fester for over a year, and, while Selova and our children visited, my wife informed me that my mother had fallen ill of the pox. Horrified, her petition to the Duke saved me from my prison, as I had seen the error of my ways, but, as I finally returned home in October, it was too late, and Princess Eglantine Capet was buried next to my father in the Basilique Notre-Dame.

    But, despite the protests that had earned my freedom, my anger had not been eased—in fact, it had grown in spite of our Duke. Yes, we shared common ground with the van Vlaanderen—what was to stop me from taking the Duchy from him? He was not a righteous man, and, surely, it should belong to me. While maintaining my place to ensure my appearance, I silently waited for the right opportunity, my patience overseeing my anger. It was during this time that I learned that Boulognian band, a group of mercenaries that had long been sponsored since my grandfather, had declared themselves no longer bound to our city, and had since stopped paying us their profits, keeping their own enterprise as a part of their organization. Not willing to chase a bunch of halfwits and bastards halfway across the Holy Roman Empire, I let them flee, as my patience paid off, as I received word from Bruges that our Duke Wicher had died, passing the title of Duke to Aubry.

    And, thus, I began to plan.

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    Journal 5
  • --Journal 5; 1/31/19--
    **June 25th, 1119**
    !Count Eustache III of Boulogne! [8]

    But, as I returned to my duties in Boulogne, I learned that Blaeja Hasting of Lancaster had rallied the Saxons against William, despite having unified the country after decades of strife. Apparently, the rebellion had taken much out of him, and, as he rallied his men into the autumn, he passed away from stress before the year was over, apparently getting so angry his humors had boiled over. That had placed a 4 year old William III onto the throne, whose regent, Ralf de Gael of Gloucester, sought out an agreement with Blaeja to end the war.

    Though locked in a convent, Mabel took time to visit her grandson, as the end of 1120 brought me my own, as Eustache and Princess Eglantine named their first son Eustache, a companion to their 2 year old daughter Marie. While I could understand Mabel’s yearning, my joy was lost the next year, as Anne’s health began to falter. While I tended to her care with the help of the good sisters of Coulogne, it was clear that age was getting the best of the architect’s daughter. I took her back to Bruges for the fall, in hopes that the city’s beauty could tend to her spirit, but, as the October of 1121 was passed into November, so did she.

    Left to placate my loss, I looked back to my services within the Benedictines, all the while refusing to do services for Boudewijn until he acted against Willemine of Yperen, as our Duke claimed he was still searching for more proof. After I had buried Anne back in Boulogne, I received news of a meeting in Constantinople, arranged by a Benedictine house established for the goodwill of pilgrims to Jerusalem. It would be a hard and long journey by boat, but a chance to visit the splendor of Byzantium would be worth the cost, as I had no wife to bring me back, and my Eustache was a father of two children.

    Leaving Boulogne and Guines to his care, I made for Nice with Thibault de Guines, as the Benedictines of Occitania were willing to make peace with us for this journey. Our company was then formed out of Frenchmen, Occitans, Gascons, Normans, Catalans, Savoyards, and Burgundians as we boarded the ship with the grace of our order before embarking for the east, taking care around Sicily, as we were told the Holy Roman Emperor had been exerting his rule over the Saracen corsairs who plagued the region. Continuing eastward, we braved a storm to reach Methone, and, while I hoped to see Raoul, I was rejected by the Greeks at guard, who claimed that the old Count had died many years ago. His son wouldn’t see me either, and I returned to the others dejected, though they cheered me up with some Greek wine and a chess set.

    The rest of the trip went by quick enough as I entertained the brains of myself and the other Benedictines, as we finally arrived in Constantinople. Well, actually, we arrived in view of Constantinople: the Benedictine house had been erected on an island on the other side of the Sea of Marmara, and we were not granted entry by the Romans. Although we were all a bit soured to have learned that we were duped, we were welcomed into the House of Prinkipo, stylized with round, Greek architecture, as the brothers welcomed us. As Greeks who still held true to the Pope of Rome, they granted us entrance into their protected sanctum, we were given lodgings and food, and attended a conference of minds, learning of how our brothers in the east fared, as well as the state of Jerusalem, which was faring well under the rule of the Venetians.

    It was after a couple days of conference that the brothers expressed their thanks for this assembly, and, in return, offered us gifts to remember the council, and then offered us a chance of viewing their most precious relic. Taken into a secure chamber beneath the house, they revealed a worn shroud, hidden behind a flawlessly clear glass. There was a face painted upon its cloth, to which the brothers of Prinkipo claimed was the face of Jesus—the First Icon! They described that it was the Image of Edessa, recovered from the old kingdom of Abgar, who had been cured of an illness when Thaddeus of Edessa had brought him Jesus’ word. Blessed be, I was humbled in its presence, and the part of my mind that aspired to see it hang in the Basilique Notre-Dame was instantly quashed—I needn’t such sinful ambition.

    As a part of me felt that the weight of my sins had finally been alleviated, the return trip to Nice felt like a breath of fresh air, my head feeling lighter as my neck held higher. It was as we stopped in Cambria that I learned that Kaiser Geraud de Bourgogne had died in a war against a bishop in Austria, and so the Empire had voted Adalbert von Banberg of Wien to succeed, taking after his brother Leopold, whom had been Kaiser before Geraud. While some could be suspicious, I still didn’t trust the de Bourgognes since their rebellion against King Jaspert, after all the terror that had come during those years. Nonetheless, we finally arrived back in Occitania, and then Thibault and I made it back to our homes in Flanders. It was as I returned that my nephew Herbert had died, but his son Geraud, ever ambitious, had not tarried, having married Princess Adela de Maguelone of Occitania—echoing my Eustache in marrying a princess of a dead king.

    Though the wedding had happened in my absence, I learned that the festivities had been enough to bring Ermyntrude out of her isolation in Guines, coming back into society with Leon and Richard, and, while they lived in their apartment, they visited Boulogne from time to time. As I saw my Eustache playing with the boys, introducing his Eustache to them, I noticed he faltered in his step, and was quick to be out of breath—for having been almost as athletic as Robin, I worried for him. Asking a physician to take notice of him, I tried not to make demands of my son, but the doctor said that Eustache avoided all conversations with him. The summer of 1123 arrived with news of the death of Pope Nicolaus III, ascending to heaven in Their old age. We had thought Hardrianus IV would leave a prosperous reign, until the gates of Rome were ravaged by Saracen corsairs the next fall. Apparently, whilst arguing with Kaiser Adalbert, the Holy Father suffered a sudden malaise, collapsing on the spot as Their spirit left Them. Though there was a temporary interregnum, the Cardinals selected another Italian, Stephanus XI, who swore to protect and honor the strength of the Church, and support those who fought in its defense.

    But, the years were not kind. French fleets still sailed past Boulogne, bringing Fresh reinforcements to Denmark, where our King Hugues still fought against the excommunicated Hjalmar Estrid, whose own people had risen up against his rule—but also our noble Frenchmen. It was from this that I finally received a request from our Duke Boudewijn to follow with further investigations of Countess Willemine of Yperen, though I was still of the opinion that the fire had not been an accident. At 70 years old, I wasn’t in the best state to go gallivanting into hostile territory, but I did my best to direct Boudewijn’s agents in investigating the treacherous harlot.

    The arrival of the year of our lord 1126 brought cheers from across France, as our King finally returned home, Hjalmar Estrid had been removed from power, for his son, Olaf, to take up the crown of Denmark. But, not all was well, as my Eustache’s health began to falter, still ignoring his doctors, and was eventually left to wither in his bed. Without his mother or brothers to care for him, I stood by his side, as well as Eglantine, their children, and even Ermyntrude and her sons, who had grown very fond of Marie and the younger Eustache. But the love of family could not save him any more than it had Alexandre, Robin, or Patrick, and so, he too, was buried beneath the floors of the Basilique Notre-Dame. Having buried my final son, I weakly commented that I had only to bury Mabel and Ermyntrude before I could see my sons again, weeping afterwards for the rest of the day.

    But the wheel of time continues on without me as I celebrated my 71st birthday with a visit to Guines, only to be horrified by news of war between France and England. As it goes, the Papal appointment of a French priest in Canterbury had upset both the Normans and Saxons, and so King William III had campaigned Pope Stephanus XI to prevent foreign interference in his Kingdom’s church. Siding with our King Hugues, as Maurice of St. Denis had proven his worth in fighting the heretics in the Danish wars, the Pope had refused—and so the Normans of Kent had taken action, and stormed the cathedral with axes and swords. Surviving the assault, Maurice fled to Bruges, before our Duke Boudewijn spirited him to Paris—and so our King recalled the men to make true on his Papal appointment. Then also came news from Germany, as Kaiser Adalbert had died in what people called “of old age” –though the von Banberg was 2 years younger than me—and was succeeded by a Kaiser Sigmund, son of Geraud, exchanging hands between von Banberg and de Bourgogne once again.

    As the English had already martialed when they had thrown Maurice from Canterbury, they were quick to cross into Normandy and bring havoc to the assembling French armies, and I learned of a particularly terrible loss at Domfront, where Duke Eustache de Bourgogne’s 4.7 thousand men were reduced by 1.8 thousand, while Aethelberht Fysche of Galloway’s contingent of Lowland Scotts had rallied 7.2 thousand men, though their haste had lost them 1 thousand men. Horrified, my mind thought back to the River Oise, imagining just how many dead sons had been left to rot in the last few days of autumn. These only proved distractions from our Duke’s mission for me, as he made countless requests from me, in public, to find information regarding Willemine’s conspiracy.

    Whether or not she actually had some plot of some sort, or if it was our Duke’s paranoia, I cared very little as the autumnal rains brought a cold wind across the channel. The harvests were celebrated as November’s chill left me feeling alone and hollow; even though I had Ermyntrude, Eglantine, and my grandchildren, my body itself was growing weary of the daily aches and pains. I still made my best efforts to meet with Thibault and the Benedictines, but there was only so much I could do besides the occasional visit to Guines, and receive complaints from Boudewijn about Willemine of Yperen.

    After bidding my daughter, daughter-in-law, and my grandchildren good night on the 25th, my servants offered me a new kind of sweet wine to help me sleep, and ease my aches. Taking a drink, they asked me if I liked the drink, which I did and responded in kind, offering them praise. As they bowed their heads, I realized I didn’t recognize the two men, whether it was of my age or their new service, and asked them their names. Learning of Tancred and Jerrod, they said that the wine had been spiced with herbs from Yperen, and I had thought little of it as I took to my bed that night, as my eyes drooped and my shoulders loosened. The taste lingered on my tongue as I settled to bed, its sweet, but hearty taste belying a uniquely bitter taste that was fascinating to the palette.

    It was the last thing that I would ever taste, courtesy of Countess Willemine.

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    !Count Eustache de Boulogne V! [8]

    Mother told me that Grandpapa was so old and tired that he had fallen into a sleep he would never wake up from. My aunt Ermyntrude cried a lot, so Marie and I played with Leon and Richard, though they were much older than me, as I was 5 and Richard was 10, but Marie was 7 so that meant we were like a family. Mother couldn’t spend as much time with me, as she told me she had to take up Grandpapa’s job, though the Bishop said that I would take it from her one day. I didn’t really want to take it from her, though, because why would I want to do that?

    However, Leon and Richard were soon taken away to Guines under Sir Centule de Hesdin, where they said they would learn to become knights, as Mother said there were bad men from England who were fighting our King Hugues. I heard about our King, who Mother said was my grandpa’s brother, but I never met him, instead as I had met our Duke Boudewijn VIII, whom I was to serve as vassal, which was then explained to me. It was as I attended these lessons that I began to read and learn maps, seeing how our city was just one of many within the Kingdom, bordered by the Holy Roman Empire, Occitania, and the English in Normandy. Marie was with me in these lessons too, but she also liked it when we could go out in the courtyard and run and ride horses.

    In the summer, I learned that our war with the English had ended, as Leon and Richard came back to Boulogne, as the English had gotten rid of a French Bishop in Canterbury, which was a great sin and very evil. But the English were still evil, as I was told that Duke Guntard de Normandie’s army remained in Vexin after the peace treaty, and refused to leave. But, not only that, but the Burgundians were also bad, as Duke Renaud d’Ivrea had marched his men into the Kingdom’s southeast in pursuit of the county of Escuens. As I was 7 now, Sir Centule brought me along with Leon and Richard back to Guines, where he appointed me as a page—to serve so that I could, one day, become a knight! I was sad to leave Marie behind, but I was able to see her soon enough as we returned for a great ceremony within the Basilique Notre-Dame, as Bishop Ogier of Montreuil, reading the Bull of Pope Stephanus XI, said that my Grandpapa had been beatified for his duties to the Church. I asked Sir Centule if I would receive honors if I served the Church too, and he told me that my Grandfather had been a particularly pious man, and I should strive to do great things like him.

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    As we returned to Guines, I was officially dubbed Centule’s page, as he said we would be marching to battle soon! I was so excited, as I had never seen a battle, but I had heard that it was a great way to serve God and stop bad guys. But, I looked to Leon and Richard, who had both been promoted to squires, but were both assigned to some unimportant knights. They were my cousin, and I was to be the Count one day, and I wondered why they weren’t helping knights like Centule. To that, he had to explain to me that Ermyntrude, while my aunt, was bastard born—a child had out of an affair with another woman. Shocked, I asked about why Grandpapa had been beatified if he had sinned, to which Centule said that Eustache had worked hard and diligently to remove his sins, fighting in the Holy Crusade for Jerusalem, and serving the Benedictine Order. Also, Pope Stephanus had also beatified Ermyntrude’s brother, who had been King William de Normandie II of England, and maybe that meant he was my half-uncle, then? I’m not too sure and Centule didn’t have much of an answer regarding that.

    Nonetheless, we prepared ourselves in the spring, and Centule ordered the march for Paris, where we would join our King and fight the Normans and the Burgundians. I tended to his horse and all of his care as I finally met our King, who was very busy and didn’t have much time to speak to me. Instead, he mostly talked to Centule, saying that some of the Burgundians sailed small boats up the La Loire, hoping to steal the supplies that the King had ordered there. Following the dispatch, we brought the 1.8 thousand men near Orleans, just managing to catch the 530 of them in their boats. Centule and I stayed at a distance as our archers and crossbowmen loosed upon them, and it looked very painful as they tumbled into the water. Some managed to carry on, but Centule had ordered the cavalry to keep pace with them—I was told that, as an act of mercy, the 360 survivors were let free to return to their homes. In return, we had only some 20 injured men who were to remain in Orleans until they were healed, and I swore to be true to the soldiers who risked their lives so bravely.

    It was as we returned to our King that he informed us that, while the Norman forces had been beaten back, they still had one last army of 1.6 thousand men at Eu. As my numbers could count, Centule and I had more than enough, but the King’s army was here, so we had 5.6 thousand men at our side. As we rode north, I was surprised to see a man walking who was as tall as I was on my horse! Riding up to him, I asked him if he was a giant, and Bosun smiled and told me he was just very tall. One of the other knights laughed, and Alainde de Arres told me that Bosun had been brought back from the wars in Denmark—a far off land where jotunn ruled from castles in the mountains. While Centule said that there were no tall mountains in Denmark, I was fascinated by the tall man, and I continued by his side as he and Alainde joined Centule and I.

    Riding with the van, we eventually arrived at Eu, though our King’s cavalry charge scattered Randul de Normandie’s army, and so our King then directed us southwards towards Comte, as he prepared to fight the Burgundians, trusting his other vassals to tend to the Normans. It was a long time on the road, but Alainde and Bosun kept me company as Centule tended to our King, with the giant training me with a spear and sword while Alainde taught me dirty rhymes and told me stories of his adventures. While we marched, it turned out that our King was right, as we learned that Duke Guntard had been captured by the Duke of Champagne, and so he had formally surrendered to the Duke, offering payments to Paris before returning to Normandy in defeat.

    In the meanwhile, we had learned that Duke Renaud d’Ivrea had hired soldiers to do his fighting for him, some 2.7 thousand strong, and they had camped within the steephead valley of Poligny. Staying in Bosun’s shadow, we were very cautious of the battle as our King demanded the advance, as the Serbs (that’s what Alainde called them) had used the limestone cliffs to their advantage, to prevent our cavalry from having the advantage, Centule said. Still, our 5.3 thousand men had more valor and courage, serving our King in defense of our land. Staying at a distance, I learned of what men spoke of the horrors on the battlefield, as it wasn’t like the battles before, shooting men in boats with arrows or finding a field run over by horsemen, but a bloody cruel melee. I watched with the other pages and squires from the surrounding heights as man fought man with terrifying strength and violence, the only one I could truly recognize being Bosun, as I saw the kind giant tear weapons from Serbian hands before impaling them with their own weapons.

    The blood drained downhill as horse blood and manflesh mingled, and some of us puked to see, smell, and even taste the destruction before us—afterwards, I learned that nearly 2 thousand men had died that day, 1.1 thousand of them Serbs, while 800 of them were my countrymen. As the Serbian route began, it was our turn to take the field, for we squires and pages would tend to our masters’ wounds, or begin digging their graves. I couldn’t find Centule until I saw Bosun, who told me that he had seen the knight had taken a horse and joined in the pursuit, and I probably would not see him until the day’s end. Bosun was injured by a number of smaller cuts, but the big man hadn’t seemed to be hurt from any of them. Waiting for Sir Centule, I eventually found my cousins Leon and Richard, who said they had found a cool place to visit in the meanwhile, what was locally called the le Trou De la Lune, a cave with an open hole in the ceiling. That was pretty, but, as I got back, Sir Centule had finally returned, and so he put me on latrine duty for not waiting for him—and it was particularly wretched as some blood would tend to collect as well.

    As we tended to the removal of Burgundian forces from the Comte, I learned through speaking with my cousins that their half-cousin King William III of England had been overthrown. The boy, who was much younger, had been demoted to the Earl William II of Essex, as the newly crowned Ealdhun of Bamburgh had promoted the island of Lindisfarne as the seat of the kingdom. It was then that I received news that our Duke Doubewijn Van Vlaanderen VIII had passed away, as he had returned early from the campaign, and so I was to be recalled to Bruges to pay tribute to his son, Wicher.

    Now 8 years old, I had learned a little more about how my place as a count worked, and so Sir Centule and I returned to Flanders, where I formally pledged myself to his service as one of the strongest of his vassals, which Mother confirmed was the best thing to do. However, as I got Centule to allow me to spend a few days back home before returning to Comte, my mother was rather distracted, and couldn’t spend a lot of time with me. But, meanwhile, my “aunt” Adela de Mougelone, Princess of Occitania, offered me sweets and played games with me, like before I had left for the war, and I wished she was my mother instead. Before marching back in October, a messenger brought news to Centule and I to bring back to Leon and Richard, as their half-cousin William II of Essex had died, apparently slipping down the stairs within Leicester and hurting his head.

    Making sure to always watch my step, Centule and I returned to Comte, wintering and spending the spring tending to Burgundian sieges, as our King finally received terms of surrender from Duke Renaud d’Ivrea, who denounced the invasion that he had launched. Glad to return to Boulogne for the remainder of the year, I invited Bosun and Alainde to join us, though Mother complained about hiring more soldiers, as she commented to Centule that our involvement in our King’s wars had already cost us much, and that the recent voyage of cloths to Pomerania had fully emptied our pockets.

    While we were able to recover, a messenger came from Montreuil in the spring of 1131, as the Bishop had received news from the Pope: Jerusalem had been stolen back by the Saracens, and, while the Fiereos of Venice had survived, they were then surrounded in Damascus, and all but eliminated. I was reminded of how Centule said that my father had been a great knight for having fought in the previous Crusade for Jerusalem, so I hoped that Pope Stephanus XI would wait a few more years until I had come of age, so that I could lead an army, instead of staying a page.

    As the end of 1131 came, I learned of two deaths within Boulogne and Guines, the first being Leon and Richard’s grandmother Mabel, who had been a nun in the Cloister of Coulogne, and, as they had visited her often, Richard was sad, while Leon didn’t say anything about it. The second death was of Baron Hugues Hermeneld of Saint-Pol, whose son, also named Hugues, refused to swear vassalage to me like his father had. Centule and Mother both said this was wrong, but, as it turned out, Hugues had spent his years with a mercenary army from Switzerland, and they had all joined him in holding his inheritance. As we gathered the knights to discuss what to do about the rebellious mercenary lord, our Duke Wicher announced a decree from Bruges that Hugues was to either swear vassalage to me and send his mercenaries back to the Alps, or have the castle revoked by force.

    As our men rushed to the field to defend their homes before the Swiss could steal from people, Centule, Mother, and I rode to meet with our Duke, thanking him for helping maintain the balance of our lands. But, as it turned out, Wicher had sent mayor Roelof of Niuewpoort to deal with the matter, as our Duke would rather have spent his time back in Bruges. I wasn’t too mad as Bosun, Alainde, Centule, and I attended the local siege, as Hugues’ men had stayed inside the walls of Saint-Pol. Unwilling to shed blood in the matter, Roelof was more than willing to starve out the Swiss, as we were surrounded by our homes, and easy to feed. Teaching me a bit more about siege tactics and fortifications, we received news from Montreuil that Pope Stephanus XI had ascended to heaven in his age, and the Cardinals had elected a new Pope Alexander III to succeed him. As we all prayed for the Holy See, we saw a sign from God as the Swiss had raised a white flag of surrender, as Hugues discussed with Roelof and Centule that he would vacate the castle to me!

    Making our way back to Boulogne, I kept up my training in terms of warcraft, but Centule had kept away from the more physical aspects, lecturing me on etiquette and behavior as Bosun helped me grow stronger as Alainde gave me combat tricks. I didn’t think much of it, as Alainde was much funnier and Bosun didn’t punish me as hard, despite his size, and they’d even let my sister Marie train with us! Soon thereafter, Mother introduced me to a monk from Saint Denis, Maurice, who came to look at my development. While comparing me to Bosun didn’t really work too much, he said that I was growing fine, though he did start laughing afterwards and I didn’t really understand why. In the meanwhile, Sir Centule had a pretty bad cough, and I saw he was going bald. Asking the knight what happened, all he said was that he was sick, and that I should pray for him. In the meanwhile, I learned that our King Hugues had undertaken some effort to administrate the lands of Brittany, under Duke Hoel de Cornouaille of both Upper and Lower Brittany, who pledged strict loyalty to our King.

    He passed away in April of 1134, and I was struck by the reality that those close to me could die, too. I mean, my father had died when I was really young, so I didn’t know, but I thought back to those battles and sieges I had been in, and I could have died in any of them. As I worried about that, I learned of two simultaneous acts that cheered me up. The first was that the Saracens had invaded Valencia, a region of Iberia that had paid vassalage to King Godafres of Occitania, but the united kingdoms of Castille, Aragon, and Leon had offered their support to the Occitan, as well as our King Hugues. Despite our Kingdoms’ rivalry, as I’m told Godafres’ predecessor, Acfred de Maguelone, “aunt” Adela’s father, had politically split our kingdom between north and south, the desire to protect Christendom had shone brighter.

    The second was that, tired of waiting for a call from Pope Alexander III for a second crusade, a boy in Austria had received a vision of Jesus Christ that asked for children, pure of heart, to join in a crusade that would see the enemies of Christendom defeated. As thousands of children from across Germany flocked to the banner of Liudolf von Linpurg, I asked Mother if I could go join him, as he was also only 14, but Mother refused, as Bosun and Alainde both talked to me about the need for more time before going on a crusade. As such, I asked them for more combat training and practice drilling with the levies, as I hoped I would be able to join Liudolf in time. But then, August 27th, the news came: the Pope had authorized a second crusade for Jerusalem, and gave the lords of Christendom a little over 2 years to prepare for the invasion.

    As my sister Marie came of age, she was caught up in the crusader fervor as well, and we begged Mother to let us both go, as my birthday was only a couple weeks after the November the Pope had asked for. With Bosun and Alainde supporting us, she eventually gave in, and we cheered and went out and practiced swords some more. However, it was soon thereafter that we learned that Liudolf von Linpurg’s “Children’s Crusade,” as some were calling it, had been stalled along the Adriatic, as Doge Fiereo had refused to support them or give them any boats to the Holy Land, as he was to be saving all of his ships for the actual crusaders. Many of the children and their adult caretakers ended up heading home, and I personally thanked Mother for warning me against it. That made her feel a little better as I learned that Pope Alexander had passed away, he had been in his later years when taking the throne of Saint Peter.

    But, his successor, Urbanus, died not even a year after taking up the Holy See, passing the title to Victor III, who moved the official date of the Crusade to November 15th, 1136. This came with an official list of the pledged nations, spreading news of whom to follow as well as shaming those who had ignored the most holy call to arms. There were Frenchmen of all ranks, Lotharingians, Brentons, Occitans, Savoyards, Burgundians, Catalans, Gascognes, Leonese, and Castillian. But, we would not march with them like my Grandfather had, years ago—instead, I was told that he had been abandoned by his fellow Dukes to march the distance, while the others had sailed from Orbetto. Not taking that risk, we had prepared the cogs of Boulogne for the voyage, stocked with supplies and foodstuffs for the trip. Gathering our soldiers from Boulogne, Guines, and Saint-Pol, we boarded on my birthday, December 4th, my Mother promising to hold my counties for me, as Marie, Richard, Leon, Geraud, Bosun, Alainde, and I waved back to hear, our sails catching the wind as our 1627 left shore.

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    Journal 4
  • --Journal 4; 1/28/19--
    **September 21st, 1114**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne III! [8]

    My daughter’s mother’s son, William II, was victorious on Christmas Eve of 1114, becoming the 26th King of England, in addition to also having been the 19th King. While the once-again Queen-Mother Mabel and Ermyntrude gave him my compliments, I still wasn’t too sure of how he thought to me. In the meanwhile, there was a strange legal snafu regarding Pernelle de Bourbon’s claim on the county, as, despite how our King Hugues had fought for her claim, she had not become his vassal. Seizing this opportunity, King Godafres of Occitania was quick to surround the land and coerce her vassalage, returning the county to as they had been, though with a Frenchman in charge.

    While the Occitans were not confident enough to strike at the Holy Roman territories of Gascoigne, I heard word that Queen Arpad Emese of Hungary had finally taken up the call of Pope Nicolaus III and had risen her banners in aim of dethroning the Antipope of Viviers. While Kaiser Geraud de Bourgogne was more than capable of handling the Magyars, I prayed she would do her best to settle the outstanding issue. As summer came along, I found myself spending time with my son Eustache, who wasn’t too particular to the courtly ways of his Capetian wife, and asked me to host a spear throwing contest to stir up some attraction in Boulogne. Hosting on the eve of the solstice, it appeared to some that Eustache had come up with the idea to show off his ability, as he did win the competition, but my last living son did not brag about the ability or accuracy of his arm.

    As fall came about, I received two pieces of news from over the channel in England, as King William’s uncle Richard had died of Saracen wounds suffered in the Holy Land. As William allowed his Richard’s son Radulf and his son Bernard to remain in Cornwall and Northumbria, he still needed legitimacy to his throne—and the Papal appointment demanded his assistance to the Hungarians, and an end to the Pope of Viviers. Thus, the Golden Lions were seen off the coast of Flanders as the Normans made for the Empire, and I accepted any goods traveling through from Dover, and eased their passage into Lorraine. In the meanwhile, I learned that Baron Jaspert de Guines had passed away of a sickness, leaving Saint-Omer to his son, similarly named Jaspert, who had been taught to despise me for his grandfather’s trespasses.

    With the war between the Germans and the English, my Ermyntrude returned to Boulogne, bringing with her two sons: Leon, a 3 year old whom she claimed was the son of my uncle Godefroy, and a newborn whom she called Richard, but refused to say who the father was—a Norman, no doubt. But, despite my love of Mabel, I could not turn her away, letting her stay in a minor apartment in Guines to tend to her children. In the meanwhile, my cousin Herbert had finally returned to me: since the death of Egmund of Gent, I had been saddened when I heard that Mayor Balderik had died of a bad cough not a year later, as I wouldn’t be able to revenge my friend. But, as I had sent Herbert de Boulogne to investigate the matter, he learned there was a manageable way that he could coerce Egmund’s son, Barnaerd, to gift his titles of Oudenaarde, based on our shared ancestry of van Vlaanderen. While I told Herbert to continue his plot, a part of me felt uneasy to betray Egmund like that. Even more so, I was sought out soon thereafter by our Duke Boudewijn VIII and named spymaster like I had served his father before him, and tending to the agents of the realm and secret matters regarding the other lords. While Bruges was closer to Gent, I did my best to meet discreetly with Herbert when I could, but not to act too hasty, lest Boudewijn believe myself a traitor, as I was under his closer scrutiny.

    The new year of 1118 was heralded by another declaration by Pope Nicolaus III, as he had approved of another holy order of Christian knights, this time belonging to the Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Christ and the Temple of Solomon, a network of houses across Europe dedicated to the support of pilgrims and warriors devoted to making the journey to Jerusalem. This news was soon followed by another victory for the Roman Pope, as, despite multiple failures by King William II of England and Queen Arpad Emese of Hungary, Kaiser Geraud had finally distanced himself from the Pope in Viviers, having exiled the man from his realm.

    It was during the spring that I took a visit to Yperen, as Boudewijn had heard rumors that Countess Willemine was plotting something against our Duke. Having joined with her during the Crusade, I was skeptical of whatever she could be doing, until my residence in Ypres caught aflame while I was sleeping. Fearing another Baudouin de Guines, I jumped from my second story window onto a nearby thatched roof, as for which I quickly made my escape from the county. Bringing news of this assault to Boudewijn, he was a bit disappointed I hadn’t found anything specific, but knew he would be more wary.

    As I returned to Boulogne to rest for a while, I learned that our King had marshalled his men, and I hoped it was with aims of reclaiming Occitania, but, as I saw the sails of Nantes pass by our shores, I learned that Hugues was following a proclamation of excommunication unto Hjalmar Estrid, apparently learning that the Danes still tended to more pagan customs. This news was soon followed by another excommunication by Pope Nicolaus III, as, while Kaiser Geraud had decided to depose the Pope in Viviers, he still had his conflicts with the German de Bourgogne, as the Kaiser had apparently been feuding with the bishops of Austria. While we all feared another antipope, I learned that King William II was following through with a pledge made to the Pope, and had turned on the rebellious monks of Mercia, and had surrounded their final stronghold in Leicester.

    Speaking of William, I was informed that Queen-Mother Mabel of England had taken a journey to visit her daughter in Guines, but also to attend the cloisters of Coulogne: she was to become a nun. Surprised by the sudden change, I took to Guines to visit her and Ermyntrude, only to be denied entrance into my daughter’s apartment. One of the men whom I had posted informed me that she had feared for her life as well as that of her children, and, as such, had locked themselves from the world, hoping to wait it out until whatever fears she had faded. Not wishing to torment her with further invasion, I let her be, instead taking to Coulogne to visit her mother and my one-time lover, finding her having taken the habit. Crying upon seeing me, I felt awkward as Mabel ran away, and turned to Bishop Amaury, asking him to arrange a meeting to discuss things calmly with the Queen-Mother.

    Having such a meeting, I learned that Mabel’s shame was much of my own. Not only had the Normans shunned her for fleeing England with Badouin, but also that we had committed adultery together, and that I had formally recognized Ermyntrude. While I did retort that she was the one who had approached me with lust, the weight of my sins still weighed down upon me as I thought to our daughter’s current paranoia—Mabel hadn’t even been able to see her daughter before taking the habit. To this, Mabel responded that William, her own son, had judged her before the people of Westminster, and had sent her to the cloister as punishment for our crime. I had no real answer for her besides telling her to put her faith in God, but, as I said it, I could tell the Queen-Mother’s faith had been broken, betrayed by all she had known. As she cried, holding to her rosary, I offered nothing more to her as I looked to the Benedictine brother who had watched over our conversation, and I told Thibault de Guines that I would front whatever costs Mabel needed to find peace and happiness in the cloister of Coulogne.

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    Journal 3
  • --Journal 3; 1/19/19--
    **November 18th, 1101**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne III! [4]

    As we departed, I learned the Normans would not be joining in the war, as the Saxons had risen up against their Norman masters, who had instituted a law of primogeniture, against the traditional laws of dividing land amidst Saxon sons. Nonetheless, I rallied alongside my duke Boudewijn VIII and Countess Willemine of Yperen as we marched under the flag of the cross, soon joining Duke Gerard de Blois of Champagne as we crossed into Occitania. Though the rebels were nowhere to be found, I bid Boudewijn and Gerard consider them before the Saracens, of which I was mocked for “attempting to dissuade the Crusade.” And thus, we carried on to Orbetto, where the Dukes had sworn they would provide transport to the Levant. However, as we waited, the ships arrived—but only for the Dukes!

    As Willemine and I cursed Boudewijn and Gerard, a part of us considered turning back to Flanders, but, then, our party was joined by a Raoul of Methone, a Norman from Sicily who had been granted land in southwestern Greece as a settlement between the de Hautevilles and the Greek Basileus Konstantios X. A fellow Catholic, he didn’t bow to the Patriarch of Constantinople, and had heard of the efforts in Rome to bring glory to Saint Peter’s Church. But, particularly, he spoke of Moslem pirates who had hindered his efforts to reach Orbetto. With 1.7 thousand men among us three counts, we had far more men than space on Raoul’s ships, and so we set out for the eastern heel of Italy, seeking any manner of ships that could take us at least to Methone. However, with autumn of 1102, we could only cross the Adriatic, though Raoul’s advanced ships warned us that the Saracens had abandoned their boats and marched inland.

    We had thought they might try to find passage in Greece, and so we made our way towards Methone, only for our search to be for naught, as we learned they had crossed over to Macedonia rather than stick to the coast. As we resupplied and restocked, some small ships arrived, bearing news from other parts of the world. In particular, Richard de Normandie had lost his wars against the Saxons, and had been forced to rescind his primogeniture. But then, news arrived that my mother Ida had passed, her spirit entering heaven at the age of 65, answering the call of our God. While I rallied Raoul and Willemine to try to make for the Levant, our inability to find negotiable ships of transport led us in marching our 1.7 thousand to the straits of the Hellespont. There, we found ourselves in the wake of the other Crusaders, who had taken much of the food and negotiated much better deals: the surviving Greeks were not kind to our passage. As we arrived in Anatolia, we found ourselves berated by a number of Catholic monks, shunning our tardiness as sloth, and signs of sin.

    It was as we marched along the Aegean that a rider passed us by, crying out joyously in Greek as he passed. Looking to Raoul, the Norman said that the Venetians had taken Jerusalem on the 28th of May, in the year of our lord 1103. I knew this as Doge Pietro Fiereo XI, but, as Willemine and I prepared for our journey back to Flanders, we learned that Pope Stephanus X had arrived at Jerusalem and had dubbed the Doge’s son, Amione, as lord-protector of the Holy Sepulcher, and what would now be called the Kingdom of Jerusalem. It was a long trip home, but, with no need to ration ourselves for more trips, we did what we could do to ease our burdens, but, one by one, our company dwindled from its state, some deciding to continue to Jerusalem, and we made it back to Boulogne with only half our number.

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    I was somber when I returned to my mother’s grave, lying in peace beneath the floors of the Basilique Notre-Dame, right beside my father. Anne comforted me, and, while I could claim that I had marched on the crusade, all we had done was march and posture, never even reaching the holy land. While Cardinal Loup of Montreuil claimed that my sins were forgiven when I had met him for confession, I still held my own doubts in my heart that God would only see my gesture as nothing more than what it was. It was then that Boudewijn VIII returned, drunk on glory, and angry at the Venetians, claiming that he would have taken Jerusalem had he not lost 3 days But, also, I learned that our King Jaspert had not participated in the Crusade, like he had planned, as he had had to make do with the remaining French levies and generals to vanquish the Occitan rebels, something that had been going rather poorly.

    It would appear that it would take some time for all of the armies of the crusaders to replenish their numbers, but, I then learned the fate of Guines, as Baudouin had died horribly of an infection gained in Boudewijn’s service, leaving his inexperienced son Jaspert in control of the county. Though I bore no grudge against the boy, the men who had marched back with me from Anatolia were a little restless, and Guillaume de Guines still held that I could seek out retribution for Baudouin’s crimes. In fact, Guillaume offered to me his claim to Guines so that I could rule the county in accordance with the Benedictine Rule. Not entirely out of selfishness, I took the offer, but held off for a while, instead seeking what I could do to gain allies, should Jaspert appeal to our Duke Boudewijn for peace. As such, I reached out to my neighboring Duke Eudes Karling of Picardie, and, although Alexandre was 26 years old, I had him betrothed to Eudes’ daughter Gerberge, who was only 13 years of age.

    Nonetheless, a marriage deal was enough to secure an alliance with the last descendant of Charlemagne, and so I marshalled the men, gathering 900 men, while Guillaume reported that his nephew could only muster 700. Taking a chance, I issued my ultimatum to the young de Guines, demanding Guillaume’s rights over the county. With gold in store should I need to recall the Boulognian band to assist in our fight, we marched the roads north in the summer of 1106, unfortunately learning that Eudes didn’t seek to involve himself in the affairs of Boudewijn’s vassals, and declined my request for assistance. Nonetheless, we mustered on through the marches of the Boulonnais before heading inland. It was on this march the Guillaume informed me that, actually, I had a vague claim to the land, as the de Boulogne had once head Guines, as my great-great-great-great grandfather Adelof had passed the title of Boulogne to his brother Arnulf I, which he then gave to his brother’s son, Arnulf II. But, as for Guines, Count Arnulf of Flanders had been wary of the Danes who had seized the place, and so he had offered Sigfrid vassalage under the title of Duke of Guines, giving birth to the current line.

    It was as we pressed unto the castle that we met Jaspert’s army, led by Guillaume’s son, Thibault. As my Benedictine friend had never told me that he was a father, he then revealed he had taken the cloth after his wife’s departure to heaven, and had left a son and daughter to carry out his legacy. After trying to secure peace with Thibault, the belittling of Jaspert led to a charge of the Guines’ knights, to which we responded in kind. To make matters brief, the battle went well for us, and we spared good charity to the injured and those who surrendered. While Thibault was willing to make peace, Jaspert rallied his surviving men, no more than half their strength, and tried to make for Boulogne. As we had to retrace our steps to see him defeated, we were met by a battle within the Boulonnais, as his men leapt from the marshland to surround our column. But Jaspert had been foolish in his advance, and a local farmer (of whose goods were stolen from him) had warned us of the ambush beforehand.

    While Jaspert was able to escape to Guines, we returned to lay siege to the city, unwilling to commit against its garrison and its peoples. As we waited for Jaspert to give in, I learned that our King Jaspert had been unable to tend to the rebellion in Occitania, as his attention had been split by a rebellion of Moslems in Valencia. In the meanwhile, across La Manche, I was told that King Richard fended off a number of threats from Britannia, as the excommunicated Norman faced Papist opposition in every matter.

    After I learned that Valencia had been lost to the Saracens, Jaspert finally announced his resignation of Guines, as Guillaume accepted the title from his nephew within the old Danish castle, which he then handed to me. While I let Jaspert remain as the Baron of Saint-Omer, I then took a look at my situation regarding my two counties. While I had four sons, it was custom to divide the land fairly between them all, prioritizing the eldest, meaning that Alexandre would inherit Boulogne while Robin would take Guines. But, the Capetians had recently developed a system of primogeniture, to allow the eldest son to claim the entire realm. This would not only keep power centralized, but prevent the fracturing of realms as brothers needed support wouldn’t feud over their shared claims.

    As I wanted nothing more than the strength of our family, I theorized the benefits of a single heir were better than that of continuous fratricide, and so, as I returned to Boulogne, I drafted up legal codes to ensure the protection of this new system as the ruler of the two counties. There was opposition from the lords, as I expected, but this was worked out with a caveat that the single heir would be voted on amongst the nobles, to ensure the most deserving heir was given the rule. While this worried some that succession would only devolve into conflicts of election, it was the best that could be settled for right now, as I proposed Alexandre as my heir, whom the nobles accepted.

    Though, speaking of the Capetians, the loss of Valencia had followed our King Jaspert as he turned his eyes back towards Occitania, only to be beaten once more, and cast out north of Poitou and Bourbon. Breaking their loyalty with our king, the Occitans bowed before their new lord, Acfred de Maguelone, apparently bowing before the Arch of Germanicus before he took up court in Saintes of Charente in the September of 1104. Not wanting to be outdone, our King Jaspert declared that he would reclaim Valencia, and issued orders to rally at Nantes, but this soon followed by King Acfred’s same declaration, claiming that the Occitans wouldn’t be tarried from the holy task.

    As I awaited news from that campaign, I received a letter from Egmund of Gent, the brother of our Duke Boudewijn VIII, as he was to be hosting a Christmas party for the nobles of Flanders. As his brother hadn’t given me a chance to serve the land like his fathers before him, I was honored as Egmund offered me a spacious apartment to me and my family, saying we could use it before the event. Leaving matters of Boulogne and Guines to Guillaume, Thibault, and Jaspert, I took Anne, Alexandre, Robin, and Eustache to Egmund’s city, resting alongside a painting-esque bridge over the frozen Leie River. In turn, Egmund took every opportunity to entertain and invite us to events, culminating with spiced wine preceding Christmas Eve’s mass. Egmund and I both stepped outside to get some air, and, overlooking the Scheldt, he suddenly proposed we try testing the ice. Joining him, we had a lot of fun sliding about and falling into the snow, and came back laughing together as we prepared to depart for the service.

    Wishing to keep in good contact, Egmund gave me the title to the apartment of Gent, which I accepted, as Robin wished to remain in the city. I could tell he was a bit bitter about being denied inheritance of Guines, but I allowed Ghent to serve as his own independence. As we returned to Boulogne, finding all in order, we found our kingdom soon embroiled in conflict. As King Acfred had landed in and secured Valencia from the Moslems before Jaspert, he had repulsed our King, sending a number of Frenchmen to the Mediterranean’s depths before Jaspert called off the invasion. But, as they braved the winter storms of the Atlantic to return to Nantes, fighting broke out in England, as William was fighting his uncle over an attempted revocation of William’s Earldom of Essex, a feud that was sure to not bode well across La Manche. In the meanwhile, one of King Richard’s loyalists and distant cousin, Duke Osbern of Normandy, looking to expand his holdings, invaded Vexin with a battalion of Norman knights and footmen.

    To make matters worse, Robert de Bourgogne had gathered an alliance of lords to attempt to end Capetian primogeniture and return to the statutes of Lex Salica, believing in the equality between inheritances. While the territories of Bourgogne rivaled our King, I pledged my full loyalty beyond my levies to Duke Boudewijn, I mustered men as the summer began to wane into autumn. But, before I could depart for Paris, I had to wait for Anne to give me a fourth son, whom we named Patrick, whom we both believed had been conceived during our nights together in Gent. This was then followed by the coming-of-age of Gerberge Karling, as we marched levies to Vermandois, and, with the colors of the Picardie autumn about them, my son was wed.

    Denied his honeymoon on account of service to the king, Alexandre and I made for Paris, while Robin remained in Gent, though I heard he had fallen sick as of recent, but Egmund swore he had dispatched local priests to tend to his illness. Gathering with 5.3 thousand French soldiers, our King Jaspert personally welcomed me into his council amongst the Dukes as we learned that the Normans had advanced all the way to Pontoise, but only with 2.1 thousand men of his own. Confident in our élan, we advanced towards the River Oise, hoping to make the crossing and defeat the Normans there. But, instead, the river turned fatal as the Duke’s forces suddenly attacked as our ferries had already landed the first wave of troops on the other shore besides the Roman rock peak —and it was then that I realized that Alexandre had been a part of that number! Amidst the chaos, I knew not of his fate as men doffed their armor to swim to their comrades’ assistance, myself riding horse alongside our King as we charged off of a ferry boat.

    As the Normans fled, I looked to the surviving men of the vanguard, only to learn from one of them that they had seen Alexandre fall beneath the blade of Robert de Hauteville, a Sicilian prince. They said that my son’s body had then fallen back into the Oise, and I stared in vain at the blood swept river, as bodies of other fathers’ sons lay within its depths. A part of me didn’t want to believe it that my boy had left us like that. Another part wanted to believe Alexandre had removed his armor and swam away, to live a content life in the countryside—but I had trained my sons to never run away from fear. As the lay brethren of the Pontoise patrimonium tended to the dead, I asked what they would do to the dead of the river, and they saddened me to hear that, with the weight of his armor and the heavy mud of the autumnal rains, it would be impossible to raise Alexandre’s body from the Oise. Instead, they directed me to the chapel of Saint Eustache, and, bearing my name and my sins etched about me, I wept. I was not the only one, however, as we had suffered a fair loss, having lost 2 men for each of the 600 Normans we had killed.

    As I wondered how I would tell Anne of our son’s departure, our King bid I remain with him, and so Jaspert sent an emissary back to Boulogne to, impersonally, deliver the news. Haunted by dreams of seeing Alexandre struggle for air against the weight of his chain, I followed our King east to the Champagne fair Provins, where he intended to do battle against Robert de Bourgogne’s rebels, reinforced to 5.4 thousand by a company of Brentons. As we surveyed where to do battle, I bid my King dare not attempt a venture beyond the Le Durteint and La Voulzie, instead using the two rivers to channel us into combat. As the scouts reported that Duke Robert had brought 6.1 thousand men, the river ceased their maneuvering, and their numbers proved no advantage as we held our ground. Unable to gain any ground, Robert eventually disengaged his men, though our count of the dead and wounded numbered some 1 thousand on each side.

    It was from this that our King thanked me for my inspiration for using the river during the battle, and asked me of my sons—saying that his daughter, Eglatine, only 11 years old, had not been betrothed yet. While Alexandre had at least shared his marriage bed once, Robin was still sick in Gent, leaving Eustache and Patrick as suitors to the Princess. Patrick was still a child, however, but Eustache was 17, and so I accepted our King’s reward on the behalf of my son. As the King’s messenger prepared to depart for Flanders, he also informed me that the council of Boulogne had dubbed Eustache my heir, given the Robin’s health had not improved, and the physicians of Ghent had been exhausted of their options.

    As I continued to serve by our King’s side, the King laughed to hear news from England and Occitania, as Richard de Normandie had been ousted by William, and had fled to the Holy Land while his son Radulf had taken his throne. From Occitania came word that King Acfred, feuding with some Navarran monks, had been killed in an ambush, and, leaving no heir, had been succeeded by one of his lieutenants, Godafres de Levezou. Following our King to Brie, we laid siege to the Bourgogne castle, and time slowly passed by, and I wanted nothing more than to return to my Boulogne and see the tired lines in Anne’s face, and hold her tightly.

    It was in the October of 1107 that I learned that my good friend Guillaume de Guines had passed away of his age, though I’m told he had spent his last months in service to Robin, doing his best service in aid to my fading son. But, of that, he could not help, and, soon thereafter, Robin joined Guillaume on the way to heaven. I could not bear to hear any more of the suffering back home, and so, leaving my levies to be used by our King however he wished, I rode back to Gent, finding Anne and Egmund vacating the apartment, already washed of his disease as his burial had been a few days before.

    Left to our sorrows, I was then joined by Thibault de Guines, as Guillaume’s son reached out to me, having taken up his father’s mantle within the Benedictine Order. Saying he, too, had felt great loss, he invited me to his residence in Guines to alleviate my sorrows through simple duties, and, for a week straight, I assisted him in tending to his garden, harvesting its crop, preparing it for the coming winter, and organizing how it would be laid in the spring. Though I crawled amidst the dirt, pulling at weeds and smelling the decaying flowers, I spoke with Thibault regarding how the simple work helped set my mind at rest, as the wonder of God’s creation reminded me of how blessed our lives should be, and our families cherished. As such, I swore to spend the next years with my family, taking trips to Guines to help Thibault with his garden, while taking the occasional visit with my family to Gent. On one such trip to Gines, I realized that his daughter Almadis was the same age as Patrick, so I proposed a betrothal between the two to bind our houses together, just like Guillaume would have liked.

    My time in peace was marked with agony for kings, as Radulf de Normandie had been overthrown by his Saxons rebels, as the Witenagemot placed his 4 year old son, Bernard, upon the English thrown, hoping to tutor him into their own puppet. In Germany, I learned that the new Kaiser was a cousin of our rebelling Duke Robert II, as Kaiser Geroud de Bourgogne was crowned by antipope Honorius II in Viviers, continuing the German opposition of Roman authority within the Holy Roman Empire. While I’m told that our King had carried out a successful campaign against the Normans, but, as he pursued them to Coucy in December of 1109, his eagerness during a route across the frozen river when his horse fell through the ice, dragging our King under the water, shivering as the weight of his armor kept him beneath the surface.

    While the rest of the battle was a tactical advantage for the Kingdom, killing 1.2 thousand of Normans, the remaining two-thirds of Duke Osbern’s army capitulated as the 6.9 thousand Frenchmen surrounded them, with Jaspert’s brother, Hugues III, accepting the Duke’s surrender, and payments of peace. However, instead of turning this army towards Robert de Bourgogne II, he instead split his army, dispatching a portion towards Nantes, as he was dispatching men to Valencia—as some Frenchmen had not bowed to the Occitan throne, and had maintained their independence, but were presently under assault by Moslems. While I was glad to not be one of them, braving the Atlantic’s chill, news then came from Paris that Hugues had negotiated a peace with Duke Robert, returning the realm to as it once was. This was rather surprising, as Hugues’ wife, Queen Jimena, of the house of Jimena of Castille, had sent a large number of troops to aid in her husband’s war.

    But, these men were then diverted southwards, to assist in the Valencians, and it was mid-summer when they returned with victory. After so long, it felt a bit strange: the autumn of 1100 was welcomed with no wars, as all the folk gathered for the September and October harvest festivals. After blessing the crop of Boulogne, Cardinal Loup of Montreuil retired to his bishopric, only to be pronounced dead the following day, the day after his 70th birthday. While his successor, Robert, tended to the remaining ceremonies as bishop, he was then elected by the clergy, and the man was deeply impressed by my tales of crusades and Benedictine service. It was then that he was enthralled to bring news that Pope Stephanus X had approved of an order of German holy knights, dubbing them the Order of Brothers of the German House of Saint Mary in Jerusalem, or the Teutonic Order, in hopes of rallying the Holy Roman Empire against the antipope of Viviers, but, there was little news on that front.

    However, not all was well within the household of de Boulogne, as my cousin Douce, a young girl by my late uncle Godefroy, was pregnant, and she claimed Eustache was the father, to which my son denied. Unable to trust her, I sent her to Guines to clear her mind, and have the child with the sisters there, whom she named Jean. This was then followed by a tragedy in the spring, as my son Patrick, venturing around Boulogne was set upon by a rabid dog. Inflicted with its foaming, I sought out Bishop Robert, hoping he had inherited any of Loup’s medical knowledge, but, as he arrived, the wound had festered and my Patrick was laid low, too young. Venturing with Anne to Guines to tend to Thibault’s garden, we returned to make for Paris, as our King Hugues committed to his brother’s promise, and Eustache was to wed his nephew Eglatine. I had wished the wedding would be delayed in memory of his youngest brother, but our King was a busy man, and so Anne and I watched our last surviving son enter the covenant of marriage, and I knew my same worries were echoed in my wife’s head.

    I then found myself beset by an unexpected grief, as the after party found Egmund of Ghent dead, having been found sprawled in a side room, as Mayor Balderik of Ghent claimed that Egmund had attacked him, and he had been right to defend himself from his liege. I was held back by our King’s men as they went to investigate the occurrence, and, ultimately, they could prove nothing wrong about Balderik’s claims. I was quick to make for Guines, where I locked myself away for over a week, working Thibault’s garden even without him being there. My anger rising, I eventually made for Boulogne, to meet Anne’s comfort, calming down as I’m told that the peasants of Vexin had revolted against our King, annoyed by the lack of support after the battle of the Oise: it ran red once more, as Lothaire, its commander, was forcibly drowned by Hugues’ marshal, Duke Herbert Karling II of Picardie.

    As peace returned, Bishop Robert informed me that Pope Stephanus X had ascended to heaven, taken up in his age, and the Cardinals had selected another Italian, Nicolaus III after conclave. As a part of his reforms, he expressed his concern with the Teutonic Knights, as they hadn’t given an official stance against the German in Viviers, as well as their lack of focus for the house of Saint Mary for which they were officially based from, and so he blessed another Knight Order, the Order of the Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem: the Knights Hospitalier. This was soon followed by a proclamation of our King that the lands of Bourbon belonged to the French, and so he pushed the claim of Pernelle de Bourbon in pursuit of her family’s land. While our King focused his attention there, I was more interested across La Manche, as I learned that William had finally seized the moment, and pressed his right to the English throne against his uncle’s grandson Bernard. While our King celebrated victory against the Occitans, I looked at how the son of the mother of my daughter would do to take the throne he had been promised, and what he would do with it.

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    Journal 7
  • --Journal 7; 2/18/19--
    **May 10, 1155**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne V! [11]

    But, as I paid homage to Aubry, there was one major thing that stood in the way of my plotting—his wife. Already the Duke of Flanders and Toulouse, Aubry had been married to Aanor de Conouaille, daughter of Hoel, who, until recently, had been the Duke of Upper and Lower Brittany. But, with her father’s passing, Aanor had come to become the Duchess of Brittany, as Brochuael de Penthievre held the northern counties. This currently meant that their daughter, Hilligonda, would inherit the four duchies, and I prayed that the Brenton wouldn’t give our Duke a son. In the meanwhile, Hilligonda was only a few years younger than my Eustache, and if I got the right word in with Aanor, there was a chance she would be willing to arrange a match.

    As Aubry named me the Marshall of Flanders, I split my time between our Duke’s garrisons in Bruges (Sluys and Oostende), Ghent (Oudenaarde and Aalst), and I sent Bosun to tend to his caste in far-off Foix, by the Pyrenees, while I took good care to appear humble whenever Aanor arrived to meet her husband. However, this was soon cut short, as there was trouble brewing in Paris—as the Brentons, Bourbons, and Picards had felt that our King Hugues IV’s authority over the realm had become too invasive, denying local land rights and enforcing his rule over administrative vassals. With Brochuael de Penthievre championing their cause, they had assembled our King, Aanor siding with her fellow Brenton, and I hoped to see her territories stripped from her following their defeat.

    As Clotaire d’Beaumont delivered a royalist victory at Sancerre, his 11.5 thousand defeating the Dukes’ 10.9, Brochuael himself was captured during the battle, and so the alliance faltered, surrendering in to Hugues IV, who, in turn, reinforced his authority over his vassals. While he divided up parts of Picardie and Bourbon, he stripped Brochuael of his titles—but, upon the pleadings of our Duke, Aanor de Cornouaille was freed without penalty, on Aubry’s claim that she had been coerced by deceit by her fellow Brenton. While this at least meant I had more time to try to coerce a betrothal between Eustache and Hilligonda, I soon received news from Germany, as Hochmeister Walram Wigeriche, (Prince Rutger Capet had died last year, I learned) had announced that, with Papal Authority, the Teutonic Knights aimed to claim all land between the eastern border of the Holy Roman Empire all the way unto Lake Ilmen, which I was told was very far away in a cold, desolate, pagan country.

    While I was focused on maintaining a treasury for the eventual fight with Aubry, I could only send prayers to the Teutons, though these, too, turned short, as word arrived that the French forces that had been stationed in Picardie to oversee the transition had been struck with a malaise, which some called Marguerite’s Fever, as the Karling Duchess had retained her title like Aanor,. Almost too swifty, it was already into Boulogne by the May of 1158, and I did my best to not be worried. Sending my family to our apartment in Bruges, I stayed behind to tend to the people, as there would have been a panic if I had left too.

    But, that proved to be a mistake. With Bosun also staying with me, I developed a headache and a fever when Bishop Gilbert of Montreuil noticed the rash, the telltale signs of the fever. No doubt I had received it from the peasants as I had made public appearances and donations to keep the peace and maintain the people’s faith. But, as June progressed, the signs of faith were meaningless as I found my mind drifting away, day by day, though my head ached and my body burned. I called for my family, to no avail, while Bosun could only watch as I slowly deteriorated away. Swearing to him that I would make it through this, and enter my 38th year, I bid him not assist my passing in any way, and, as June winds swept through on the 14th, I couldn’t make sense of anything until it was all gone.

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    !Count Eustache de Boulogne VI! [11]

    Sir Bosun was the one who told us that my father had died, and Mother hugged Marie, Geva, and I as we cried, though she then said that I shouldn’t weep for my father, for he had lived a good life, and now was on his way to heaven. As Bosun then said that he had waited for Marguerite’s Fever to flee the county, we were now safe to return, but, before that, as the inheritor of the counties of Boulogne and Guines, I had to pledge my vows before our Duke Aubry. From what I had learned of him from my father, he was a rotten, unjust man whose power needed to be challenged.

    While I hadn’t been raised a battlefield squire like he had, I had spent my years with tutors of all kinds in Boulogne, well-versed in law and Latin reading and ruler ship, but, also, of numbers and accounting—the family treasury needed to be well-kept, he had said. And so, as my numbers extended from Boulogne to all of Flanders, he had asked me about a betrothal to our Duke’s daughter, Hilligonda, but that sounded gross, given with how flowery and girly she probably would be. I mean, Marie and Geva were great sisters, but they were still girls and they didn’t know how to use a sword or read a trade receipt. Thus, at 13 years old, I bowed before our Duke, who smiled as his wife and daughter had accompanied him.

    Making my return home, we attended my father’s symbolic burial, as they had buried him earlier, when the fever was still about. As I was dubbed count before the local landowners in the Basilique Notre-Dame, Bosun and Mother said they would take care of things for three more years while I attended classes with my tutors. However, not long after, the gates of the city were shut—as Bosun warned that smallpox had been seen in Vexin, and, like the fever that had taken my father, we needed to be protected. It was during this time that longships arrived in the Liane—ships of trade from the pagans in Pomerania. While it took the people some time to realize this wasn’t an attack from the viking raiders of old, I was more shocked to realize that the pagans were still doing well for themselves, despite being completely surrounded by the Holy Roman Empire, so much that they were able to continue their trade with us. While Mother believed that we should end the relationship, the tally of their goods was more than enough to prove profitable—even if that meant closing on parts of our supplies to wait out the smallpox.

    While the people of Boulogne claimed that we were doing more for foreign pagans than we were for our own people, Mother and I asked them to be calm and pray, as, suddenly, longships arrived bearing all number of herbs, ointments, and potions, which they said would help protect us. Thanking them for their gifts, we ordered them to the hospital of Saint Marie’s for study before use—what they couldn’t use, they could sell, and put towards a larger sick house. If the people still had a problem with our trade after that, there wasn’t much voiced concern, as there still hadn’t been a noted case of smallpox within our county.
    Though we said that God was with us, our merchants returned from Pomerania with news that the Danes and Teutons had been forced out of the lands of the Rus, as their northern Crusade had been halted by horsemen they had called “Cumans,” somewhat similar to the Turks they had fought in the previous crusade for Jerusalem.

    News then came from Rome that shocked more faithful hearts, as Callistus II had died at the age of 62, and, after some time, the Conclave had selected Silvester IV to assume Saint Peter’s throne. But, despite that, the smallpox never entered our fair cities, as neither Montreuil, Hesdin, or Fauquembergues reported any disease entering their walls. As word of it eventually faded away, news also followed that Silvester IV had also ascended after 6 months, a sign of his piety, and so Caelastinus III, a German Bishop, was next selected to lead the community of the faithful.

    But, that was not the only death that had occurred, as in the spring of 1161, our King, Hugues IV, committed the ultimate sin to take his own life, apparently a distraught act of madness in his old age, but, as we ventured to Rheims, our King Hugues V was only 20 years away from his father’s year. Though, there was someone missing from the coronation, as our Duke Aubry was not present, as, allegedly, he had been at bedrest for the past year, incapacitated by some foul malaise that had plagued him and him alone in Bruges. Returning to Boulogne, I celebrated my 16th birthday as Mother allowed me to finally rule from my throne, but, not too long after, I received a message bidding me to Bruges—to attend the funeral of our Duke Aubry, who had been unable to escape his sickness, and the place of our new Duchess, Hilligonda.

    As our caravan trekked the roads east, my heart quickened, as I was no longer the boy I had been on mention of the fairer sex. Hilligonda was 5 years my junior, yes, but now I was much wiser and had stewed over plans left behind from my father’s days. Having told Mother of my plan, I aimed to convince Duchess Aanor that I would be the most perfect husband of her daughter—and the future father to the heir of Flanders, Toulouse, and Upper and Lower Brittany.

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    Journal 8
  • --Journal 8; 2/20/19--
    **May 28, 1161**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne VI! [11]

    It would be no easy task, but, while Marie, Geva, and Mother gave me advice on how to talk to women (though Mother was a bit hesitant when I asked for advice on how to speak to much older women), I prepared myself for the task at hand. I needed to show power, prestige, and wealth. For that, my arrival in Bruges was heralded by a quick visit to the guilds there, securing a loan from the Jewish bankers, as well as a recently opened bank of the Knights Templar, who had created the service to easily transport gold for pilgrims. The man of the house in Bruges, Amuary de Leon, took some convincing, and so I had to trade him a falchion won during my father’s crusade, blessed by the Pope for having taken part in the battle for Jerusalem. With the Jews would charge usury on their loan, the agreement with the Templar was not of temporal wealth, but of an agreement of future services to the Church.

    Thus, I donated greatly to our Duke’s funeral, paying for the apartments of other lords and holy men brought in to pay homage to our new Duchess. Even moreso, I made a good effort to visit the grieving widow, importing Parisian maids to tend to her care, as well as that of her daughter. The freckled face of young Hilligonda was attendant as I swore my vassalage, Aanor told her to thank me for the gifts, and she did, though the smile from her mother was much more than hers. I believed I was getting on her good side as she asked me to privately dine with her, but, saying that she hadn’t felt happy since Aubry had died, she moved to my side and held my hand, thanking me. Then, her hand slipped and accidentally tipped over my glass of wine, which fell onto my trousers. As she apologized, she said her maids could take care of it if I were to hand them over, but I said that my servants in my apartment were more than apt. Excusing myself from the woman who was old enough to be my mother, I left the Van Vlaanderen keep, embarrassed by the stain.

    Though she never invited me again to a similar meeting, I felt that I had had a good impression upon the Duchess of the Britannies, as Hilligonda soon had me named the Marshal of Flanders. With my wealth and prestige shown, I was now in the perfect place to show my strength, but I needed the right opportunity. It was not long thereafter that our King Hugues V, apparently having a disagreement with Pope Caelestinus II, declared that the Kingdom would no longer rely on Papal investiture of priests, but rather on local, secular appointments. While I didn’t care too much for inducting my cousins into the priesthood, this sat very well with the other lords of the realm, as I soon heard that a number of Dukes had already appointed their second or third sons to succeed their local bishop. The Pope, however, fought back with a Bull of Excommunication against our King, barring him from heaven for attempting to challenge the authority of the Holy See.

    Disturbing as that was, the matter of our King’s was a fight between him and the Pope that I didn’t wish to be involved with. I had heard the stories of the strife caused by the Pope in Viviers, and, with France fragmented , I feared our neighbors would take advantage of the fact, as Bernard de Normandie had unified his kingdom and expanded into Ireland as Kaiser Rutger von Zelking lead the Holy Roman Empire further east, despite the failure of the Teutonic Knights. My pressing matter was with Aanor and Hilligonda, and so, when she invited me to spend a week on her coastal estate along the Atlantic, I seized upon the opportunity. Preparing the carriage, I invited Mother, Marie, and Geva on the trip, as they surely could enjoy the visit, leaving Arnault de Dampierre, the husband of my cousin Adalmode and our castellan, to maintain our castles back in Flanders.

    While she was bit surprised to see all of us arrive, we were, nonetheless, accepted by Aanor, and I was disappointed to find out that Hilligonda was not to attend, as her tutors in Bruges had wished for her to spend his adolescence under careful care and study, as her vassals in Toulouse, separated by lands claimed by King Bernat-Aton de Leveouz of Occitania, had felt no obligation to stay loyal, and no longer paid any attention to the Duchess of Flanders. As Aanor was a bit stressed over her daughter’s situation, she had planned a number of relaxing activities for all of us, though she had to accommodate for my sisters and my mother. Nonetheless, the week went pretty well, as it was usually just the five of us without any servants, tending to the countryside, sleeping in quaint, single-room cottages, and enjoying picnics along scenic views.

    As our week came to an end, we returned to Quimper to share the warmth of the Duchess’ hearth, and, while Marie and Geva giggled under Aanor’s strongwine, my Mother tactfully brought up young Hilligonda. But, Aanor, herself as merry as my sisters, said she no longer had any control over her daughter, and, while she would have liked to see a handsome, healthy, virile, young man like myself married to her Hilligonda, she could not make such an arrangement—only those in Bruges had that power. As I asked what she meant, she said that the Flemings had kept her occupied with studies and law examples, much like the ones I had had in my youth, though it seemed far too excessive. At least I perked up when Aanor mentioned that Hilligonda was undergoing extensive mathematics training—there was something we had in common at least. But, as we waved farewell to Aanor, who stood quietly by the gate, I felt there was something I had missed from the event, but I wasn’t sure of what it aimed to have been.

    It was only then that we returned to Boulogne that I felt Aanor’s sadness, as I prepared to make for Bruges when I learned that Hilligonda had been betrothed. But, not only was her betrothed not of Flanders, but he wasn’t French, English, or even German—but a Magyar branch of the Van Vlaanderen, a man who went by the name of Herman Hermanfi. Only knowing his name, I hated the man to his very core for what he had stolen from me, and how he had ruined my most perfect opportunity, and I swore that I would personally take the lives of the men who had allowed for such an arrangement. Luckily, my cousin-in-law Arnault de Dampierre had been on the trail, and had followed it to Koenraad de Marson of Yperen.

    I had to find some way to earn my vengeance, but I needed to do it without attracting the ire of our Duchess. I had to ruin the man in a way that, legally, didn’t attract unjust attention, like we had when my great-grandfather had seized Guines. Tasking Arnault with checking those records, he noted that he had pursued a claim of a fellow Benedictine to take Guines from his brother who had attacked Eustache III, but, out of humility, the Benedictine had granted my father the county in his stead. It was in this search that we noted something—my great grandfather had also been attacked by Willemine van Loon of Yperen, Koenraad’s grandmother. While he survived that, he had never pressed charges while his Duke Boudewijn VIII had refused to act, and some believed this was how Eustache had passed away in his sleep. While this was a colorful story, I still needed more of a legal precedent when Arnault said he could arrange that—if provided with the necessary coin, he could probably find the right people who would support that the de Boulogne had a rightful claim to Cassel.

    With that, I waited for Arnault to report back, and, by the spring of 1162, my cousin-in-law had secured the trust of those in Ypres and Rosebeke, eager for a change. Thus, what started as a small clamor ended with the Mayor Geroit and Bishop Leonard sending me a letter asking that I take my rightful place as count of Yperen, and overthrow the false Koenraad. Humbly submitting myself to the will of God and His people, the levies of Guines, Boulogne, and Saint-Pol mustered for Coulogne, 3.1 thousand in total, as I sent the messengers back to inform Count Koenraad of my intent. From the bishop’s messenger, I learned that Koenraad had been incited to implement harsh law upon the Mayor and the Bishop, penalizing them—which only furthered my display of care for the people of Yperen.

    Thus, as his 960 men prepared themselves outside of Ypres, I struck, and it was very clear that many of them didn’t wish to fight for a man who punished his own people so unjustly. Aside from our numerical advantage, the count’s men splintered easily under our forces, and, losing over a third of their number, they fled as we had only lost 67 men from the initial fighting. As their remaining men were quick to turn themselves over, many of them coming from Ypres and Rosebeke, it was only a matter of time as we waited outside the walls of Cassel. While there was a fear of retribution from Koenraad’s friends in Bruges, there was a great fear of failing the assault and giving the Count a chance to strike back with mercenaries or other allies. Still, as the November chills came, Bishop Leonard came to me to speak on behalf of the garrison, as I had let him tend to the spiritual wellbeing of its inhabitants as a show of magnanimity. I was told that the garrison had rejected Koenraad, but, rather than turn him over, his and a few friends had escaped through a hidden sally port. Though, rather than try for Bruges, the Bishop believed Koenraad and his companions had fled for the nearby bishopric of Doornik in Gent, where they would live a life of monastic separation from secular events.

    While I was a bit annoyed that I hadn’t fully avenged myself of the man who had pledged Hilligonda to another, I did laugh with a noticeable irony, as I had finally completed my show of power, prestige, and wealth. Unable to do anything against Herman, I turned to my next objective: the only sovereign lords within Flanders was myself, our Duchess, and Robert de Bethune of Artois. No doubt there was some worry as to the balance of power, and, should Robert act against me, I would be pincered between him and the forces from Bruges and Gent. Asking Arnault to see if there was a way he could strive a similar kind of claim over Artois, I tended to the matters of my new county, though, to reward my cousin-in-law for his efforts, I named him the baron of Saint-Pol, as I was to rule over all three of my counties.

    With that, I was left in wait, and, with the wealth of Koenraad’s treasury, I went about paying back the debts I owed, mainly those to the Jews in Bruges, a payment long outstanding. While the Templars still only expected service from me, I held onto my coin, instead using it to fund a trip for Mother to take a trip to Normandy, as she said she wished to seek suitors in England for my sisters. While she sent home some favorable reports, I did receive an interesting piece of news that I hadn’t expected: Duchess Aanor had been unfaithful to her husband, Savary de Lude, as she had admitted to having a child with Gauthier de Bachuanont. It was with this news that I finally realized the purpose of the trip so long ago, and why Aanor had been so surprised when I had arrived with my sisters and my mother. Not that my own chastity was of the matter, but I was preferring to keep it for her daughter—though, I supposed that Hilligonda couldn’t say the same for me.

    One of the last acts of Pope Caelestinus II was to proclaim recognition for the Knights of Calatrava, an official Iberian order of warrior-monks to aid in the reclamation of Iberia from the Moors. While Martinus II succeeded him, there were more pressing matters at hand, as Mother returned with a marriage proposal from Brian mac Conmec da Muicheartaigh. While the name was absolutely dreadful, the Irishman was apparently a cavalier who had distinguished himself during Bernard de Normandie’s wars for Ireland, and, while only my age, was wise far beyond his years. Taking his wealth from campaigns, he offered to pay for the entire ceremony of my sister Marie, so as long as he was her groom. As I had spent much of my time in Cassel, Mother reported that he spent many weeks in courting Marie to make sure the match would be harmonious, and, by the grace of God, she believed it would.

    As Marie reported the same, I approved of the union, and, while I was pleased to see my sister happy enter her covenant, the lingering idea of Hilligonda still hanged over my head, slowly turning to bitterness and drink. While Brian and his wife took to their new apartment, I was left drinking more wine in the hall when the maidservant pouring my drink prepared to fill my cup once more. But, as she leaned over me, I felt the touch of her bosom, and then I clasped the warmth of her hand. Heloise, that was her name, with sweet smelling, braided brown hair and friendly eyes, and I needn’t many more words other than what we could both tell. A brief conversation led to her bringing the wine to my room, and, while my sister and her new groom were consigned to the matters of holy matrimony, Heloise and I had no such restrictions.

    In the morning after, I warned her that I meant to continue saving myself for Hilligonda, as our Duchess would one day be mine, the maid smiled knowingly at my claim. True to my word, however, I never drank to such excess, even as Geva was made a match of Louis de Boulogne, instead taking my time with managing my realm. Though, not all was well, as the gentle giant Bosun passed away, having earned 70 years, which I was told was a great feat for a jotunn. As the giant had been my faithful marshal for many years, it was hard to choose a replacement, though Brian was quick to step up to the challenge—and, as he gave me a demonstration of his horsemanship, I was truly impressed by my brother-on-law that I gave him the title of marshal as well as master of the horse

    Not long thereafter, news arrived from Barcelona, as Pope Martinus II announced a new saint to be recognized by the whole of the Catholic world. Ever since Pope Stephanus X had revoked the local right of beatification after the damnable Guecon of Brittany, there had been named a few blessed peoples, my great grandfather included, but none of them worthy of sainthood—but Martinus had believed the rumors that circulated around Pereguer-Banon III”s holy introspections, oft producing ideas of genius as well as pure, white feathers. As a man worthy of being visited by the angels of heaven, the Catalan was honored by the Pope, and, it was soon reported that the Knights of Calatrava took a personal pilgrimage to see his burial place. But, that was not the only thing our holy Pope would do, as Bernard de Normandie was dubbed the Emperor of Britannia, as his conquests over the Irish had brought the children of Saint Patrick back into the Papal fold.

    However, then the accursed day I had feared for so long had finally come, as Hilligonda had come of age, and we were summoned to Bruges for the wedding party. While also anticipating some conflict with Robert de Bethune over fear that he had learned of Arnault’s plotting within Artois, I was surprised to learn that the man shared a similar annoyance with the news of our Duchess’ marriage—the man still viewed Hungarians are nothing more than tribal pagans. While I only believed that out of spite for Herman, I found common ground with the Count as we watched our Duchess marry him, cursing the man who defiled my Hilligonda. Angry as I was, I didn’t drown my mind out with drink, instead focusing my discussion with Robert, as he said there was news across the kingdom of unrest against our King. As I hadn’t, personally, given much thought to the manners beyond Flanders, Robert told me of King Hugues’ wars in Iberia, as our King had spent many years fighting against the Moslems. While it was a noble venture to defend the faith, the issue of the royal treasury and the bottleneck of administration in Paris had left many at home questioning if the kingdom could keep funding his trips to Spain.

    As Robert and my anger lingered with Herman, it appears the fires in France burned brighter, as the spring of 1166 arose with the fires of rebellion—as Rourgues d’Anjou, uniting with other French lords, notably Aanor of Brittanys and our Hilligonda, had raised their banners in support of Count Aldebert of Charloais, as his mother had been Judith Capet. Though Herman and Hilligonda rose and called their banners to assemble, I sent my required men under the command of Brian, while I would remain behind with the main contingent of my forces. As my grandmother Eglantine had been a French princess, a part of me felt loyalty towards the Capetians, though I couldn’t risk my place as a vassal of Flanders to pledge that service. Nonetheless, as I waited out the summer, I heard that the rebels had defeated the royalist army by the bishopric of Saint Denis, as, having amassed 11.6 thousand men, they had overcome King Hugues’ 9.5 thousand. Apparently, the shock of their cavalry had shattered the royalists so much that their lines had immediately broken, and so they were able to square off and halve Hugues’ army, having only lost some 1.9 thousand men themselves.

    In the meanwhile, there was chaos with our neighbors in the Holy Roman Empire, as Kaiser Rutger von Zelking had been excommunicated by Pope Martinus II, and so King Leopoldo di Pisotia of Italy and the Knights Templar had invaded to transfer the crown to a rightful, Christian ruler. Then, there came news from the Burgundy, as Payen de Blois and Margeurite Karling of Picardie had rallied their banners towards supporting another claimant to the French throne, a man who had gone by the name of Loup. While I was unsure of his relation, it would prove inconsequential, as their voices quieted down in April of 1167, as Hugues was forced to renounce his throne—and all were summoned to Semur-en-Brionnais to see our new King Adalbert de Semur. Also a veteran of the last crusade, he welcomed us all to his new court with much grandeur and circumstance, he had ended 180 years of continuous Capetian rule, though I learned that he had been crowned by a bishop in a lone, cheap ceremony before the celebration.

    Returning to Boulogne, I rode alongside our Duchess and her husband, and I felt the familiar longing to be with her. It had ascended beyond any such lust for political power in marriage—I wanted nothing more than for Hilligonda. This is why I joined her when I learned that she had joined in the excommunication war against Kaiser Rutger, as she was to be leaving Herman behind in Bruges in order to protect the city from any potential repercussions. Marshalling the men, we marched east together as news reached us that Emperor Ralph de Normandie, son of Bernard, had joined in the great quest against the Germans. My mother’s letter also came with news that Ralph’s two daughters, Amburga and Fredesende were both unwed and of my age, but I would remain faithful to my Hilligonda as we invaded Lorraine with 7.4 thousand men at arms.

    While we didn’t find ourselves opposed by the Germans, we found ourselves facing a strange foe—the Polish! As the Slavic subjects had joined the Holy Roman Empire a long time ago, they had managed to gain into the inner workings of the confederation, as the Polish pursued their claim for Lorraine against Welf Wigeriche. Fearing they would invade our own countryside, we prepared our forces along the Demer at Aarschot, and, at first, the Polish force appeared equal in number to ours, but, then, a second group appeared over the horizon. Though we held our ground, we were ultimately pushed back across the river, as we aimed to regroup in Brussels, we found ourselves bested by a force of ultimately 11.1 thousand. But, we had not given up lightly—our battle had been fought with nearly equal losses on each side, 3.4 thousand dead on each side, but, this had come at a greater personal cost, as Robert of Artois had perished in the fighting.

    As Hilligonda accepted my suggestion not to bother the Polish, as they were focused on their claim, we made our way northwest to Zeeland, as cutting off the mouth of the Schelde would hurt the Germans more. While Hilligonda requested help from Bruges, I feared I would have no accomplices against Herman, when we were joined by Mayor Hugues of Gent, who, after some time, expressed a similar hatred of our Duchess’ husband. Asking him for his assistance in seeing the Magyar dead, he said he would see what he could do as Hilligonda and I prepared for the reclaimed swamplands of Holland. But our march was interrupted by news from Rome—Martinus II had been furious to hear that the Venetians had lost Jerusalem once again, and, rightly so, demanded a new crusade for the holy land. With the atonement of sins, the Kaiser had been reaccepted into the faith by pledging the armies of the Empire to undergo the quest.

    Our King Adalbert believed in the same, as, while a number of French nobles pledged their services towards the liberation of Jerusalem, we still had some time to gather our forces—he requested we gather in Semur-en-Brionnais for a tournament, to hone our skills and determine the most gallant of warriors. Though my service was nothing notable, I did my best to match Brian, though I fell behind my brother-in-law, for only a few could match his ability on the joust. I blamed my loss on the lack of Hilligonda’s favor, as our Duchess had not attended the tourney to prepare for the final month of her accursed pregnancy. As Brian and I returned to Boulogne, him with more honors than I, and so I grumbled when I heard that Herman proudly pronounced to the world his son, Ogier.

    But my hatred for the man had ill effect, as a malaise soon swept across Flanders, and, as a thought wished Ogier would be taken up by the fever, I soon fell under its effects. The Crusader’s curse, some called it, as the gathering of sinners and penitents, in preparation for the crusade, had brought the foul air with them. Lamenting my condition, I was confined to Boulogne under the knowledgeable eye of Bishop Leon, who, in an effort to clear my air, sprayed me with all manner of perfumes—sweet and foul, both. But, they did little and my mind began to worry—my sins had brought this fever unto me, as my hatred of Ogier and Herman was unfounded, as our Duchess’ wedding had been blessed by God. A part of me regretted not taking my mother’s offer regarding the English princesses, as an offhanded comment of mine lead to her telling me that both had been taken by other men.

    Letting my anger fade did little for my condition, though, as the captain of the guard reported to me a strange case—an old woman hiding in a tunnel beneath the walls of the Boulogne castle. By the name of Beregore, she had, apparently, been the lover of a member of our court—of whom she wouldn’t say. Exposing the flaw in our security, I realized that other penitents and sick could use similar tunnels to get within the castle—and so I ordered her expelled from the city, and the tunnels closed up. Actually, I remarked, to keep them but arrange them more discrete-like: a secret escape was always advantageous.

    As my fever began to feel a bit better, the crusade bells rang across Europe as the prescribed date had arrived. We had 2712 men from Boulogne, Guines, and Yperen who had taken up the call: some soldiers, some penitents, some broken men with little else in their lives but for the glory of God. Taking to the sea, I was surprised to learn that our Duchess had not taken to the Crusade, but, instead would stay with her son in Bruges as her husband contested the claim of one of her cousins against Duke Evrard Capet of Paris, the son of Hugues. Leaving her behind in the fevered land, our sail was not without danger, but, through the grace and mercy of our lord and savior, all of our ships were guided through the storms without a single difficulty. In fact, not a single man fell overboard or was incapacitated in any way—a sign of God’s blessing on our sacred quest.

    It was as we sailed that our fleet met a portion of the German fleet, which claimed allegiance to Kaiser Leopold von Babenberg as Kaiser Rutger’s spirit had been stolen before he could make it to Jerusalem, his soul still damned from communion with the church. But, he would not be the first Leopold to join on this quest, as the lands took us north of Gaza, as the city of Ascalon stood as the guardian of the south, and, as we laid siege, we were joined by King Leopoldo of Italy and Queen Constanza of Galicia, both eager to separate the Saracens from Egypt. But its defenders were stalwart and our trebuchets did little to its fortified walls, and, so we waited them out—as the Mohammadans were formidable foes when cornered in their hovels.

    But, of course, we were not the only Crusaders on this noble quest, and, in the north, there was word of a great Turkish army that had rode from Persia to attempt to dissuade us from Jerusalem. King Leopoldo of Bohemia, who had become the de facto commander of the crusade, had summoned all noble lords to report to him to confront the horsemen before marching on the Holy City. By that, he had meant all the other kings and men of high stature, as Queen Constanza and I did not receive such notification, though the lady did receive news of Leopoldo’s victory over the Turks at Tripoli. It was as I spent time with the Queen of Galicia that a part of my heart softened—not of that of the pagan, but of womenfolk. I shouldn’t dedicate my life to a woman who could not love me: I needed to look beyond Hilligonda.

    Leopoldo had said, his victory over the Turks was soon taken to the walls of Jerusalem, and, seeing visions of Jesus to guide their siege towers, the city was taken—and handed back to Muhsin Faliero. Not to doubt the will of God and our Pope, but, after having been lost twice, I doubted the ability of another Venetian to hold the Holy Land. With that, the garrison of Ascalon finally surrendered—to the King of Jerusalem. Slightly peeved, Muhsin still granted us the city’s riches in reward to our favor, as well as the gift of one of its counties—to serve as a vassal of the Faliero. Of this, there was one voice from our party who sought the gift of accursed land in the Levant: my cousin Melisande, the daughter of Geraud, who had been named the count of Beersheb, a title that had been lost since the fall of the last Venetian state. But, this time, the de Boulogne was granted the title of Beirut, a profitable trading city in the north of the kingdom, which was fitting for her father’s legacy.

    As we prepared ships for home, we found ourselves faced by another miracle: all of the 2712 who had left Flanders had survived the siege, as we had all relied on our patience and wisdom to see us from sickness and Saracen arrows. Blessed be, some followed Melisande and Faliero, while the rest joined our long voyage back to Boulogne. Indeed, like the trip there, our ships suffered no terror at sea, safe from pirates and corsairs, and able to find safe harbors for every night. With the wealth of the Levant in our hands, our return to Flanders came was celebrated as the Crusader’s curse had vanished months ago—Bishop Leon dated it the same day that the Bohemians had claimed Jerusalem.

    But, moreso, my return to Boulogne came with another change, as I looked at a special woman who awaited me on the docks, a knowing smile on her face as I embraced Heloise. The years of my pent-up desires poured forth as the maid and I were soon married, and our daughter, Ermessinde, was brought into the world as I used the wealth of Ascalon to better our place in Flanders, arranging for the construction of a new castle in Yperen, as well as the betterment of our other castles, cities, and bishoprics. All seemed too perfect in this new life of mine, with the wealth of the Holy Land and a beautiful new wife, when a crack wedged its way between Heloise and I.

    Though, as Fate willed it, it was the step to my dreams.

    During communion, Bishop Leon said that Heloise had choked during communion, and immediately wished for confession. Taking her aside, my wife told the Bishop that she had been untrue to me, and had been receiving the attention of other men within the court, as she had been the maid to other men after our first time, and hadn’t thought my intentions had been true after I had first returned from crusade. Though confirming that Ermessinde was my daughter, I was heartbroken for the second time in my life, though this was a love that I had actually had returned. Enraged, I ordered Leon to write the Pope for an annulment, and, should he not disapprove from her sin, he was to have her written as consanguinity, as the maid had no idea of whom her further ancestors were! But, in the wake of that anger, Heloise came to me and I couldn’t resist her words, for, truly, I loved her. Our marriage was broken, but our care for one another was still strong, even if it meant having an affair out of wedlock—the same sin I had punished her for.

    When Roselare castle was complete, Heloise and I still attended the ceremony as I named Brian mac Conmec its baron, and my sister Marie its baroness. It was at this meeting that I was rejoined with Mayor Hugues of Gent, who came to me with a scheme I hadn’t thought of since I had departed for the Holy Land, those years ago: the matter of Herman Van Vlaanderen. The Mayor of Ghent had learned that, since the Hungarians hadn’t developed their own brewing culture, Herman had become very interested in the varieties of Fleming monastic breweries, and had taken to a tour of many facilities when not entertaining Hilligonda and Ogier. While it would be hard to find monks who were willing to give Herman a poisoned drink, it would be easier to stage a fake tasting, and so we prepared one of those—as marshal Herman was supposed to inspect my levies at Cassel.

    It was then that Hugues staged one of his men on the road, a monk en route for Bruges who happened to intercept the Hungarian’s party. Saying he was to take it to market, he offered Herman the first tap of a barrel, one that had been laced with herbs that, when matured in the stomach, delivered a high fever that was mistaken for a resurfacing of the Crusader’s curse. While he had been housed in a villein’s lodgings, the quick-acting fever burned the Hungarian before he could make his way back to the caretakers of Bruges or Cassel. As they had sent a rider to Cassel, I arrived with bishop Leonard of Rosebeke to tend to the Hungarian’s care, but, true to Hugues’ word, we arrived to find Herman in his final hours. As the Bishop gave him his final blessing, Herman looked to me and, in the only real conversation we ever had, he asked me to make sure his Lilligonda was kept safe.

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    With no guilt in my actions, we prepared his corpse passage back to Bruges where he could be given his rites and be buried with the other Van Vlaanderen. It was I who informed our Duchess of her husband’s fate, and it was I who held her as she wept. It was in Bruges that I stayed and tended to her duchy, as, following the urgings of Hugues, the lords of Bruges dubbed me marshal and regent to take account for the duchy while Hilligonda mourned. As it seemed, she had cared deeply for the Hungarian, and it would take time to for her to grieve, but that meant I only had longer time to impress the lords of Bruges—as Hugues and I knew that, since I had displayed the power, prestige, and wealth, they would urge the Duchess take me as her husband, lest Flanders fall to outside forces.

    While I could flaunt the power of my counties or my experiences from the crusade, there was always an easier way to convince minds—as I still had the wealth of Ascalon in my Boulogne, accompanied by relics of the holy land. Thus, the gifts came and hearts were swayed, more so as I also attended to the needs of Hilligonda, paying for services, maids, and priests to tend to her ill mind. But, I needed something grandiose, something magnificent: it was then that I learned of the Basilica of the Holy Blood—a chapel to St Basil that was also used to house a vial of Jesus’ blood, returned to liquid. Having been recovered by Duke Wicher Van Vlaanderen during the Second Crusade, the construction of a house to hold the relic had taken many years and had only recently been completed.

    True, I had nothing that could match such a wonder, but, I had something of similar symbolic beauty—a statue of the Virgin Marie that wept a bloody tear every Good Friday. We had held it in the hospital of Saint Marie, but I knew this was a worthwhile gesture of my good faith to be united in the Basilica. Not only that, but I offered that care of the Basilica be maintained and paid for by the tithes of Rosebeke, of which Bishop Leonard was fully willing to agree to, and was well received by then noblemen of Flanders. With such a show of charity and care for Bruges, the lords of Bruges met soon after with our Duchess regarding the state of her duchy. As she had seemed to have gotten over her grief, I offered to Hilligonda that I step down as regent and let her resume her rank and place in Flanders. While she accepted this and let me remain as marshal, Mayor Hugues was the one who brought up our Duchess’ widowship, and the fears that some of them had.

    While Herman had been a Van Vlaanderen and Ogier had been born to succeed Hilligonda, there was fear that another foreign lord would seize the opportunity to prey upon the young duchess’ grief. As there had already been a number of emissaries bearing gifts and kind words from noblemen of the Holy Roman Empire, they feared the duchy would be stolen away from the realm of France. Letting the idea circulate naturally amongst the men of Flanders, our Duchess eventually relented to their idea—starting a whole other argument of whom should she marry next. While a number of local landowners proposed themselves or their sons, it was Hugues who proposed to me—recently divorced of an adulterous maid, but, having been the well-trusted caretaker of Flanders in her stead, none could say I was unworthy of their trust. And, having been her support through these hard times, neither could Hilligonda.

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    Journal 9
  • --Journal 9; 3/10/19--
    **March 20th, 1174**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne VI! [14]

    With Leonard blessing our ceremony in Saint-Donatian’s Cathedral, a building made by our shared ancestor, Adelof I of Flanders, Hilligonda and I began our married lives with much eagerness and wonder, a dream long awaited come true for me, as I showered my Duchess with gifts and wonder. Heloise was kept away from me in good company, but, as the mother of my daughter, was still allowed an apartment in Boulogne, as I paid for the care of her and Ermessinde. Soon enough, Hilligonda learned of her pregnancy, and we anxiously awaited news as we heard of tidings from Paris, as King Adalbert had used his authority from Charolais to demand rights to the city Paris from Evrard Capet. With the whole of France glaring upon him, the Capet offered the city unto his usurper, tightly holding onto his titles of the Ile-de-France and Penthievre.

    But, looking to expand his view to other regions of his kingdom, our King Adalbert directed his eyes towards Nantes, the crown of port of the Loire, currently held by my mother-in-law, Duchess Aanor de Conouaille. Demanding the city, its related lands, and the tolls of all shipping along the Loire, Hilligonda received news that her mother had rejected Adalbert’s commands, and sent a rider back to Aanor as she ordered me to summon her vassals and their levies—she would stand against the king. Though she couldn’t stand too long, as her pregnancy grew, and, with no major movements taking place that year, January came the birth of our son, Guillaume—my chance to compete with Ogier.

    Remaining behind to take care of our son, I took command of the armies of Flanders as we made our way west in the spring, though we were quick to learn that Adalbert had prepared to invade Flanders first, and had dispatched his armies north. Fearing the worst, we prepared by the town of Bethune as we awaited Aanor’s assistance, as its roads allowed easy access in any direction, while we received news that Pope Martinus II had passed away, and the Conclave had elected Sergius V, who had been on a pilgrimage to Sanitago at the time. Returning to find himself chosen by God, we found ourselves also in an unexpected circumstance, as the army of Paris appeared on the horizon soon after the Brentons arrived, bringing our strength up to 17 thousand. But, upon inspection, Adalbert had mustered only 2.4 thousand to his banner—and so we utterly crushed them, as Duchess Aanor spared no quarter to a single French soldier. Having lost some 350 men, we continued on the offensive, as Aanor had learned that a de Semur army was on the march for Brittany, and so, riding with speed through Normandy, we intercepted them amidst the fields of Laval. With our forces swelling to 20.9 thousand, we overpowered their 9.4 thousand, killing two-thirds while suffering 1.6 thousand losses on our own during the initial deployment.

    With his field armies defeated, King Adalbert retreated back to his castle as we made to convince him that his walls meant nothing, though this meant Aanor involved herself with the matters of the realm, a Mahaut de Levis of Blois was fighting with Duke Alphonse de Blois for control of the Duchy of Champagne, as the Countess sought to expand her reach. Taking the side of Duke Alphonse, Aanor assisted in the repression of Mahaut’s forces who harassed our supply trains, and, by the end of May 1176, our King formally apologized for the insult he had given unto the Duchess of Upper and Lower Brittany. As I returned to Boulogne to tend to my duties there, I learned that our trading partners in Pomerania, who had recently been baptized into the world of the righteous, had joined the Holy Roman Empire under threat of further invasion by Kaiser Leopold von Babenberg.

    While I signed the city charter for Poperinge in Yepern to Geva’s husband, Louis de Boulogne, I learned that, while the English had taken Ireland and the Scottish lowlands, and the Germans continued to press the pagans in their “Drang noch Est,” both still hungered for territory. News arrived from Paris as Adalbert, still reeling from his defeat at our hands, called on all nobles to rally men in protection of the realm, as Ralph de Gael, Duke of Gwynedd, Gloucester, Normandy, and Norfolk, and King Baldassarre Premyslid of Sardinia and Corsica, both saw fit to impress their arms upon the land of France. Duke Ralph, having been gifted the Duchy of Normandy, sought to consolidate his holdings, as he claimed the castle of La Roche-Guyon, the seat of Vexin, belonged to him as a part of the Norman country. King Baldassarre, on the other hand, was pursuing the wishes of Duchess Cecilie Chatenois, his cousin, to expand Upper Lorraine to include the county of Troyes.

    Doing my part, I prepared the armies of Boulogne, Guines, and Ypres to do battle against the Normans—as, after all, Duke de Gael’s lands were closest, and we could send a message to the English about their interference. But, as I heard Adalbert’s army had headed to the ships docked at Nantes, I was beside myself with anger when I learned that our King wasn’t planning on blocking the channel—but, instead, had went against all convention to set sail for Sardinia. Returning to Boulogne out of outright frustration, I was surprised to learn that, despite just having our daughter Aanor, Hilligonda had left her to the care of the maids and had taken her levies to sea, and had already started westward to join our King’s flotilla.

    Exasperated with the pure stupidity of the matter, I left the men to maintain their garrison duties and the English began to scout outside of Normandy, as southeastern raids eventually heralded a full invasion force of Welshmen, Normans, and Anglians. But they tended away from Flanders, sticking to the internal country neighboring English-owned lands, and, as I grew more annoyed with our King and his armies gallivanting off to the Mediterranean, I eventually became fed up with the ordeal as I became more interested in Germany, as an exciting new development had sprung up in Hamburg.

    Though the much of Northern Germany had suffered during the many wars of Kaiser Rutger, the lands along the Elbe had managed to recover rather spectacularly, particularly under a strong confederation of merchant guilds and trade cities, so much so that Kaiser Leopold had honored them with the designation of Free Imperial Cities. With their official office in Hamburg, the Hanseatic League under Ulrich von Herford had started to expand its influence into the North Sea—and had started to threaten the Fleming weavers by stealing the wool markets of Dover. As the affairs of France were a mess, it wasn’t too much of an effort for me to take a trip with my chancellor Arnault de Dampierre, Baron of Saint-Pol and husband to my relative Adalmode, hoping to stop the competition, and maybe see if we could make a better arrangement.

    Already familiar with our workings in Pomerania, it was easy enough to arrange a meeting with Serene Doge Ulrich von Herford, who was more than willing to accommodate a deal. Promising that my son would inherit the Duchy of Flanders, I swore that, should the League not compete with stealing English wool, we would allow them trade of our woven products, as Guillaume would rein in the weavers’ guilds to comply with the League’s policies. Satisfied with how this trade would then be facilitated, I also wished to continue our trade policy with the Pomeranians, given our historical route, to which Ulrich was willing to support. Returning to Flanders as Ulrich prepared to establish Hanseatic offices in Bruges and Boulogne, I learned of another threat to our Kingdom that was all but laughable in the state of our current plight, as Queen Constanza of Galicia had marched through Occitania to support Princess Milia Jimena’s claim to the throne, as the granddaughter of Jaspert Capet. Having joined a nunnery, she was legally bereft of her ancestry, but Constanza Jimena still inspired her to give her childless aunt a throne.

    Thinking back on the woman who had convinced me that not all loves were fated to be, I thought of my Heloise, and Hilligonda in far off Sardinia. While I hadn’t had an intimate moment with the maid in years, I wondered about the faithfulness of Hilligonda, or if she knew of my involvement in Herman’s death. It was as I debated those thoughts that some ships arrived back in Bruges, bearing news from Sardinia—as well as my wife, injured and infected from her lost hand. Following our King in laying siege to the Italian’s capital, Baldassarres’ knights had launched a sudden raid on their siege fortifications, and, as she rallied the Flemings against them, Hilligonda had come up against them. But, with their speed and swiftness, the Sardinian’s pressed her hard, dismounting her and trampling the Duchess, mangling her hand horribly while she suffered other injuries. Scarred across the face, our King’s physician couldn’t do anything for her hand besides amputate, though her attendants said the man had improperly treated her, and, returning for corrective measures, the wound had become infected.

    Wishing nothing more to take care of my wife, I split my time between her rest in Bruges and Sluys as I handled the matter of organizing her surviving Fleming troops, as our King Adalbert de Semur seemed all too keen on ignoring the Normans and Germans that were ruining his lands. But, while Hilligonda eventually recovered, she put her belief that her faith to God was the reasoning for her recovery, as the sisters who had attended her had often sent her to pray in the Basilica of the Holy Blood. Glad to hold her in my arms once more, Hilligonda then surprised me with an announcement that, per her pact with the sisters, she would be taking a vow of celibacy in order to dedicate herself to God—four children had been enough for her duties.

    That was not exactly what I had been expecting, and, having been deprived of her for so long, I had expected a lot more. With Hilligonda making almost daily trips to Saint-Donatian’s, she never once came to our bed, her velvet covered prosthetic clasped in her hand as she thanked God for her safety. I returned to Boulogne frustrated, and, when I saw Heloise, I collapsed into old passions that I had thought I had kept aside. Keeping sure our affair was discreet and limited, I maintained a public face for my wife, and I pondered the fate of our kingdom. I learned that King Leopoldo di Pisotia, who had managed to secure independence from the Holy Roman Empire, had invaded the regions of Occitania that held allegiance to King Bernat-Aton, and, as the old king died of a battlefield disease, a freshly-crowned 13 year old King Bartoumiue de Ponthiue paid tribute to the di Pisotia rather than lose his autonomy. But that was not the only news from the southlands, as Kaiser Leopold van Babenberg had passed away, and the electorates settled on none other than King Baldassarre—allowing the Kaiser to levy the full support of the Empire against our Kingdom.

    It was during this time that Heloise became pregnant, against my intentions, but, for the man I was, I could not abandon her for what we had been—my wife was voluntarily celibate, after all, and I would not be involuntarily. With Hilligonda still in Bruges, I acknowledge my second son, Eustache, as Heloise held him in her arms, and while I tried to keep this quiet, there was little I could do to stop the information from spreading. Vexin was formerly ceded to Duke de Gael in the December of 1178 as my 2 year old daughter Aanor, choking and coughing over the course of the winter, died before spring’s first blossoms—pneumonia. Hilligonda refused to speak to me of the matter, while Bishop Leonard warned me that it was God’s judgement for my affair.

    While the matter of my mortal soul was one issue, there was the subject of the realm, as the Galicians had filled the gap that the Normans had left open. While Kaiser Baldassarre’s Germans enacted their will upon our eastern duchies, Enrique de Leon, Duke of Portucale, had some 4.4 thousand men sieging Ile-de-France, closing in one-by-one to force his Queen’s claimant upon our throne. Trying to rally men to assist our King in stopping the takeover of a Spanish nun, I was only able to get Count Simon of Champagne, as most of the rest were off in Sardinia. With only 4.1 thousand to our number, we didn’t dare meet the Galicians, instead focusing on wearing down the castles and cities that they had taken, hoping that the isolation might send them back to Iberia.

    However, the only one who returned was Count Simon, as the Germans had been reported harassing his holdings. As he left, I held true to my mission as we marched on the Spanish held castle of Nemours, setting up siege on the Iberian garrison as I received news that Pope Sergius V had died at 59 while attempting a pilgrimage to Santiago—he came as he entered. With Pope Caelestinus IV being named his successor, our siege of Nemours was interrupted by the sudden appearance of 14.8 thousand soldiers of the Holy Roman Empire. Fleeing across the Le Loing without any organization or tact, I was amazed that some of us escaped at all, as more than half of our forces were slaughtered on the other side of the river. As the Germans stopped giving chase, I was more than willing enough to let the Jimena be our Queen, and so I stormed off back for Boulogne, angered by the useless loss of life suffered that day.

    The May of 1180 arrived with news that Caelestinus, not even a year in office, had passed away, and Gregorius VII, an Italian after a long history of Germans, was appointed to the Holy See, though one of his first acts was to become one with the Holy Roman Empire—binding the Papacy to Kaiser Baldassare’s will. As such, Troyes was ceded away to Cecilie Chatenois in June as our King’s forces began to trickle back from Sardinia, their mission failed.

    It was then that news reached us from across La Manche that Emperor Ralph de Normandie had died, and so the title of the British Emperor had been left to his son, Beuves, who instituted one of his first acts in pressing for another Queen of France—championing the cause of princess Constance Capet, a much more direct claim through her, Hugues IV, than Milia’s. The wife of Earl Guillaume de Vexin-Amiens of Winchester, there was a clamor that, should the British succeed, Constance’s son, Sigismond would choose to pledge allegiance to the British Emperor after inheriting France, to make us all subjects of a foreign crown to protect his family’s claims to Winchester. I thought of trying to fight this when our King Adalbert finally returned to his kingdom with only 6.4 thousand men, and rushed them against Enrique de Leon’s 4.4 thousand—a battle which he still somehow managed to lose.

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    Milia Jimena was crowned in Saint-Denis in the May of 1121, bringing her kinsman King Juan Jimena of Castille and the Knights of Calatrava to defend her newly acquired realm. As we were all summoned before the procession, I noticed that King Juan had not come with a wife. While his wife could not have just traveled, or not wanted to be seen with her husband like Hilligonda, I eventually found out that he was without wife, and, with Ermessinde to come of age within the year, I hoped the conflict with the British would last long enough to see if the match was possible, but the young King approved of the betrothal to my bastard, nonetheless. In the meanwhile, there was one notable noble who did not attend the ceremony: Count Adalbert de Semur of Charolais.

    Acting with more zeal than Hilligonda, our Queen Milia called us to prayer as she summoned the banners of her new kingdom, as word had reached them that the English had been preparing a fleet to cross La Manche in support of the Capetians. As we were sent off with a good fear of God in our hearts, I noticed our Queen was taken over by a fit of coughing—she wouldn’t last long. With my own levies still recovering from our defeat at the hands of the Germans, I rallied Hilligonda’s men-at-arms as the British landed in Normandy. As we prepared to head west to camp for the winter, we learned that our Queen had encouraged an assault on Evreux, between us and Paris. With the large Cathedrale Notre Dame sitting in the Iton valley, our Queen’s 12.5 thousand faltered against 16.5 thousand British invaders, though the battle wasn’t deciding, as we learned they had suffered 3.8 thousand and 2.6 thousand, respectively.

    However, the English pursued them west to Argentan, where our Queen had reinforced it back to 12.1 thousand, while the British had mustered back to 14.7 thousand—it didn’t matter, however. I’m told the weavers of the city fled to the Orne as the Franco-Iberian forces faltered with terrible results, their flanks broken and their willpower deserted. They lost about 6.2 thousand that day, nearly half their number, whilst the British forces had lost a simple 2.1 thousand. It was not long thereafter that news arrived from Paris—Milia’s cough had worsened and taken her health away. While she lay dying in bed, her attendants had reached out to one who could succeed her, as, without children of her own, the inheritance was even more contestable than it already was. While Adalbert could have seized it, the English advanced while we received the name of our new king, Yusuf Abbasid: an Andalusian prince, he came from the same Saracen house that had damned Iberia to centuries of strife. While the Saracens had eventually come to Christ’s banner, the Abbasid was an insult to France, as his only claim was through his grandmother, Benoite Capet, the second daughter of King Jaspert Capet.

    Not sending any levies as an act of resistance to our “King,” we arrived at Paris in October to celebrate the return of the Capetians to France. There, we met our Queen Constance, shrewd and kind, as well as her husband, Earl Guillaume de Vexin-Amiens of Winchester, who was a proud, scarred man. As their son, Sigismond, Earl of Gowrie, was introduced, I was shocked to see our heir-apparent’s wife as Amburga de Normandie. I remembered my Mother’s urging to marry her before heading on Crusade, but, too headstrong, I had instead found myself between a woman I loved, and a Duchess who furthered my family’s standings. But, strangely, Hilligonda wished to return to Boulogne with me, and, as I had normally visited Bruges with her, I was surprised, but nonetheless pleased by the occasion.

    As we arrived at court, Heloise kept her distance, as a rider had dispatched news to keep Eustache hidden from sight—but it was too late. Before all of my court, Hilligonda cursed the maid for tempting me with sin, demanding a duel to the death rather than see Heloise and I together once again. When I spoke up, my Duchess shamed me before her attendants and courtiers, blasting me for my adultery, and attempting to hide Eustache from her. Saying that the wrath of God would fall upon me, she said I was lucky that the bonds of divorce were too sacred to be used on such unfilial matters. With all the bishops of Flanders in attendance, having joined us to Paris, I was soon amidst a hotbed of urges for confession and penitence.

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    Doing my best to hold on, Heloise and I agreed that it would be best to not see each other for a long while, and so she and Eustache departed for Castille, as they would see Ermessinde to King Juan Jimena’s side. I’m told they then returned to Guines after extended stay, all the while as I was forced to attend to matters in Bruges. However, Hilligonda began to soften up on me, no longer demanding displays of my fidelity, faithfulness, and devotion to God. Not that it mattered—I had Guillaume, and that was all I had needed of her. Harsh as it had sounded, I realized my love for Heloise was much more than that of my wife—my childhood dream had long since been crushed as reality had set in.

    While Hilligonda still bid I attend church services and had the nuns sit beside our table during every meal, I learned that our Queen Constance, as an act of mercy, had decided to act in favor of our former king, Count Adalbert of Charolais, attempting to press his claim for the county of Bourbon, as the de Semur was supported by the bishop of Souvigny. It was during this time that news came from over La Manche that Britain was aflame with sparks of rebellion, as Prince Aubrey de Normandie was championed to replace Emperor Beuves as the Emperor of the Britons—though not as King of England and Ireland, as were Beuves’ other titles, as there was a very strict legal definition in this matter that, albeit confusing, was rather strictly followed by the Normans.

    As the summer of 1184 came, as Hilligonda found herself afflicted with a fever and aches—and a terrible chill, despite the warmth of the season. Praying daily at Saint-Donation’s for her health, she invited me to pray alongside the Sisters when a devious, sinful idea appeared in my mind: should my wife fail to receive the necessary inspections for her flu, it could take her life, as her throat had seized up the day before. With that, I could rejoin Heloise and spend my efforts on ridding Flanders of Ogier instead—yes, yes, it was all too perfect. But they were terrible thoughts to have in a house of god, and so I did not speak any lies to her within the Cathedral, but, as she returned to our homestead, I told her that I believed her prayers were doing well, despite what the doctors had said—a house of god is as holy and for healing as any hospital.

    Hilligonda’s condition worsened, her throat tightened and she cried out in pain, only for shallow breaths to follow, and I felt pity and guilt for my actions, and I let my façade slip out of care for the woman who was my wife. Begging her now to let the physicians tend to her, she said that prayer was the only power to save her, though she couldn’t word a thought for why she believed she had been cursed. She had cast a lingering eye towards me at that mention, but I maintained my composure—she had developed it on her own accord, and her devotion to God had saved her before. That she perished that August was not of my doing, though he final words were that of mercy and peace, and a wayward word of her love for me.

    Closing her eyes, Hilligonda van Vlaanderen was buried in the Basilica of the Holy Blood, and Duchess Aanor attended her grandson’s officiation in Paris, as Ogier was dubbed Duke of Flanders, and Count of Bruges: Sluys and Oostende, while my son, Guillaume, was pronounced the Count of Gent: Oudenaarde and Aalst. Thankful for the Salic laws that the Flemings still believed in, it only bettered my circumstances, as it gave me a chance to sink my influence over the Gents, as Guillaume was too young to rule yet, though he had developed an ugly harelip. While our Duke named me his marshal in respect of my power and sway over the realm, I knew Herman’s son did not trust me, and was wary of his half-brother. But I did my best to pay my respects to him and his mother, not remarrying until the year’s end, surviving the barrage of Heloise’s demands for haste.

    In the meanwhile, I learned that the revolt against Emperor Beuves had proved successful, as Aubrey de Normandie was crowned Emperor of the Britons—though Beuves still remained King of England and Ireland. Having some time to relax, Heloise and I celebrated a daughter, Alienor, and then attended our Duke’s marriage to Azelma de Toulouse, daughter of Duke Girvais of Burgundy. It was a clear power move to secure an alliance against me, and, while I didn’t have the manpower to face two dukes, I realized the only way to secure Guillaume’s inheritance would be settled by the strength of two men. But, to get Ogier to even give thought to a duel, I had to get the youth to act rashly, so I did my best to talk over him in the council chambers and speak on behalf of him when he was absent. I had been, after all, Hilligonda’s confidant, and had tended to the matters of Flanders in her stead, so the people thought little of it, as our Duke was young and inexperienced.

    While I didn’t do anything to discredit his mother, shots at Herman were very much acceptable, to a point where, during a summer fair, the company of the Jumping Jews of Jerusalem loudly pronounced that the fool in their troupe was a Magyar, wearing a cooking pail on his head and reeking of goulash. As I allowed them to tour in Boulogne, Guines, Yperen, and Gent, word eventually reached our Duke and he demanded I put an end to the Jewish performers, to which I said they were already finishing up their tour and would soon depart. When he reinforced a harsher end to their entire touring schedule, I refused, as they had purchased a good quantity of dyed Flemish textiles for their circus—to kill them would only frighten away other merchants, sans our trusted partners with the Hanseatic League, who had the next contract with the Jews.

    As the others came to my defense, our Duke smoldered in his anger, and I knew I could challenge him any day now. But, first, there was something I had to do: save face before our Queen Constance. Recently, she had announced that our merchant vessels bound for Ireland and Liverpool had been continuously intercepted by Welsh pirates, and, having empathy for those lost at sea, demanded that, should the British not be doing anything to prevent the scourge from Saint George’s Channel, then the French would patrol the harbors of Pembroke and Fishguard for the scum. This was soon delayed, however, as our Queen was worried that Evrard Capet would try to usurp the throne upon inheritance, rather than let it pass to Sigismond: thus, she tried to revoke his duchy of Penthievre, but, due to lingering issues, was having trouble mobilizing her troops to do battle.

    Boarding our ships, we bid westward with all haste, disembarking at Rotheneuf before venturing towards St. Malo, where we had heard the Capetian had been gathering his army. Caught by surprise, I rode through the confused Brentons as we surrounded Evrard’s tent, to capitulate his surrender. But then, the son of a former king proposed an exchange—the gold he had gathered for this campaign in exchange for his freedom. Seeing the value in this, I made sure to pay the men for their value and discretion, taking the better fortune of the ransom back with us to Boulogne to be discreetly liquidated—when an idea came to my head. If I was to duel Ogier and smash his brains in, I needed a good weapon. While I had my father’s mace that he had won during the crusades, I wanted one really deserving of my own and so I asked Brian mac Conmec if he knew of any knowledgeable smiths, to which he claimed to have, and so I paid him a good wage to good new mace, one to be Christened with Magyar blood.

    However, when Brian reported to me with the new creation, I was disappointed to find that it didn’t have the weight or balancing I had wanted, and, already familiar with my father’s, I ended up giving it back to Brian, as a token for his help. But then two bits of disaster struck, as the fall’s weathers chilled humors in Boulogne—resulting in a pox for Heloise, and an ever-pressing cough upon me. While Heloise believed it was a form of retribution for our adultery before Hilligonda’s end, I sent her to care at St. Marie’s, making sure it was trained doctors and physicians who saw her, not nuns, as I didn’t want a second incident of faith. As for myself, I sought out Bishop Leonard for a cure to my own peripneumonia, as I couldn’t cough blood, sweat profusely, and be burning in the head whilst I fought Ogier—after all, I had heard his wife had recently announced a pregnancy.

    A son would contest Guillaume’s place towards succeeding the Dukedom, and so I had to act quick—something terribly hard to do when I couldn’t walk my hall without a suffering in my chest, my lungs afoul. To this, Bishop Leonard said that I had breathed in a bad air that had lain a curse within my breast, and needed to clear my breath—as such, he gave me a wretched poultice of what smelled like cow dung and forest herbs. Not only cleaning my breath, it also cleared my stomach on many occasions, but, as the warmth of spring came forth, both Heloise and I had returned to our health. In that time, I had learned that King Beuves of England had died, meaning that Emperor Aubrey of the Britons now had to command the respect of the brother-Kings Ralph of England and Gregory of Ireland.

    The May of 1189 was heralded by my return to Bruges and the spark of Ogier’s temper—as I was quick to pick up the slack that had occurred in my absence, to the greater annoyance of our Duke, especially when I received great praise for doing some things that he was supposed to have done. While acting humble, I claimed that they were mostly easy tasks, and claimed that Ogier could have done them all—if he ever felt like it. This was the final straw, and the Hungarian’s son launched himself at me, much to the fear and surprise of the others. As they helped tear us apart, I, in turn, asked Ogier for a time and a place, if he so wanted to duel—and was given a couple days of preparation. Luckily, I had brought my German chain and my Father’s mace, and so I was ready by the time we met within the confines of Sluys.

    Wearing the favor of his wife and, soon enough, the mother of his children, Ogier welcomed me to the melee as Bishop Charles of Damme bid us do to battle safely until justice has been wrought, and to remember the mercy of our Lord. Yeah, right. Ogier started the assault, pushing me back towards the edge of the cloister with his sword, but I held my ground, eventually turning to the assault, landing a few good hits as his blade only caught the edge of my chain. Our shields clashed as my mace caught with his sword, and I was thankful for my hand guards as he tried to use his pommel with savage efficiency. But I held on—not only did my life stand upon this meeting, but also that of the entire de Boulogne family.

    Then, I saw a lucky moment and took it—driving my mace at the young Duke’s wrist as he readied for another strike with a sickening crack, and our Duke looked lamely as his sword fell from his hand. While Charles may have cried for an end, I didn’t hear it—completely honest, I wouldn’t deny that—and so I followed up with a strike at Ogier’s head: to kill or plainly incapacitate, even I couldn’t tell in the moment. But the mace dug into the Duke’s cheek with all my strength, and I saw the bone crumble as the young man’s eyes followed the strike. With that, it was over, as young Ogier fell to the ground, the cheek now crumpled in as Azelma de Toulouse cried out, and would have fallen to the ground were it not for the life in her belly—she was caught by her maids, nonetheless. I stood from the scene and surveyed as Charles rushed to our Duke’s side, and I saw Ogier’s remaining eye tremble for a few seconds, focusing on me, before it lay still.

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    Immediately, I looked to Bishop Charles with guilt—as I had to—and instantly asked for confession of my sins, for I had killed another Christian, my sworn lord, and, for fear of my salvation, sought to right the wrongs I had committed in the midst of battle. I swore before the Bishop that I would do what was necessary to make penitence and not forget the sanctity of the duel that had happened—for the death had not come of deceit or trickery, but honest and fair battle which both of us had acted. For Ogier’s death was unnecessary and unneeded, heeded by the youth in an act of brash ruthlessness, but such a result was meaningless and pitiable… so on, and so forth. In a moment of shock, Charles said that he absolved me of the sin, and asked me to call for my son. Feigning ignorance, I acted in surprise for the moment as the Bishop “reminded” me that Guillaume would be the new Duke.

    I bid someone else do the task, not wanting to appear too hasty, and then also bid other men get the nobles of Bruges—at 14 years old, he had to be approved, lest some van Vlaanderen cousin swoop in and steal the Duchy first. As the most influential count of Flanders, I was to rule over the procession, but I couldn’t show my son any favoritism: I prayed my training had instilled him the correct discipline. Though he did have a harelip, he had been trained by Hilligonda’s theologians, and could speak as well as they could—hiding his private opinion of faith, as I knew he hadn’t the care to attend mass. It did take him some time to speak before the crowd, but, as he was naturally small, they didn’t think much of it when he started speaking articulately.

    With the lords in approval, I was then named his regent to allow him time to learn about his new role—something I had hoped for, but hadn’t planned on. Still, another chance to guide Flanders was as good as any other, and so we went to Paris on May 25th to swear vassalage to our Queen, Constance Capet. As he bowed before her, I pledged the service of the duchy to her wars against the Welsh pirates, as well as that of the rebelling Evrard Capet, of which our old Queen was grateful. As the Hansa had complained about the Welsh interference, we set sail for the Saint George’s Channel, and, though our marines weren’t too elite, we were trying to find their bases of operation and scare them off more than anything—to eliminate them all is secondary. But, as the Hanseatic League sent their own enforcers, our cogs reported that they engaged no pirates—any black flags took back to sea when they saw our ships.

    Braving some of the winter storms of 1190, our voyages were rather uneventful, though I believed our presence had been enough to impress them with the correct behavior. Our return back to Boulogne in February was heralded with auspicious timing—as we had been asked to head to Rheims for the coronation of our new King Sigismond. Having been raised a proper Englishman, Sigismond fluently spoke French, though his companions that he had brought with him from Albion, whom he introduced to us as his soldiers, were Angles who only spoke their tongue. Whilst Guillaume and I pledged our services to our new king, I had the idea of trying to speak English, as I would, no doubt, have to serve alongside Sigismond’s companions in the future, and it seemed like a good way to impress them as well as our King.

    Nonetheless, one of the first things that our King did was to halt his mother’s revocation order regarding Duke Evrard Capet of Penthievre, and welcome his cousin Capet into his kingdom—as that of the house of Vexin-Amiens. But, to make one thing clear, Sigismond announced that the inheritance of Gowrie from his uncle William and Winchester through his father did not mean he was a servant to the Kings of Scotland and England—nor the Emperor of the Britons, for that matter. The lords, myself included, were very pleased to hear of his defiance in the fFace of English retribution, as the troubles of the recent years had paled us before the size of the British throne. Leaving in high spirits, I returned to Bruges with Guillaume to take up English lessons from the Hanseatic merchants who traversed the channel, and maintain the Duchy.

    After a month, I made my return to Boulogne, as Heloise was reaching the final months of her pregnancy, giving me a new daughter, Isabeau. But, in the wake of her baptism, there was a sudden outbreak of measles within the city, and, though it spared Isabeau, it managed to wrap its way around Heloise! Begging Bishop Leon to help her, as a learned man, I was surprised to learn that the bastard had tried to literally cut off all of her infected skin! While the nuns of St. Marie’s took care of her with bandages and poultices to tend to her removed flesh, I was furious with the Bishop, for, not even the grace of God could defend a man for torturing a mother, stealing her health away from her newly born baby! All it took was a single blow to kill the Bishop, and I realized that last time my father’s mace had been bloodied was with that of Ogier.

    While Heloise was able to recover from Leon’s horrifying act of madness, it seems that God still judged me for my actions against such an unrighteous man, unfairly stealing my Mother away from me. While Bishop Leonard of Rosebeke was all too willing to defend that Selova had been a righteous woman who had earned her place in heaven, I still pleaded with him to pray for her, should she not be judged for the crimes I did commit, though they be in good faith against wicked men. My anger festered, but not at God, for he was righteous, but at those who falsified His word. While Leonard was a loyal and truthful man of God, I learned that Emperor Aubrey now contested that will of the Pope, as he spoke of the Gaelic church’s independence from Rome and self-reliance on their traditional practices within Britannia. As such, the Gaelic Pope of Iona, dubbed Martinus I, was elevated by the throne, no doubt out of greed, for the Gaelic church hadn’t paid their papal dues before the Normans had brought them into the fold.

    While Emperor Aubrey of the Britons was damned, my own Guillaume came of age, and, though I was a bit hesitant to hand away my regency, it was his rightful place to assume the Duchy of Flanders, anointed by Bishop Leonard soon thereafter in holy matrimony, as he had taken to Catherin de Piemont, daughter of Godefroy of Montfort-l’Amaury, a barony of Paris. Though there were probably better matches out there, I had more important things to worry about, as Emperor Aubrey was proclaimed dead of his age, and, while he joined the Druids in hell, his son Aubrey II took his throne to immediately launch a campaign against Our King’s county of Gowrie, as it had been part of his father’s policy to unite Scotland, and the key to the north lay in Perth.

    Rallied by our King, I prepared for an invasion of Normandy to stop the British from landing upon our shores so that we could go on the attack, but Sigismond called for us to gather in Brittany, where we would be able to board the fleet from Nantes and make for Gowrie. While not entirely motivated, I still answered the call, nonetheless, hopeful that I could persuade our King to tend to the enemy forces on our border instead, but, as Guillaume and I marched our 6.5 thousand through Abbeville, we were surprised to find that the English fleet had already taken the Baie de la Somme, and, landing at Saint-Valery, they had joined up with their Normand troops from Eu, making them some 11.3 thousand strong. Forcing a retreat as they came at us on both sides, it was a terrible loss as their mixed cavalry and archers send us fleeing north, having lost 2.5 thousand of our men. Only having taken a little over 1.5 thousand of theirs, the English carried on their march south, heading on to Paris as our King made for Scotland: it was like every other war between our two Kingdoms.

    Unable to contend with them, Guillaume and I took to preparing our defenses and our levies, hoping that, when Sigismond returned, we would be ready to drive out the British. While there was positive news in the lowlands of French victories, we fared far less around the Seine, as the English took the castles one by one. While they never marched into Flanders, we felt the effects of their scourge, as trade with Dover virtually dried up, and scores of French knights, unwilling to do battle against such a superior English force, fled into our lands rather than stand for their King. In fact, their numbers grew to such a point that they soon became known as the Band O’ Brothers and, as they attempted to take control over the village of Desvres, for which they had resided, forcing me to send in the levies of Boulogne to forcibly remove them from our lands.

    As the people of Desvres thanked us for freeing them from the bandits, I was introduced to a man by the name of Chofni of Nasib, a trained physician, who had heard of my conflict with Bishop Leon. While he didn’t confess to knowing the truth of what happened, he proclaimed that, as a Jew, I would find no such cruelty in him, as he would serve me faithfully and loyally. As such, I sent him to Bruges for his first task, to assist Catherine de Piemont with delivering my grandson, whom Guillaume named Eustache. While I was thankful for my son for honoring me, I was annoyed when he criticized my choice of using the Jew—then inserting a snide comment regarding Bishop Leon. Absolutely furious, Chofni and I left Bruges that very same night, my anger carrying me through the trip to arrive back in Boulogne in only three days.

    But, my return to Boulogne did not bear good tidings, as Heloise’s injuries from Bishop Leon had lingered, despite the care of the sisters of St. Marie’s, the wounded never scarring and her body eternally needing to be wrapped, lest the wounds still bleed. Pray as we might, the time had taken their toll on her, and Chofni said there was little that could be done for her condition, even after he sought out the wizened men of Saint Denis and Paris. There was no further mention of Leon or the atrocities he had committed as I spent my final months with my wife, surrounding her with friends and her maids, many of whom had been of the same status as her before I had taken Heloise to wed. Still, we had our children between us who loved her greatly, as did I. There was so much I had done to hold on to her—biding her love when I had tried to betroth Hilligonda, taking her when I saw the futility in the Duchess, and then keeping her after her confession of infidelity, as the woman I had truly loved was never the lady I had pursued for much of my young life, but that of the maid who had been close to me the entire time.

    It was a dark day in the August of 1194 when she closed her eyes, and I dragged the rain in with me as we laid her to rest beneath the Basilique Notre-Dame-de-l’Immaculee Conception. My cloak made of Fleming craftsmanship weighed heavy, but the loss of Heloise was far greater than any force on Earth. The realization that I had never felt such pain in Hilligonda’s death made me feel uneasy, and I found myself often in confession over the coming weeks, blaming my killings for their pains, though Bishop Leonard told me not to blame myself for my wives’ deaths. Instead, he encouraged me to make well with the family I had, and know that both Hilligonda and Heloise were in heaven, and cheering me up by arranging a feast in Rosebeke for me and my sisters. Inviting Guillaume, my son and Duke was unfortunately too busy to attend, still incited at my most recent insults and a little conflicted over my fawning over of Heloise, I nonetheless brought all of my other surviving children to celebrate the autumn with their aunts, uncles, and cousins.

    It was not a usual gathering for me, however, as Marie’s Brian mac Conmec was my marshal, and Geva’s Louis de Boulogne (yes, they were related to some far, distant extent) was my spymaster, and their sons, Humber and Leon, respectively, were looking to be the spitting image of their fathers. Finally able to laugh again in the presence of my family, as Adalmode, wife of Arnault de Dampierre who couldn’t attend due to a fat sickness, had brought her daughter Melusine, who was very compassionate to me in my time of grief. Though she wasn’t a widower herself, she was 35 and unmarried, as her father had never found a match for her worthy of Saint-Pol, which, quite frankly, would be hard to do—she was a great woman of good humor and mind. But, this celebration also brought upon other good news, as Bishop Leonard, my chancellor, had been working on a secret project with me for a few years now about expanding my reach within Flanders. While Guillaume was set to inherit the whole Duchy, Artois was the only county not held by the de Boulogne, and, to secure our power, I still desired to see all others driven out.

    Claiming that Countess Jeanne de Bethune had been acting in spite of Bishop Orson of Terwaan, Leonard claimed that the Bishop would be willing to support me in freeing him of the woman. As I made preparation for that, I received news from Britain, as, while the English had taken Paris and much of the surrounding areas, Sigismond had been fighting a series of successful battles—but an infected wound in the Scottish lowlands had taken him low. He had given a battlefield promotion to his son, dubbed King Eorcenberht, to fight off the forces of Emperor Aubrey II, and maintain the Vexin-Amiens’ holdings on the island. This wouldn’t be too hard, however, as England itself was in turmoil, as King Ralph III of England, who was separate than the Emperor of the Britons, was fighting with Duke Ralf de Gael III of Gwynedd over some land claims between the two—the War of the 3rd Ralves, we joked,

    With 4.7 thousand men, we marched on Artois to liberate Bishop Orson of his treacherous Countess, and, while her 1220 men were halved, Jeanne de Bethune was defiant as she hid within her castle. While she had no allies and, as Guillaume wouldn’t oppose a measure that acted in his own interest, we were confident that we could wait out the Countess, but our scouts reported that Jeanne had sought help not from ourselves—but that the English, having heard of our assembly, considered us a threat. Retreating before we could be surrounded by the English, we bided our time as the years passed, and I looked for my opportunity to strike. From over La Manche, our new King kept us in high spirits, claiming several Scottish castles for himself—reported by Guillaume, who had left to join him on campaign—while news of ruin came out of Paris, whose resistance against the English had come at great cost.

    In the meanwhile, Arnault de Dampierre’s cough had continued until it stole him from Adalmode in the summer of 1197, and, with no son to inherit his claim, the title had passed back to me, per Salic law, and so I named Geoffrey de Boulogne the Baron of Saint-Pol, to take place alongside his brother Godefroy, Baron of Fauquembergues. But, Arnault’s death came with news that the English had mobilized away from the borders of Flanders, driving further inland, and so it was time to strike. Making sure Jeanne had to method to request assistance from the English, we converged on her Bethune to find that she had already fled to Transjura, and so Bishop Orson welcomed me as its new Count—a title we would later have to be approved by my son, who had just sent back a bastard son he had had with Peronelle Scarponnois (the daughter of Bishop Eudes of Ostia, whom the Pope had appointed to removing the Gaelic Pope), the boy being called Jaspert.

    As we prepared to make good use of the lands, I suddenly received a messenger from the Knights Templar, speaking on behalf of his Grandmaster Mendo Gundemariez. Recalling a debt I had taken in my earlier years (oh yes, I had done so to impress my goodwill upon Hilligdona’s councilors), they requested to make good on that repayment—but, rather than accept funds, they instead asked if they could use my newly castle of Lens as collateral. Finding the request more than reasonable, I granted the Grandmaster the barony to as their headquarters in Flanders, as the economic investments of the Templars had been beneficial in the other regions of France and Occitania.

    But, as brother-page Geraud Devent asked of recovering the Templars’ funds in Paris that had been stolen away by the English, I had thought very little of the stalemate between our King and the Emperor of the Britons when, suddenly, our ports were docked with Milanese, Pisans, and Veronese—informing us that, while on campaign, Eorcenberht had married Carcosa di Pisotia, sister to king Leopoldo II of Italy, to recognize their dominance over Occitania, and acquire their assistance against the English—and so the King of Italy had sent some 10 thousand men to assist his brother-in-law. While a part of me considered joining the Italian expedition into northern England, I remained behind as a very crucial develop happened, as Duchess Aanor of Brittany had died that next summer, passing her titles of Upper and Lower Brittany to Guillaume. And, with him serving our King and his new Italian allies in Britain, it fell to me to make sure the transition of power from Hilligonda’s mother to her grandson.

    Though, speaking of which, I learned that King Juan of Castille had been overthrown by his vassals, but Heloise and my Ermessinde had remained been allowed to stay in Osma, as a council of regents oversaw duties of the kingdom until Ermessinde’s daughter, Urraca, was old enough to take throne. Extending my warmest wishes to my first daughter, Melusine de Dampierre offered to pay visit to Castile on my behalf, as I now had three duchies to manage for my son. Thanking her, we granted her passage from Quimper as I met with the Brentons, who were very willing to accept Guillaume as their overlord, and I only returned to Flanders when Melusine returned from Castille with my daughter’s appreciations, as a large cask of Iberian wine. Though I considered saving it for later, Melusine managed to convince me to open it while the weather was still nice, and, asking me of what I had done in Brittany, the wine convinced me that I needed to give her a tour of the Atlantic coast. Trying my best to remember what Aanor had given me, Mother, and my sisters so long ago, it ended the way she had intended, as Melusine’s beautiful smile and good heart inspired the longings I hadn’t had since Heloise’s passing.

    Returning to Boulogne to officiate our marriage, our timing was none the wiser, as my new wife’s pregnancy only seemed to increase her beauty—one that I could not ignore. Though, at 39, there were some worries, and, at 54 myself, I knew that age sometimes could be a bit of a retardant, though that didn’t stop our love. Adalmode passed a month before the birth of her granddaughter, Bourguigne, though my new wife’s child also heralded pains within the family, as both Marie and Geva were widowed both within the next month—Brian having been struck by a tree whilst riding, the old chevalier, and Louis apparently choking to death on some food he had sampled from a fruit vendor in Poperinge. Ordering the roads of Roselare cleared, the vendor executed, and the vendor’s family’s orchards redistributed , I then received their sons in Boulogne, as Humbert and Leon took up their father’s places as marshal and spymaster, respectively.

    As the winter passed, Melusine grew worried with Bourguigne, as the child couldn’t stop crying, and had developed a fever. We had thought we would have to separate her in St. Marie’s, but Chofni of Nasib knew what to do, and, asking Melusine to breastfeed by the windows to cool down the milk, our child was saved from a terrible fate that plagued so many mothers across the lands. And then, there was further talk of safety as, after nearly a decade, a formal peace had been signed between the King of France, Eorcenberht de Vexin-Amiens, and the Emperor of the Britons, Aubrey de Normandie II, agreeing that Gowrie would remain in the hands of our King, no further boundaries would be challenged, and that neither land should make war upon the other for the next 10 years. With what was known as the Peace of Saint Andrew’s on February 24th of the year 1200, our King finally returned home as the Italians marched back through the Holy Roman Empire, as, since the Gaelic Pope had been removed, Pope Gregorius VII had petitioned Emperor Baldassarre to grant them respect for their act.

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    Journal 10
  • --Journal 10; 4/8/19--
    **April 22nd, 1200**
    !Count Eustache de Boulogne VI! [19]

    As we gathered in Paris to celebrate the return of our King Eorcenberht, I looked forward to seeing how my son had changed since going on campaign. My months of campaign had taught me a lot about the world, but, as I awaited his formal introduction, I heard terrible rumors of my duke’s cruelty, saying that, on several occasions, he had run through the garrisons of the English castles that had dared resist him, and left their bodies to hang upon the pikes: Guillaume “the Impaler.” And, indeed, when I saw my harelipped son, he displayed some humility in thanking me for managing his duchies in his stead, but he held himself above and carried on: he was the thrice-duked dog of our King. He stayed in Melun to tend to his rank, whilst I returned to Boulogne, my county, where I learned that Pope Gregory VII’s passage of the Italians had been his last act, as the stresses of His age had taken our Vicar to heaven, and so the Papacy was ascended by Pope Urbanus III.

    As the summer began, I learned that the cessation of war between France and Britannia didn’t mean there would be peace in the isles, as King Ralph III of England had greater aspirations within the realm. Riding off the momentum from his victory over Duke Ralf de Gael III of Gwynedd, he had now set his sights on the lands of his nephew, Beuves de Normandie II, King of Ireland. I learned of this war by the arrival of Beuves’ emissary: as the young lord was betrothed to my daughter Alienor, he requested I honor the alliance I had made to his father, Gregory “the Just,” and fight to protect his throne—as the fatigued Emperor Aubrey looked the other way.

    Taking up the call, I rallied the levies of Boulogne for this opportunity, appointing the brothers Geoffrey and Godefroy, Counts of Fauquembergues and Saint-Pol, respectively, as my captains, as our ships readied for Wales, as King Beuves’ intended to use the mountain passes to stall his uncle’s large forces. We landed in the south, and, finding Duke Eoched Gisking of Leinster, Beuves’ marshal, we found that King Ralph’s forces had advanced and taken the castle of Morrgonnwg, and served as a supply base that would render our stalling tactic ineffective. Laying siege to that castle, there were an important development back in France, as our King Eorcenberht had died, apparently of some accident while within Melun, and had been succeeded by his 3 year old son, Eorcenberht II, under the watchful eyes of Duke Guriant Leon of Berry. But there were whispers of conspiracy, ones that even reached Rome itself, as Pope Urbanus III excommunicated Emperor Aubrey II for the act, saying that the Emperor of the Britons had disrespected the God-witnessed oath made at Saint Andrew’s, and so He had declared that all Christians should make good on removing the false Emperor.

    While we were already French soldiers within British lands, our situation was not bettered when word reached me that Guillaume had answered the Pope’s cry, and he had rallied his men for Dover, intending to claim Aubrey’s seat in London! While we separated our siege camps to prevent any further fights from breaking out, Duke Eoched reported that Ralph’s armies had ignored Wales, and had, instead, sailed across the Irish Sea, and had landed in Ulster. But, as we marched back towards our ships in Saint Brides Bay, Duke Eoched told me that we were not allowed to land in his Leinster—that “our Papal perfidy” was far too grave of an insult. Not that we had planned on it, anyways, as we didn’t want to march across the bogs, but, as we landed at Dundalk, a messenger soon arrived and demanded we meet Ralph’s army outside of Clones.

    While Geoffrey, Godefroy, and I felt disrespected at Duke’s messenger’s tone, the autumnal rains soured our mood as the roads flooded and the bridges sank beneath their rivers. Damning the Irish, we eventually arrived to find the King of England’s men had set up camp around the “wee abbey,” holding off the rains in tents while we were halfway soaked through. With our reports through, we also learned that Eoched and his men were camped only a bit north in Corranny, as the Duke ordered me to attack the King of England in his tent, claiming that he would support. Naming that next Monday, we prepared for the attack, but, probing with skirmishers and riders in the morning, an agent reported that Eoched had not mobilized any of his men for battle, preferring to wait out the rains. Damning him, I ordered a full retreat, saying that King Beuves could lose his own damn war, and we made back for Dundalk. The English caught wind of our movement and pursued, as Eoched wouldn’t do anything of the sort, and, his knights harangued us on our eastward journey, as we lost some 600 before we took back to sea.

    Instead, I set my eyes on London, as, if the Irish were to hate us for acting for the Pope, I would do bloody well to serve Urbanus’ wishes. But, as we passed by the Isle of Wight, an English ship hailed us—not bearing hostility, but words from our Pope, as an official edict had passed declaring a crusade for the Maghreb, as word had reached Him that the Moslems had found wealth within the deserts of Africa, and their preachers were damning the pagans there with their false teachings. Immediately sending word that we would take up arms for the Church, a part of me remembered the last crusade, so long ago—at 57, I was no longer the young, sprouting warrior doubting between my fate and that of women. I was much more learned now, and both Heloise and Hilligonda had faded away, while Melusine kept me happy in my age.

    Swearing that I’ll support Guillaume upon my return, we carried past Dover for Boulogne, which worked quite well as we needed to restock our funds, as marching through “allied” Ireland and Wales left very little in terms of payment assistance. But, as we did so, I learned that my son’s war with the Emperor had brought the wrath of the Britons upon Flanders—more specifically, that they had occupied Bruges and Ghent, meaning that Guillaume’s support only came from my counties, and that which Duke Guriant allowed from Paris. But, my son’s men were doing well for themselves, having taken Bedford, Royal Middlesex, and swathes of Kent. Preparing for the crusade, the months passed as my son’s war continued, and, while the Emperor’s forces never crossed into Ypres, we were always wary. In the meanwhile, King Ralph III had died, apparently of some infection he had earned while amidst the bogs of Ireland, but his son, Ralph IV, only 10 years old, carried on his father’s legacy against his cousin Beuves, not that I cared any more for that.

    While many of the states of Iberia and Germany had pledged to the crusade, Pope Urbanus would not see its launch, as He took to heaven, putting the task upon the shoulders of Pope Ioannes XIX, who devotedly swore to maintain the mission—but then later announced that the Moors of Emir Bakrid and Emir Piedrid were not to be harmed, as He said that, although they were Saracen of blood, the lords of southern Badajoz and Andalusia were Christians and offered to provide assistance and lodgings for the Crusaders. The coward was betraying his own people, but it also meant that the Crusade had grown much more limited, as I sought a mapmaker to teach me more of the lands of Africa. Finding one in Paris, I learned that the Maghreb encompassed much of the northern shore, leaving that of the Anti-Atlas mountains to be fought for—and, from what the man said, the lands were poor and rocky: not suitable for anything other than spreading Christian word to the men of the desert.

    With how many people were racing towards such limited land, I knew it would be very difficult to prove our worth in such a battle, and so, looking elsewhere on the map, the man told me that Tripolitania was a more stable and richer area, worthy for the taking, and could be used to start a base of power that could, one day, take Egypt. Taking that plan to heart, I explained the plan to my generals, whom agreed that it would be good honor to free the lands from the Saracens, and let the others squabble over the Berber mountain tribes. As we prepared for that, I was sad to hear that Bishop Leonard, the man who had given my Ypres and overseen much of my worries with Hilligonda, had passed from the world in the February of 1204. Taking a trip to Rosebeke to see to his burial, I pledged the crusade would be won in his memory, a prayer made before God, in his name.

    We departed in the spring, taking to the sea as the princes of Germany and Spain marched for Gibraltar, passing by their masses as we sailed through the Straits of Hercules, our aim for that of the coast of Tripolitana. Arriving there, the temperate lands provided for ourselves as we laid siege to Bukkus Almoravid’s fortresses and cities. While the Saracen Emir’s soldiers had all marched west to aid his cousin, Is’mail Almoravid forces against the Crusaders, his walls were still well defended and sturdy, forcing us into the long war of sieges. Setting up forts, we even managed to keep contact with life in Boulogne, though I was horrified to hear that my lovely sister Marie was taken by the pneumonia, caught from an early autumnal chill of 1204. While her daughter, Helvis, and her husband, Aymar de Groan, arrived to bring us the news, they were strangely appreciative of Tripolitania and its climate. While I had considered leaving the lands to Guillaume, I had a change of heart, and, instead, promised Helvis and Aymar that they could enjoy the warmth of Africa, once it was fully ours.

    Our sieges saw little conflict, but the diseases and summer swelters did have an effect on our men. Bukkus’ desert tribesmen occasionally raided our supply lines or attacked camps, but there wasn’t anything we could call a battle, as the Germans and Spanish had done their fair share in the west—though, from what I heard, their numbers had become a terrible detriment, as the difficulty of acquiring supplies had led to starvation and infighting, sometimes against Emir Utman Bakrid, despite Pope Ioannes’ orders. While I had no reason to be annoyed, each month away from home grew on me: I had no real reason to do this other than greed. Why was I fighting Saracens and risking my life on this mission other than to carve out some kind of Crusader State? Sure, the will of Christendom was good, but my son was still fighting the Emperor of the Britons while Bruges lay in English hands.

    My anger came to a point in early April of 1206 that we received an Apostolic legate, who ordered that we abandon our castles in Tripolitania and make for the Maghreb--immediately inciting me against Ioannes, as the legate had no reasoning for this demand. But the order was backed by the Pope’s authority, and also the revocation of the remission of sin, and so I begrudgingly made my way for the sea of Canarias, where I arrived to find Pope Ioannes awaiting me: saying that the Germans and Iberians had feuded away their right to the land, He said that He was awarding me the Kingdom of the Maghreb, placing a number of his faithful Italian servants under my command. But, truth be told, I didn’t want his shitty land in this shitty place and to have to deal with any more shitty Saracens—I wanted to be in Boulogne with Melusine to live out my final years.

    But then, Pope Ioannes XIX asked if I had a benefactor in mind to receive the kingdom—and I realized this would be a great opportunity to make good on my promise to Helvis and Aymar: they were healthy and young, and more than eager to receive the titles. Truth be told, I was a bit guilty that I had passed on such a poor condition to my Marie’s children, but at least Humbert, the first son she had had with Brian mac Conmec, ruled over Roselare. Helvis was then named the “Sword of Jesus,” as Ioannes aspired that she take the faith over the sands like the Israelites’ 40 days and 40 nights, and given much fanfare in her new capital of Igilliz. As she looked at her new vassals, I bid my niece farewell and good luck, and so, the faith empowered, we set our sails back for the North Sea.

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    However, we couldn’t simply land in Boulogne—as Guillaume’s war was still ongoing, and I had promised my son I would come to his aid. As we had learned from our dispatches, Emperor Aubrey still held Bruges and Ghent, but this hadn’t brought my son back across La Manche, as his men lived off of the profits of their conquests, as England’s lands were ripe for plunder. The Emperor’s war council wasn’t too pleased with how he was spending his levies, as they refused to raise their banners to his cause, as the betrayal of Eorcenberht apparently didn’t settle well with them. Thus, we landed in the occupied ports of London, our forces an eager respite to my son, who welcomed me into his tent outside of the siege of Northampton, though our meeting was cut short upon hearing that the Emperor’s troops had landed at Maldon, on the Blackwater. But, it turned out to only be a piecemeal force of 1.6 thousand men, and so our 5.4 thousand were able to send 600 back to their boats, having lost 400 in the initial stages of skirmishing.

    As we looked back to Northampton, Guillaume’s English-associated scouts, as his reputation for cruelty alongside Eorcenberht I had coerced several turncoats to his side, reported that some 10 thousand English peasants had sparked up in a revolt in Coventry. Apparently, they had become upset with their Emperor’s inaction in defending their island, and so they were going to try to take justice into their own hands. This, however, included resisting the local authorities who tried to enforce the Emperor’s laws, and so it had evolved into a riot against their Norman overlords. This then sprung across La Manche to Tyrconnel, in Ireland, and while I was pleased, it brought about an unfortunate mobilization of the British dukes to defend their lands.

    And then, the Emperor’s wife died. As I then learned, Amice de Avon had been Guillaume’s prisoner, the reason why Aubrey had remained in Flanders, as Guillaume had threatened the excommunicated Emperor of her health, should he oppose him. But, while Aubrey de Normandie had conceded to that, he would not abandon his throne to what he had claimed to be falsehood, the Devil’s lie that had run all the way up to Pope Urbanus, as he had had no part in our King’s death. Angry that Guillaume had not informed me of this beforehand, the momentum we had was lost as Aubrey could finally return to Britain as his vassals had finally rallied to stop the peasants. It was then that the 10 thousand Coventrians crashed down upon us, and, while we stood our ground, a captive revealed to Guillaume that they had fled upon hearing that the Emperor’s men had marched for them, over 13 thousand strong.

    Organizing a retreat, we cut our losses and made for Dover, as more of the Emperor’s men returned to their island. While I was aboard one of the first ships back for Boulogne, Guillaume stayed behind with his men, swearing that he would not suffer indignity from this war, despite the odds against him. As the fall of 1208 came, Guillaume had retained himself, and, despite that he was now severely outnumbered by the forces of the Emperor of the Britons and his subjects, a peace was signed between the two with no further indemnities or payments for damages suffered during the war. The loot of England would be allowed to cross La Manche, as were whatever items the English had taken back with them—and no further war would be made. In the meanwhile, King Ralph IV inherited the duchy of Warwick from the childless Mabel de Normandie II, wife of the first British Emperor, Bernard, and he immediately dispatched its forces against his cousin, King Beuves II of Ireland.

    While I had put my name in defense of Beuves, there was a more pressing task at hand for my dynasty than fight for whichever Norman wanted to rule over a bunch of bogs, as Helvis de Boulogne, Queen of the Maghreb, was pursuing war for the city of Marrakech, taking the fight against the Saracens after the lands had been stolen away from the Bakrid by an upstart Mohammaden. As the man had also been a heretic, he had taken the land by the ignorant faiths of his people, and my niece found her Italian vassals to be less than cooperative with her new rule. As we prepared for that trip, I was pleased to hear that, in my absence, several of my construction projects had progressed well, as I had put the Saracen gold of Tripolitania to use in expanding the infrastructure of my counties, expanding the ports, the hospitals, and the roads. Additionally, as I had granted the village of Lille in Artois a city charter, I named Leon, the son of Louis and my sister Geva, its mayor, in addition to his duties with Poperinge.

    Taking to sea, I learned that we had gained a new pope, Ioannes XX, as I passed by the Portuguese shores of the Bakrid Kingdom, arriving north of the Atlas mountains to come to my niece’s aid. But, I was not the man I had used to be. While Helvis led her forces into pursuing the Saracens, I was much slower in my march, as we lost the cool winds of the Atlantic to bear the brunt of the warm, African sun. Laying siege to the city of Marrak, an important trade junction for the region, my health slowly faded as the sweats took ahold of me. While I wished to remain here until my deed was done, part of my own stubbornness as well as that of my public persona, as some called me “Eustache the Crusader,” the months passed without any respite, and, leaving the fight to the brothers Geoffrey and Godefroy, prepared to take my leave. Waiting for favorable winds, I received tidings of a recent development, as Duke Manfred of Swabia had managed to donate the Island of Sardinia to the Knights of Saint John, apparently having forced Kaiser Baldassarre into an unwinnable position with the Pope—who was the newly named Silvester V. And so, while Kaiser Premyslid returned to his station in Germany, Baldarich von Zahringen promised to use the island to make good for his Hospitallers, to protect the Mediterranean from Saracen corsairs, and to protect the Holy Land.

    With the winter storms over, we were finally ready to make back for Boulogne, but, as we sailed past the shores of Leon, my presence was noted—not by Constanza Jimena, that old bitch, but from the isolated throne of Castille, as my Ermessinde’s daughter Urraca had taken her place in Valladolid and her court found no need for her bastard-born mother. While my granddaughter had been forced to agree to their terms, Ermessinde had heard of our travels, and now wished to return, after so long, to see her mother’s grave. Granting her that wish, we waited in Santander for a little over a week for her to arrive, and I almost cried when I saw that she had developed too far to Heloise’s countenance. The rest of the trip went well as we learned that Guillaume had tended to our young King’s service, assisting regent Leon of Berry in defeating a sudden uprising of Parisians, who had claimed that Eorcenberht was to be an English puppet. While Guillaume had the ringleaders impaled from their groin through their neck, I learned that, after such a long reign, Kaiser Baldassarre had finally died, but his legacy had carried his distant nephew, Corrado Premyslid, to be elected the next Holy Roman Emperor.

    Arriving at Boulogne, I spent the summer with Ermessinde and Melusine, my daughter doting on me as my wife looked to my every need. By the fall, however, I found myself cosigned to my bed, unable to leave as my legs refused to move. It was rather disgusting to think that age would have gotten the better of me, but I supposed that it was better than having died upon a Saracen’s sword or an English arrow. As the days grew, my strength and energy slowly faded, but I refused to give up, with Ermessinde and Melusine escorting me to my chambers. For what little independence I had, I was at least informed of the greater world about me, as King Ralph IV of England and Ireland had been excommunicated by the Pope, apparently at Beuves’ request, which was then followed by Silvester’s request that Emperor Aubrey II could rejoin the flock of the faithful if he only removed Ralph for power. As that split the Empire of the Britons, I was shocked to receive Geoffrey and Godefroy, who had returned from the Maghreb with news of uncertainty.

    Though the brothers had taken Marrakech, Helvis’ issues with her Italian vassals had only continued, and discussion over who should gain the territory had turned into a battle for conquered territory—between the crusaders! Apparently, the Mohammadans had seized the opportunity to reclaim the city, and so it was all for naught, as Geoffrey and Godefroy had become disgusted with the greed of the Italians. Though they had offered their support to Helvis, she had angrily cursed them, putting the blame upon them, as, had they waited for Helvis to conquer the city, she would have been able to argue that the city was hers, out of the rules of conquest. Ordering the brothers away, they hadn’t wanted to upset my relation with my niece, and, thus, had followed her command, and had returned before the turn to 1211.

    It was one of the last of my memories before the darkness took me. It was like a sleepless dream that struggled to find its reality. I was there, yes, but God knew how long it was until I saw the light again. When I did, I it was warm—the cold was no longer with me. There weren’t any angels, but I the weight of my sins sat beside me, Herman, Ogier, and Hilligonda. Heloise was there, too, as was Marie and Geva. Mother and Father, and Grandfather and Grandmother, as well. I had done this for de Boulogne, and whatever mortal errors I had done were promised away, twice washed in the blood of Saracens, whose faces rose before me like those of the Germans and the English. A good man before God? What is that question? Is that ever really true?

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    !Duke Guillaume “the Impaler” de Boulogne of Flanders! [56]

    My cousin and step-mother held onto my father’s claims until August, but it was not that I was not like I had to wait, as being the Thrice Duke of Flanders and of the Britannies left me little time to do my other tasks. As my Father’s soul finally left to be judged upon the gates of Saint Peter on August 22nd, in the year of our lord 1211, consolidated all of Flanders under my rule, but that left one little issue upon my inheritance: salic law. While Catherine de Piemont, daughter of Baron Godefroy of Montfort-l’Amaury, loved me and all of our children, our Christian love meant that the current establishment of the duchies demanded that I split my titles between my young Eustache and Henri—and some even said that my bastard Jaspert was entitled to some portion of the gains as well. Like the wise Capetians who had realized that equality of succession did not equate to that of a healthy dynasty, I knew that consolidation of our duchies was key in holding power long after my time.

    But, in order to enact the edict and bring about an end to gavelkind, there was the issue that it needed to be enforced, and respected across the land, as, not only would this law affect my own rule, but that of those beneath me, allowing the consolidation of my vassals. While I debated how to get them to swear before this, I heard of news from across la Manche, as Emperor Aubrey II had been killed in battle against his kinsman, King Ralph IV. With only two daughters to succeed his name, Aibinn of Ua Broenain was pronounced Empress of the Britons, as, to spite her Norman father, Aibinn called to her mother’s lineage of Hibernia, a feisty lass of a fiery temper. No longer bearing her father’s sins of excommunication, as the bastard was already being torn apart by the devils he so often communed with, Aibinn made peace with her kinsman, though her address to her fellow de Normandie was marked by her use of Ua Borenain—calling herself Empress “of Albion,” rather the Papal title “of the Britons.”

    No doubt, another English bloodletting would soon follow. We would hold Winchester and Gowrie to the last, for the honor of de Vexin-Amiens. But that was not yet, and so I refocused my attention on that of my vassals and getting the curs to heel. Among my two biggest opponents were Earl Loup of Renne, the heir of Charlemagne’s legacy, and the Mayor of Bruges, Sigimond—who had no real reason to speak ill of primogeniture with the exception that the burgher hated me. And I hated him too, and so, when I ordered a summer fair to be celebrated in Bruges, I took the opportunity to enter myself and the Mayor into the melee—as for which I used the confusion of the scrum to bash his head in. While some would say that they had seen someone else wielding my grandfather’s mace killing the man, the newly elected Mayor Gaucher was willing to agree with my innocence in the matter.

    However, further discussion on primogeniture was met with objections, as Earl Loup and the other Brentons protested my authority: should I wish to make good on my succession, I should first divide up some of my titles. While I’d rather make another example like I did of Sigimond, my attentions were drawn elsewhere by news crossing La Manche in October, which I hurriedly brought before our young King Eorcenberht and regent-Duke Guriant Leon of Berry, as Empress Aibinn of Albion sought to reclaim the seat of Winchester. Having to make a quick decision so that the Brentons didn’t throw a fuss, I appointed my second son Henri the county of Poher, whilst naming my bastard Jaspert the count of Artois, as Peronelle had given him to me shortly before my father had seized the land. Of this, I was thanked, particularly by those who no longer needed to manage the lands in my stead, but Loup said that the matter of succession would be discussed as soon as there was peace.

    Thus, like her father before her, Aibinn’s army made for Paris while Loup and I crossed for Winchester. The French people were resilient, whilst the lords of Britain had to answer to the will of their people—they could withstand hardship while the British willpower failed. And so, with only 11 thousand between us, we ignored the pleas to fight the 21 thousand Britons in our country, instead holding our ground as the English reserve tried to face us at St Siwthn’s, but, as Aibinn had only left 8.3 behind, we took 2.5 thousand of them with ease, leaving the Kingdom ours to plunder, using Winchester as our base of operations as we expanded into Essex.

    The English, in the meanwhile, continued to occupy the lands of our King around the Seine, meaning Flanders and Brittany were not harmed by the war. But, as Mayor Gaucher spoke of some unrest regarding how Bruges and Ghent had been occupied in the last war, and so I granted the town charters for Torhout and St Niklaas, allowing them city walls and militia rights in exchange for local autonomy. But, as a year passed without any English intervention in my lands, I allowed for a shorter campaign, rotating men from the counties so as to not lose any productivity along the way. It was good for morale, rather than sitting through the sieges with Duke Guriant and our squiring King. I, myself, took opportunities to stage preemptive raids across the eastern lands of England, depleting their villages of supplies and men stopping any ships from sending valuables to their allies on the continent.

    But, as the fall of 1213 turned the leaves brown, a growing pain in my head ignited and stopped my chevauche, and I was forced to return to the camps as Chofni of Nasib, my father’s old Jew, claimed I was developing the rich man’s disease. Telling the Hebrew that he would not usury my life away, I dismissed him and instead looked to Bishop Charles of Damme, who said I had merely developed a fever, and encouraged me to rest. Taking care of my humors and the balances of my bloods, I returned to health and returned to my previous exploits across the south of England. It was still a war of attrition, waiting for the other to return home to answer the protests of their soldiers, while still holding whatever castles they could. But, as it appeared, we were winning, as small, piecemeal portions of the English army returned, sometimes in groups of a few hundred or even a thousand at a time, for which I would eagerly ride them down, leaving their impaled bodies along the roadways to show the cravens what fury they had unleashed.

    However, aside from time, there was always something else to turn the odds in war, as Gaucher sent hurried news that Duchess Godila Gerulfing of Holland claimed that, somehow, her family had some old claim to the city of Bruges, and, therefore, deserved the county. Speaking in my absence, the Mayor had refused her, and, as such, she had called Duke Ogier Reginar of Brabant to her support—saying that, if I would not accept her words, I would have to accept their force. As Duke Guriant was willing to stay alongside our King, who was months short of assuming his throne as an adult, I took my leave for Flanders, landing at Calais to prepare for our defense. But, as it had turned out, the Hollanders had already advanced into my lands, as Duchess Godila had laid siege to Sluys whilst Duke Ogier had pushed into Artois, and looked at the city of Lille. But the Brabantians had advanced on their own, and Godila was days away—with 5000 men to his 2 thousand, our sudden charge immediately sparked a route in the Duke’s men, whom we halved at the cost of only 100 injured on own. But, not sparing the time to make a forest of those thousand, we pursued the living half, and, as he fled south to Cambrai, we managed to catch the Duke, sending him back to Boulogne to await the fate of his duchess.

    We wintered in Lille as Sluys held against the Duchess’ 4.1 thousand, and so, as the first tulips of 1216 creeped into the Lowlands, we rode forth, reinforced at 5.8 thousand strong, and, with the zeal to defend our home, we fell upon them, Geoffrey holding the left as Godefroy maintained the right, myself ordering the men ever forward as we knew the terrain that defended my castle. Protected by chevroned hills outlined with a moat, we knew where it was weakest, and struck those, filling in the shallowed sections during the night and advancing under the morning’s eastward sun. Amidst their number, the Dutch lowered their pikes, but to little avail, as our knights had dismounted to make the crossing. In the end, I saw the Duchess flee on her horse amidst a group of retainers, scared by our negation of her advantages, and, thus, her force trembled before following her. As our knights went back to their mounts, we delighted in the slaughter, glad to have halved the Hollanders once again, taking 2 thousand whilst burying 600 of our own.

    As we pursued in marching columns, the spring was looking well: the English had grown wearing of Ile-de-France, and had turned to Blois and Berry whilst our Eorcenberht had expanded outwards from Essex, gaining Sussex and Anglia to his conquest. But then, a foul mood swept north, as there was word that the Occitans, under King Bermond de Ponthiue, had invaded, intent to reclaim the county of Bourbon after having been lost decades ago. Fearing a second war front, I knew our King couldn’t sit idly in England any more—which was when I saw the ships bearing the Danish lion. As they passed by our siege camps in Zeeland, a request for supplies introduced them as allies, as the Queen-mother Carcosa di Pisotia had brought allies once more, this time in her remarriage to Torbin Fredriksen, brother to King Ubbe Estrid of Denmark.

    Attaching Geoffrey with a token force to assist, the baron of Saint-Pol reported back in the fall with news of a terrific victory, as he and the Danes had matched the English at Gisars. As the British forces had trembled back to their island, they had only some 7.1 thousand men, half of them bedragged with camp diseases, and easy pickings for the 9.2 thousand French and Danish knights, ready to free our kingdom once again. Having killed some 3 thousand and while having lost half that number, mostly of the Danish levies, the tide had turned back towards the righteous. But, apparently, there was a storm brewing, as there were stories of a man in the east almost as vicious as the scourge of Rome, Attila, whom people called the Khan, who had united vast swathes of far steppes under his domain. Trembling thoughts of the Huns created a panic in Italy, I heard, but that was all they were: rumors. However, as I sat in my siege camp, I felt unease in my movements—not in terms of perception, but of physical ability. Unable to ride my horse across the marshlands, I had spent my time with Dutch wine and sweets, but I recalled back to my dismissal of Chofni and his warning of gout.

    My war with the Hollanders ended in the July of 1217 as Godilla ransomed back her Duchy and a formal abandonment of her claim to Bruges, though I never doubted that any such right had existed. Nonetheless, with peace won, I could turn my focus on hunting down the English with the Danes—though our march was startled by the sight of the Danish lion flying east—King Ubbe had died, and the newly elected Thorvald Vathsfirding had seen no reason to continue the Estrid’s alliance, especially as the first non-Estrid since 1042. Still, they had done their purpose, and, as I tried to reclaim our King’s castles, he returned to his country after so long—bringing back the Empress’ promise of a white peace, her heated nature now tempered after 6 long years. And so now I was able to receive my King, as Eorcenberht had finally come to age out of Duke Guriant’s shadow, his youth on the battlefield teaching him the most valuable experiences as a man. Still, I made sure to keep a close contact with the former regent, as I had married my son Eustache to his daughter, Jeanne.

    Following our king against the Occitans, we made for the city of Chateauroux, as King Bermond had been reported to have been personally leading his men there. With the English garrisons returning to their island, the garrisons of Berry had been reclaimed by Frenchmen, but their stockpiles were weak from British consumption, and would not survive the Occitan assaults before the winter. As the first chills of the season brought clouds from our mouths, our 6.4 thousand mustered on the far side of Lac de Belle-Isle as the 5.6 thousand Occitans prepared on the other side. Seeing the de Ponthiue banner rising high in their middle, we took a gamble in pulling back our forces, and, when the Occitans didn’t respond, repositioned our forces out of sight to suddenly push the eastern side, surprising them. As they struggled to maneuver their men to face our push, our cavalry rushed from the other side of the lake, and, stuck in the middle of our push with poor communication between his flanks, the de Ponthiue banner signaled the retreat.

    A glorious bloodshed brought 2.5 thousand of the wretches down, and we had buried 800 of our own: a battle of good worth. But I hadn’t been able to join in, personally, as my body ached with the pains of my years, though I was still many years from my father’s descent into his age. The next year and a half in the field did little for that, but I was a man of good worth to my King, and, as he wanted Bourbon freed, I was to do it. After there was word that Pope Silvester V had been succeeded by Stephanus XII, we renewed our oaths before God that we would serve Him, and, so, in the spring of 1219, with all of our castles reclaimed, our King’s forces captured King Bermond at Moulins, and so our Eorcenberht released him in return for ransom and a peace pledge. All should have been well, as peace had returned to the Kingdom, but, in my absence, a swarm of the pox had struck Flanders, laying low several villages before taking hold of Bruges.

    As I tried to keep the faith and inspiration of our villeins, my limbs grew weaker as our king played the coronation games between his bishops, before the newly anointed Pope Victor IV arrived in Rheims for the official crowning of King Eorcenberht de Vexin-Amiens II. I attended the ceremony, just barely, my body burning with every movement. Despite Bishop Charles’s recommendations, my body was not getting any better, and my thoughts returned to that of succession and the fate of my duchies—with the matters of the realm settled, there was one last thing I had to do. Summoning the lords of the land, I found the Brentons were now agreeable to my terms, especially as they had become familiar with my son Henri in Poher, but Earl Loup Karling was still a bit terse. Speaking with him privately of what he wanted in exchange for his agreement, he requested that the Karlings be named marshal of the duchy, as his family had fallen far from the legacy of the Pater Europae.

    Demoting Geoffrey de Boulogne to serve as a regular general along his brother, Loup eagerly agreed to enforce primogeniture, and so, in June of 1220, the laws of Flanders and the Britannies were rewritten away from the old traditions, and, following the likes of our King and those in the lands of Britain, Italy, and the Spanish Kingdoms. In fact, it was most fortunate of timing, as the fall sent me into a spiral like that of my father, soon too weak to rise from my bed, though I was only 45. I’m told that my half-sister Ermessinde finally passed away, having been caught of the pox whilst tending to the people of the city. Good for her. And may the rest of Heloise’s spawn be taken by the pox, too, Heloise rot in hell, that wretched whore who had stolen Father from Hilligonda. Like at outside Chateauroux at Lac de Belle-isle three years prior, November’s cold crept through, and even the thick walls of Sluys couldn’t stop myself from feeling the chill. Catherine sat by my side, ever loyal and the epitome of a good wife, and counted the days towards Christmas, as I always sought to continue Mother’s display in the Basilica of the Holy Blood. She last she said was that of November 27th, only 29 days from Christ’s birth, when my body suddenly seized, not of my own volition, and I felt the terrible pains of every British soldier that I had ever impaled, as my body broke upon itself, and I managed one last angry roar in defiance.

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    !Duke Eustache de Boulogne of Flanders! [58]

    While my father decayed, I finally had the chance to take my place upon the seat of Bruges. But as the weight of three duchies came crashing down upon me, I had little idea of how my father had borne it, or how my namesake grandfather had managed it for him. He had always let mother act as his regent, which I had been perfectly fine with, giving me time to sleep and read, and I had always meant to ask him if I could be given the chance one of these days, but I had always forgotten when the moment came.

    Not that I wasn’t busy, as I had a wife to contend with, Jeanne Leon, daughter of the Duke of Berry, a more active and tactical woman, full of ideals and virtue. Despite my inability to perform with women, which was why I only performed my duties when it was needed, she had given me two sons, Guriant and Guichard, only 4 and 1 years old, the former developing into a rather timid child.

    As for my duties—as with 8 counties and 3 duchies—I didn’t dare leave Sluys, as the pox still raged throughout Flanders. Mother and Jeanne both asked me to leave for Paris, as I needed to swear my oaths before our King Eorcenberht II, less he took offense, but I didn’t want to go through the effort of the journey for a ceremony that was only symbolic in nature. But then, Mother warned that, should I offend our King, he might name Henri the Duke of the Brittanys, and so I found myself journeying out to save all the effort father had done for me, being his primogenitor, something else Jeanne had shamed me about. While my father had been Eorcenberht I’s hound, I didn’t want to become anything of the sort, because that meant less time for my books, but our King named me chancellor of the realm, anyways, something I couldn’t really protest.

    We stayed there for some time as our King told me of my tasks, mainly which would be to meet and collect information about the realm, and I realized that I wouldn’t have the opportunities to rest as I had wanted. But, at least my duties were limited and I could send some others to try and do things in my stead, as proved with my brother Henri, as we visited Brittany to make sure he swore his oath of vassalage to me, as he was only the count of Poher. But he then joined me as we returned to Boulogne, as word of the pox had passed, and so Mother had wished that we all gather together to remember him, including our bastard brother, Jaspert. For all that Mother was, she was able to forgive father for taking another woman whilst fighting the English, and had accepted Jaspert as one of our own—a true, Christian woman.

    Not that it mattered, long, however, as the Count of Artois didn’t survive the trip back to his castle, apparently having hidden his pox well, and, while I thought of taking the county, the fact that my titles were spread across my duchies were already an issue upon my attentions, as the problems of each land echoed back to me. But my bastard had had a daughter with Alice d’Anjou, and, though she had been taken by the pox as well, their daughter, Alice van Franken, was protected by Mayor Pierre of Arras, she swore her loyalty to me and took with her all the complaints of Bethune. In the meanwhile, the burghers of Nantes were upset that I had instituted the King’s new tax law upon them, as Eorcenberht still owed on debts suffered during the war with Empress Aibinn. Apparently, they took issue with the fact that they had to come to Bruges to speak about their issue, as they claimed that my bailiffs and judges weren’t being useful. As I had such a backlog of other complaints and disputes from other counties, the first time I heard of it was when our King reported that the peasant rebellion had been successfully put down, though it had come at the cost of some of my minor officials along the Loire.

    Thanking him for that, I tried to do good in return, which was when I received an Apostolic legate from Pope Victor IV himself! Humbled, His man asked of me to make a donation to the Church, as he said that many of the good brothers and sisters of Flanders had worked tirelessly to save the less fortunate from the pox, a mission that had not gone unnoticed by the Pope. But, He said that He hadn’t heard of my appreciation for the lay clergy, and asked me to follow my namesake grandfather by serving the church through action, and trace my grandmother’s footsteps in faith. I wished I could have pled ignorance (well I did at the moment) to this, but the suggestion had been mentioned by Bishop Arnoul of Coulogne earlier, though, apparently, the brothers and sisters hadn’t appreciated my gift of buying them new robes and soaps.

    Thus, faced with the demand of a monetary donation, I had to give in to the legate’s numbers, though each penny pinched away was a hit to my esteem. I needed that gold—for something. I wasn’t sure what I was going to use it for, but there was going to be something I really needed it for, something for a rainy day or ten. Though, after the legate left to distribute the gold, riding a cart protected by heavily armored Swiss spearmen, I learned that the Church wasn’t the only one wanting more money, as our King had not been pleased with the results of his tax to pay off his debts. It was then that he had, apparently, had an epiphany: rather than upset our own people, why not make someone else pay for it? For that, Eorcenberht II turned his eyes south—not towards the weak, fractured kingdom of Occitania, but that of the Kingdom of the Pyrenees, rich with portage on both the Golfo de Valencia and Cantabrian Sea, based out of Barcelona. As Eorcenberht and I had taken out many loans from the Basque, King Alvar de Logrono, our King mustered the armies of France, intent to end his foreign burdens in Navarre, Aragon, and Toulouse.

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    Journal 11
  • --Journal 11; 5/12/19--
    **April 8th, 1223**
    !Duke Eustache de Boulogne of Flanders! [58]

    Wishing him the best, I remained in Flanders to do my duties as I learned that Aibinn’s behaviors had earned her the ire of the Church, and, upon threatening to reinstate the Gaelic Pope of Iona, as she was Duchess of the Isles, had been excommunicated. Thus, Kaiser Thomas von Freisach had summoned the elector-princes to do well on Pope Victor’s demands, and the North Sea was awash with ships from Hamburg and ports from the Baltic, as much of the young Kaiser’s possessions were in the east, like his home castle in Brandenburg.In the meanwhile, our King’s war against the Pyrenees grew more complex as King Leopoldo di Pisotia III had joined the side of the Basques, though this was also due to the fact that the Italian was acting upon the Papal authority of the excommunication of King Bermond de Ponthiue of Occitania. As the Occitans were already fighting the Basques over land claims, the Italians at least focused their attention upon their regions, rather than invade our Kingdom, which was always a positive.

    However, after the Christmas of 1224, as the Germans swarmed the English countryside, Aibinn Ua Broenain took her own life, rather than suffer at the hands of the Kaiser’s men, damnable proof of her sins and pride in the face of adversity. While her first son, Lionel Dall, from her first husband, Earl Inwaer of Dunbar, was put upon the throne, I heard there was some disgruntlement amongst the masses of the young man’s place as Emperor of the Britons. As for us, a royal coronation meant royal clothes—and the weavers of Flanders were more than willing to provide. In fact, as our lands had only been damaged by pestilence, not marauders, our weaver shops were more than able to provide to the growing markets of London, Hamburg, and Bergenhus, as the Norwegian kings had taken more to the affairs of the Europe after the Danish involvement in Aibinn’s war. As every investment proved successful, I was confident in encouraging the craftsmen of Bruges and Ghent, spreading the funds to various ventures of good fortune. But, in this time, I received news from our King that Baron Godefroy of Fauquembergues, one of my father’s close generals, had died of his age whilst sieging a castle in Toulouse, thus passing the title to his son, Arnoul, who then joined his uncle Geoffroy the King’s campaign.

    But, the beginning of 1226 brought unexpected news, as there had been an upheaval in Britain: rather than suffer a bloody civil war, Emperor Lionel had abdicated from his throne, bending to the faction that had supported his half-sister, Sara Tegaingl, in his place. The daughter of Aibinn’s second husband, Gwenwywyn of Perfeddwlad, she had been raised in the Welsh style, and called her lands that of Prydain. That was not the only thing, however, as Ralph de Normandie IV, “the Bold” King of both England Ireland, after he had stolen the former from my Aunt Alienor’s betrothed, Beuves de Normandie, still aspired to a greater position of power. While Aibinn and many of the Emperors before her had been unable to do it, the proud Norman took it upon himself to steal back Winchester from the Vexin-Amiens, revoking the gift of Guillaume le Conquerant.

    As Paris was besieged by the Irish and Anglo forces, Arnoul sent word back to me that our King was returning to his country, meaning to keep his Kingdom free—his France, was the specific wording. As Arnoul was a rather smart lad, he noted that our King was apparently not as fond of Winchester as he had been as a youth during Aibinn’s war. It seems that my father-in-law, Duke Guriant, had been impressing his will as regent, as the old man had lost much and wasn’t willing to let anything else go: after all, Jeanne was his only surviving child, after so many years, his sons had fallen suspiciously ill and his other daughters failing to chamber business. While Marie de Semur hadn’t given him any more sons, he had taken up a mistress, Mascarose de Clermont, but Jeanne said her father was a Jew.

    Nonetheless, for the matter at hand, our King had set his sights back on Paris, and, as Henri mustered my forces in the Brittanys to join Eorcenberht as I brought in our levies from Flanders, I later learned that was a poor choice of words—as our King had lost an eye in fighting the Basques. As Ralph’s forces had already taken the castle of Melun and the city of Paris itself, they were heavily entrenched as we arrived on the eastern bank of the Seine, as the Anglo-Irish force was presently trying to subjugate the walled sections of Saint Denis. Keeping our distance, we waited for news from our King, who was delayed a week as we learned that he had engaged the Italians at Saintes. Henri having joined up alongside him, I received my brother’s word of imminent arrival. While the English had maintained their siege, their Irish had harassed us, but we held firm and waited: it was then that we heard the horns of our King and saw the flag of the fleur-de-lis—though we hadn’t had a Capetian since Eorcenberht’s great grandmother, returned after the Jimena regency, their line through the Vexin-Amiens was still strong.

    Despite being outnumbered two to one, Ralph’s men did not balk at the odds against them, still maintaining a reserve to prevent my unit from freely advancing into their rear. As they had set up defenses like wooden stakes and impromptu fortifications, our men were corralled, and we could not make the best of our numbers. But, in the end of the day, the 8 thousand men couldn’t last against 17.8 thousand proud Frenchmen—and, of the 6 thousand that littered the ground at the end of the day, more than half was theirs, our own left impaled upon their battlements. But, as we went about liberating Paris, we learned that a second, larger invasion force had arrived, this one 13.2 thousand strong, under Hugh of Bamburgh, Baron of Spalding, one of the famed generals who had won Ralph his cousin’s throne in Ireland.

    While many of our men still needed to rest and recover after the battle for Saint Denis, our King ordered the march west. Neither Henri, Arnoul, Geoffroy, or I made any mention of it, nor did our other lords, as we tore our men away from the taverns and whorehouses too soon, and disgruntlement rose from the men who had liberated our King’s city, but for little reward. Cold winds of overcast followed our advance, and men clung to their weapons, missing their bed warmers from the nights before, grumbling and unmotivated by their King before them. At 16 thousand, we were more than capable of meeting the enemy before us, but we couldn’t amass the energy to do so. Our King didn’t seem to notice this, and grew even more frustrated with their sluggishness as we crossed the fields, the English scouts easily riding out of sight to report our slow approach towards Dreux

    While our King continued to push, shortening our sleep so as to not lose the English, we arrived at the field for Baron Hugh to unveil a trophy—that of the Vexin-Amiens crest, apparently looted from Winchester’s hold. Saying that his King had already won, the Baron of Spalding bid our King to parlay, to make peace and, before God, not prevent any further bloodshed. To that challenge, Eorcenberht ordered the assault, and so the English archers loosed their first volley. The grey skies finally opened into the rain that we had waited for, but it was a light and without wind, one that only cooled the skin and dampened the ground—which was just enough to slow down our horses whilst allowing the English arrows to fly freely. The advance was a slog, and, though I wasn’t hit, the Anglo-Irish adjusted their ranks before our arrival, starting a bloody melee as the sky finally collapsed upon us.

    After what must have been a several hours, I was exhausted as my horse reared back, its attitude, too, drifting, as it was spooked by something I couldn’t see. Somewhat sinking into the mud, I struggled to get up, and, when I did, I found myself unaware of my circumstance—where my King was, and what had happened to the battle. Unable to find a better option, I looked to a nearby horse, a shorter Irish one, injured from a gash in its hindquarters, that was unmanned—and, mustering the last of my energy, I managed to find the stirrups and lead the beast back to our camp. As I struggled to locate my tent, I slumped in my saddle, and I don’t remember any further.

    Woken up by my brother, Henri informed me that the battle had been a rather indecisive stalemate, as, while we had killed 4.8 thousand of their English forces, Baron Hugh had lead his remaining forces back to Normandy, bringing the Vexin-Amiens banner of Winchester with him. As for us, our King had declared it a great victory, I learned, as we now had to bury 3.7 thousand of our own, while Eorcenberht now wanted to return to the Kingdom of the Pyrenees to pay for the costs of this most recent deployment. Not wanting any further to do with this, I bid my brother to go back to Brittany, as Arnoul, and Geoffroy could continue assisting the King with the campaign; I would return to Flanders to rest and manage my lands.

    But Baron Hugh had pledged to return, and, while our King was passing through Occitania, King Ralph arrived on the continent with his contingent, now 18 thousand strong—and our Arnoul reported that Eorcenberht had now finally agreed to terms Hugh had offered upon the hill of Dreux. Formally recognizing English sovereignty over Winchester, Eorcenberht had forgone the contract of Guillaume le Conquerant to his most powerful descendant in Britain. While the fate of Empress Sara Tegaingl still was in question, she was betrothed to Count Gerald of Deywr, of the Norman line of York, meaning the formal line of Guillaume would return, once more, to the throne they had won so long ago. This would, however, be the last report Arnoul of Fauquembergues would send to me, as his uncle Geoffroy, receiving the youth’s barony as his niece had had no sons, reported that a disease had swept through the Basque region, which had taken the young baron before his time.

    In the meanwhile, I was surprised when I received a signed request from Skjalg av Sudreim, King of Norway, as the lord of Bergenhaus requested a royal wardrobe to celebrate his 35th birthday. Personally overseeing their work for quality control, I was there when the Norwegian ships arrived, bearing the royal panoply of the av Sudreim, a roaring lion, like that of the axe-bearing Norwegian crest. Welcoming him through the Zwin, and asking the King politely if he wished to stay around for a while, I was pleased to hear that, while he did, he didn’t actually seek anything grandiose, and wanted nothing better than to enjoy the Flemish summer in Sluys. That was easy enough to provide for, and, as I was to celebrate my 35th birthday in September, I found enough common ground to discuss with him, growing into something much more than just a business association—though, God forgive me, I would never have such one-side urges. Paying me more than what I had requested, out of good faith and friendship, the Danish king departed with his new wares, intent to show that his 35th year was to be as strong as any of those in his 20’s.

    After learning that his birthday was well celebrated across the kingdom, I then learned that King Leopoldo III, fearing our King’s forces, had since abandoned his support for the Kingdom of the Pyrenees, but still had continued his fight against the Occitans, and, unsupported, King Bermond of Occitania had been unable to hold on. Ousted from Saintes, his 14 year old son, Rainer, was placed upon the throne, swearing to be more faithful than his father as he had been baptized by Pope Silvester V. But, speaking of inheritance, my father-in-law had finally passed, and so, without a son, Guriant Leon passed on the Duchy of Berry to Jeanne Leon—which also meant that our son, Guriant de Boulogne would become a quintuple Duke. But, while she left to claim her place as the rightful heir, there was a contest—not a month after, the late Duke’s mistress, Mascarose, gave birth to a son, whom she named Guriant, but Bishop Hildebert of Chinon dubbed him to be of his mother’s house, de Clermont, as, without the Duke to enforce it, they would not support a Jew for the duchy.

    All seemed to be going well, but I, after King Skjalg’s visit, I had felt like Bruges was lacking in some kind of spectacle. We had our churches, yes, and the rivers were beautiful, but I needed some better, private way to host guests—preferably closer to Sluys, even. It was when I pondered this that I saw a handsome young man tending to a garden outside his house. While I would never act upon such sinful urges, as I was true to Jeanne and no other, he stuck in my mind as I came to think of having a cultured garden, of fine hedges and sculptures upon the bank of the Zwin, a view for all who came in to Bruges by sea. As I started undergoing that project, a part of me hoped to see that young man there again, but, as far as I saw, he hadn’t, of which I was glad.

    Building all kinds of finery into the jardins d’amour, my own garden of courtly love, I even sent for Italian architects and Cistercian monks, hoping to develop a fountain in the middle, seeking to use my access to the Zwin to my advantage in my own Garden of Eden, inspired by the poetry of Guillaume de Lorris. However, we were far away from any kind of Eden, as, in the November of 1228, whilst some brothers from the recently built Le Thoronet Abbey of Provence supervised the construction of piping beneath my garden, chaos erupted within the kingdom. Claiming that Eorcenberht’s “humiliating” defeat at the hands of the English was due to his family’s secret allegiance to the family de Normandie, Jeanne de Blois, the Duchess of Champagne and her namesake, instead aspired to put Eorcenberht’s cousin, Hugues de Toulouse upon the throne. Though he was serving in the bishopric of Le Treport, his mother, Wulfgifu de Vexin-Amiens, had been the sister of Eorcenberht I, and her husband, Count Hugues of Taghaza, held a closer tie to France than the British-supported puppets.

    Also bearing the weight of Eorcenberht’s wars, Roger de Semur of Picardie and Duchess Alice de Toulouse, Hugues’ cousin, had joined in the rebellion. While the invitation was extended to me, I dismissed the man—the Flemings were loyal, as I felt the legacy of the King’s Dog had also been passed on to me. Besides, Geoffrey was serving with most of our army alongside our King, a betrayal would only lead to the decimation of our forces. Sending word for him to remain at our King’s side while ordering a man to ride to Henri to prepare reinforcements, it was good that they weren’t in Flanders, as a wave of consumption broke upon our shores.

    While the people of Bruges were affected, it also caught Melsine de Boulogne, my grandfather’s last wife, who perished within the de Boulogne apartment, though it was also in part to her age. Remembering the Pope’s earlier legate, I made well on putting money upfront to those who fought the miasma, though funding that, alongside furthering my garden, put a mark upon our treasury—even sending me into debt. While it would take some time for my armies to learn I had no more gold to pay them, there was hope in the future—as the King of the Basques, Lord Alvar de Logrono of the Pyrenees, his county long suffered under our King’s wrath, had finally relented to his demands for obligation. And so, on top of returning to his country with the gold of the Golfo de Valencia and the Cantabrian Sea, our King arrived with the army of the Basques, Catalans, and Occitans, ready to mete out justice to those that challenged his place.

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    Journal 12
  • --Journal 12; 5/19/19--
    **May 12th, 1228**
    !Duke Eustache de Boulogne of Flanders! [57]

    With a series of drainage canals linking keeping the garden alive for conditions when the fountain’s pipes failed, I was standing in the central pavilion when a messenger arrived from the coastal watch, reporting that warships from Hamburg had been seen traveling west—intending for British shores. Apparently, Empress Sara Tegaingl of Prydain had earned the ire of Pope Lucius, and so Kaiser Thomas von Freisach had taken up the call to enact the will of Rome. But, more importantly, it meant ships were flowing from Germany, and they needed to rest in friendly ports—Calais and the Zwin served nicely, especially as the Hanseatic sailors purchased supplies on the Kaiser’s coin.

    As our treasury was rebalanced, I could now tend to our King’s situation with the rebels, and so I mustered the troops of Flanders as I sent word for Henri to mobilize, marching across Normandy to join our King in Anjou, taking those castles before advancing east, our armies sitting but a county apart in Sancerre and Paris. But the people of the royal capital were resilient, or at least that’s what King Eorcenberht II believed in, and so we waited as autumn passed, playing a game of scouts with one another to find who would slip up first. From our reports, we had the numerical advantage, 11.1 thousand to about 9.5 thousand, but the rebel forces, led by Baron Humbert de Dreux, had the river to their advantage, as their current siege of Saint-Pierre-du-Perray, south of Paris, placed them east of the Seine, and they were keeping good measure of the crossings.

    In the meanwhile, from our King’s lands in Gowrie, we learned that the German invasion of Prydain had allowed a rebellion within Scotland to overthrow the local Britons, organized out of the Highlands by a man named Giric de Rhosan Meirchnant. The self-proclaimed lord of Blair Atholl, our King quietly supplied him with arms and armor that I acquired off of Hanseatic shipping manifests, and, respecting Eorcenberht’s claims for Perth and Scone, Kaiser Thomas and recognized Giric as the King of Scotland. Empress Sara was forced to acknowledge it as well, an act that would be one her last before she abdicated her throne, taking to a nunnery to try to earn her salvation, whilst her brother, Lionel, was returned to his place as Emperor of the Britons.

    In January, with our stockpiles resupplied from captured Sancerre, we turned towards the rebels as our King decided that, with our numerical advantage slowing us down, we would have to make a battle across the Seine. With the bridges of Corbeil-Essonnes, the rebels had fortified the crossing, engaging across La Francilienne and the two smaller bridges to the north and the south, almost like isolated battles of our left, right, and middle. As the day wore on, we had more men to replenish and refresh our ranks, using the narrow bridges as we circled more and more men between combat and support. But, whilst we gained on them, ever so slowly, the deciding factor was the sudden bolt from the sky that landed amidst the rebel’s midst, an act of God that sent even the most courageous men fleeing from His wrath. Following the left’s charge across, I was one of the first to the burned out crater, interested to find a large stone had fallen into its depth—a gift from the heavens.

    When our King arrived, I told him that it was a divine sign of assurance—and so I swore that I would seek out smiths to turn the heaven-sent stone into a weapon for him to wield against his foes. Though it was costly, I had it transported back to Flanders for study and smithing, forged into what we called the Sword of Heaven, which Eorcenberht waved against the rebellious people of Bloise, as we laid siege. But its arrival also came with a word of warning from Bruges, as Baron Geoffrey reported that, the impact of my debt from years ago was still felt in the land, as the months of unpaid sheriffs and collectors had left many people feeling undervalued and unprotected, especially the people of Bruges and Ypres, and Nantes and Retz. As the latter two were mostly caused by the length of travel between Upper Brittany and Bruges, I settled on naming my brother Henri the Count of Retz, giving him the authority to deal with the Brentons like he did from Poher, whilst I remained the nominal lord of Nantes and Quimper.

    While I asked my marshal, Loup Karling, to look into if there was any unruly nature in Flanders, I was soon distracted by something else—a sudden crossbow bolt in King Eorcenberht’s side! While we had warned him before of the area of the enemy’s range, Josselin du Dros, who had been there, claimed that the bolt had come not from the castle, but from within the siege camp itself! But, for whom could have done it, we couldn’t say whom. While Josselin acted on his King’s justice, executing a number of suspicious Italian mercenaries, I doubted that their confessions were God’s truth, but still stood for his young son, Hugues VI, who stood close to his tutor and regent, Mayor Donald Macbeth of Perth.

    Whilst Bloise fell, we chased the remaining rebels to Etampes, crushing them, as Duchess Jeanne de Blois had been seen fleeing from the field, an arrow wedged in her shoulder. With the war now looking firmly in our favor, our morale wasn’t shaken when word reached our acting commander, Josselin, that the Duke of Somerset, Fulk de Mowbray, thought his Cornishmen could press his claim to the county of Maine. A loyal Norman, he had even assisted the Germans in putting Lionel back on the throne, and, properly rewarded with lands and men, had now grown too ambitious for his own borders. It was as we turned east that we received an emissary from Pope Lucius, who, strangely, sought me out, bringing a papal bull demanding the release of Prince-Bishop Kazimercz of Werle. I knew we had captured a number of rebels at Etampes, but I hadn’t inspected every one of them, as the Pomeranian had apparently joined the war in order to support his fellow Dominican for the throne. Whilst Pope Lucius wasn’t a Dominican, He had apparently been told lies, as He threatened me with excommunication should I not release the Jacobin—and, before the other French lords, I did so.

    My faith was rewarded with a sign, as Jeanne de Blois’ injury from Etampes had apparently become infected, and so she was killed by the injury that had rotted her arm, and her life away, leaving her son Raoul d’Anjou to take up Blois and Champagne—though, with most of their standing forces devastated, I doubted Raoul’s impact wouldn’t be anything noteworthy besides a refusal to surrender. In the meanwhile, Earl Loup reported that he had solved one of the peasant complaints in Bruges, that of highwaymen harassing merchants, as he had personally led his men in finding and hanging each and every last reported gang. This report also came with word from Nantes, as the guilds had stabilized whilst under Henri’s watch, but, hearing of how I had supported the weavers of Bruges and Ghent, they now asked for my investment into their businesses, promising returns from the markets in German-held Bordeaux, Galician Leon, and our Basque Pamplona—though King Alvar de Logrono of the Pyrenees hadn’t renewed his oath of tribute towards Hugues VI.

    But the issue of the rebels held precedent to Regent Donald, and so, whilst he ordered Josselin to continue his campaign into the Champagne, I took it upon myself to look to the Cornishmen, who had already set into Maine with some 4 thousand men. Giving time for my army to replenish, the Cornish, having taken the counties, made their way east, hoping that gaining a foothold along the border of Normandy would convince our Regent to surrender the King’s land. However, Donald held firm, and, by the Christmas of 1231, Raoul and his rebels had surrendered themselves to the throne in Paris. While this also came with the news that my good friend King Skjalg of Norway had passed, apparently of a lasting injury suffered from a hunting trip in the fall, it also came with news from Scotland, as King Giric’s oaths to Eorcenberht apparently didn’t hold for his son, and so the King of the Scotts looked to uniting his kingdom beneath Hugue’s (and Donald’s) Gowrie.

    As our King prepared for that, King Alvar’s faithlessness was rewarded with defeat at the hands of the Bordeaux, as Prince-Archbishop Artou of the Holy Roman Empire had taken the opportunity to invade east into Toulouse, and had managed to seize the Duchy from the King of the Pyrenees. Glad to hear that news, our 10-thousand strong army arrived to relieve the Cornish siege of Vendome, finding the siege tent scattered across the Loir at the foot of a tall hill that allowed the castle to observe its surroundings. Securing our crossing of the bridges, most of the fighting took place in the narrow stretch of the hill as our assault pushed the Duke of Somerset’s troops into range of arrows and crossbows. With their line falling, we ended the day with 1000 captives and 500 injured, while our 700 dead or injured were tended to by the hospital of Saint-Jacques.

    Despite our victory, the rest of the realm didn’t prosper: most important was that of my mother, Catherine de Piemont, having perished of the flu, despite the July’s warmth. She had always been a good mother, a kind woman, and a Christian wife, and I knew the world was at a greater loss for it. I prayed within the abbey of the Holy Trinity for her soul, which I almost sought to have beatified, were it not for the brothers reminding me that only the Pope could grant that authority. As I wrote to Henri and my sisters to confer that we needed to hold a family ceremony, as she would have wanted, a rider arrived from our King, reporting that King Giric had not only sacked Melun, but, in his conquest, had accessed the royal treasury, and had been seen waving around the Sword from Heaven that I had just so recently gifted to our King! Incited, the rider also reported that, since the surrender of Raoul (whom Hugues had had pardoned in order to secure the support of his troops), our King had taken his men to sea, as he intended to take back Gowrie and force the Scottish King to capitulate upon hearing of the loss of his homeland.

    This was soon followed by other news from England, as King Ralph IV intended to invade Scotland to claim the duchy of Galloway on the southwestern coast, acting on the authority of one of the nobles who had lost the land during Empress Sara’s reign. This also came with news that the Duke of Somerset had died, rather conveniently and his young son, Randolph de Mowbray, didn’t aspire to press for Maine, especially with how I had trounced his army, and so his dignitaries informed Arsinde d’Artois that there was no further need for battle. However, I wish I could say the same for Flanders, as Earl Loup’s attempts at taking care of the peasants in Ypres had gone less stunningly than his efforts in Bruges. While their issues were more of the lingering effects of my unpaid bailiffs, Loup had taken to violence to dissuade them of their purpose—which only infuriated them further, as they had taken up arms against the Earl of Renne. This then turned into a full scale rebellion of 4 thousand men against my administration, and it was no longer any kind of matter that could be solved through Christian manners.

    However, as we mustered our forces at Brionne to deal with them, reinforcing my army with Brentons and Flemings, our scouts reported that King Giric and his Scots were incoming, as the King’s departure for Gowrie meant that our 5.1 thousand was the only major army within France’s borders. With 8 thousand to their number, the village and its Norman keep did little to our defense, as the Risle was easily forded. Left with no advantage and our lines staggering, I called for an organized retreat, which still fared poorly—we lost 1.5 thousand of our number, and the most positive estimates named having killed a third of that of the Scotsmen. Reorganizing at Corbie, Giric and his men followed, the Sword of Heaven shining as I ordered everyone break and return to their castles—we needed more men and a better plan.

    But, as I made it back to Sluys, I met with Guriant and the rest of my garrisons in Bruges and Ghent to organize and plan for how we would strike back. My son and heir wasn’t as strong as I was, but the boy was stubborn and clever in his plans, though, of what they entirely were, I wasn’t too sure: he usually held a second hand in most matters. He had managed to get me to arrange a betrothal between himself and our King’s young sister, Benoite, despite an 11 year age gap, so there would either be a row of bastards—or a claimant to the French throne. Still, he and his brother Guichard were finer brothers than I ever had been with Henri, but I suppose they hadn’t had to worry about a change in succession expectations. Well, with the exception of the matter of Ypres, as the peasants had taken Cassel for themselves, and looked to be rallying for further acts of revenge against the de Boulogne. It took a year of fear, but as the summer of 1234 approached, I couldn’t wait any longer—our King was far too concerned with the matters of Gowrie than his own kingdom. Celebrating my 41st birthday, I called for another muster, sending out word for Henri to assemble in Boulogne, as the Scots had finally returned to the Ile-de-France.

    As there were still some 4 thousand peasants in Cassel, we sailed west for Boulogne, the home of my ancestors, and the seat of my grandfather’s power before we had assumed stewardship over the whole of Flanders, meeting with Baron Geoffroy of Saint-Pol. It was something to see the Basilique Notre-Dame, its history etched into that of the de Boulogne. But, after Henri arrived with the Brenton levies, there was no time to reminisce, and so we set forth for Yperen, 5 thousand strong, to teach our unruly peasants a lesson. As we arrived at Saint-Omer, we passed by the Abbey of Saint Bertin on the banks of the Aa, and, after Boulogne, I felt like I should take a look at the Benedictine houses built by Bishop Audomar. But, as I went to dismount, the stirrup of my horse suddenly slipped, and, startlingly so, I found myself falling rather swiftly towards the earth. I hadn’t taken much time to investigate my saddle, having trusted my squires to have done it for me, and now, I paid the price of my lack of diligence. A stone square had been erected by the brothers so that services could be held outside, and so, while my shoulder hit the ground first, there was something odd about when my head hit it.

    And then it all felt very odd. Or, at least, a complete lack of feeling felt odd. I wish I had spent more time in my garden. It was a nice garden, but the wars had taken me away from it so much. I hoped my sons would still be able to enjoy the garden and maintain it. Perhaps Guriant could meet with Princess Benoite there: it would look so pretty.

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    !Duke Guriant de Boulogne of Flanders! [57]

    We were all very shocked when Father hit the ground, but none more so than me when the Benedictine abbot who had come to welcome us pronounced that my Father had died from the impact—and, as a sworn brother, he had the authority of God to name me the new Duke of Flanders and the Brittanys. There was silence all around as my Uncle Henri, my brother Guichard, and our “uncle” Geoffroy looked to one another—no doubt they suspected me. Well, Guichard’s look was that of support, as my brother would never dare accuse me of patricide. Knowing I had to seize the moment before Henri made a move, I told Abbot Herman that I wouldn’t be anointed until the bizarre nature of my father’s death was resolved. Calling for my father’s squires, none of them admitted to anything, until a young one named Philippe Deschamps—his name designating his family of that of a risen peasants—only a few weeks graduated from page, began to weep as he said he was the one who had tied the stirrups. In-between sobs, the boy cried that he had only recently learned about stirrups and he was sorry and he didn’t mean to kill Duke Eustache and he prayed before God and Abbot Herman that he was telling the truth.

    The assembled lords then looked to me, and I felt the stares of men more than twice my age, awaiting my judgement. It was a powerful thing, but, all being spurred on the moment, I had to collect myself before the weeping child—this decision would, no doubt, be how my reign as Duke would be viewed. But, for what had just happened, some of the shock still held on, like adrenaline during a battle—my father’s death hadn’t really set in yet. I didn’t know why I didn’t feel angry at the squire. It was just an unfortunate accident that turned deadly and had no rhyme or reason behind it—and now Philippe’s life was on the line. My heart racing, I almost stumbled over my words as I asked Philippe who his father was: to that, the boy said, amidst sniffles, that his father had died during the muster of Brionne two years ago. He had been Richard Deschamps, a man who had been landed by Baron Geoffrey of Saint-Pol, knighted after serving alongside the Baron during the Pyrenees Wars for saving the Baron’s life in an ambush by the Basques.

    To this, Geoffrey vouched for Richard’s diligence, but there was still some unease amidst the lords—for them, the law demanded blood, despite the innocence of the matter. My father hadn’t been loved, but he wasn’t hated, and Henri’s eyes judged my ever move. But, what the hell, he was just a kid: I couldn’t kill a kid. I would cheat and scheme people without a twinge of conscious, but this matter was too far. Looking to Abbot Herman, who had been trying to plead mercy, I turned back to young Philippe, standing all by himself before asking Geoffrey what he had thought of Richard. As the man Guichard and I called an uncle out of familiarity’s sake spoke well of the man “from the fields,” I asked Philippe why he wanted to be a knight, of which the boy said he had wanted to be like his father. Already past tense.

    My mind raced as I tried to find an appropriate way of phrasing. What I came up with was that knights existed to serve the land and protect the land and the lords they are pledged to—your mistake here was a costly one, and, for that, you have failed that which you aimed to become. I could see the boy’s tears were already welling up again, and so I tried to speed up when I said that there are other ways he can serve the realm and make good on his pledges, as I asked Abbot Herman if the Benedictines would have use of a good and loyal serving boy. The older man blinked a few times, and, catching onto me, said that there was always a good need for young hands to maintain its library. With that, I ordered that Baron Geoffrey and his descendants will hold onto the Deschamp’s properties until Philippe’s 25th birthday, after which he would finish from his services with the Benedictines. Philippe would then retain his father’s lands, but would never be able to be knighted or given any further noble titles—though his sons could be knighted, should they be deemed worthy before God.

    While the lords clapped in approval, I was exhausted and was feeling a sudden headache, but I had to maintain appearances. Philippe prostrated himself before me in thanks while Herman nodded his head in appreciation for my justice. But, when the Abbot asked of my duchies, I said that I needed to take care of something first: my father’s last mission had been that of ridding some rebellious peasants who were now between us and Bruges, where he would be buried. We had to clear the way for his funeral procession: and so, taking to my father’s horse, I waved the de Boulogne family mace as I encouraged us to keep proceeding.

    When we stopped to rest that night, I immediately fell asleep, and was woken the next morning by Guichard, startling me by calling me “my Lord.” That would be something I needed to get used to, as would being the man everyone looked towards as we gathered outside of Cassel, and, as they had gathered in the opposite side of the field, we spared no last chance of parlay as I ordered the assault, and, with the word of Eustache on our lips, we ran down the unruly villeins, who splintered upon meeting our arms, and so we spent the next few days tending to any outstanding rebels and any of their families. With that success named, we carried on to Bruges, where, before the assembly of lords and ladies, and the Bishop of the Sint-Donaaskathedraal, I was pronounced the Duke of Flanders and the Britannies. With the burial of my father in the Basilica Holy Blood, I found myself at the center of attention, but, as for my attentions, I had two in mind: that of our King, who was off gallivanting in Scotland, and that of my “aunt” Eustachie.

    While I was betrothed to a girl 11 years my junior, I wholly intended to keep the bonds of our marriage true, as a betrothal to a French princess was no easy task. As she was our king’s eldest sister, our son would be a contender to the throne as strong as any de Toulouse who had reared their ugly head in the past decade. But, with 6 years still to spare until Benoite was of age, I was a man—but I wouldn’t just take any maid: that was reserved for Eustachie. The sister of Baron Geoffrey, she had spent her time with Guichard and myself in Bruges, rather than live ill-attended by her brothers, who had pursued their baronial interests within Saint-Pol and Fauquembergues. But, I couldn’t understand why nobody else appreciated her beauty—her reserved nature and curious, blue eyes that just drew you in. In the aftermath of my ducal ceremony, she happened upon me privately in my father’s garden, where I swore to her that I would express my love to her once the matter of the Scots was finished. While it did take her some time to understand what I meant, she hugged me closely as she, too, had been struggling to understand her love.

    Our pledge wouldn’t have to wait long. Gathering the forces of my duchies, I looked to face the Scottish forces at Gisors, as I had learned that their numbers had been reduced after they had failed to storm the walls of Beauvais. With their morale depleted, a large number had disagreed with their King and sailed back for Scotland, whilst the remaining 3.7 thousand, loyal to Giric, had remained on the continent—a perfect target for the 5.1 thousand we could muster. As we arrived on the border of Normandy, the Scots were arranged around the hilltop keep, we made our crossing in the north to get on the same side of L’Epte, using the river to corral the Scotsmen into an inescapable position—except that we left an opening on our left side, our light cavalry holding behind in anticipation of the route. And, indeed, all things went as planned as Giric’s Sword of Heaven shined towards the gap, and they fell into our trap.

    However, despite our efforts to cut them off, a narrow fording had been managed across the L’Epte, and some thousand Scots had managed to escape, including King Giric. Whilst my men scourged the east for any sight of the man, their search ultimately turned out unsuccessful and, whilst we feared retribution from the garrisons of Scottish-held Ile-de-France, we instead heard much better news, as Giric had reached out to Hugues VI, and offered a cessation of war, and was willing to remove his men from France if our King agreed to do the same from Scotland. The terms settled upon, our King met with him, strangely enough at Gisors, where prisoners were exchanged and no further war debts were incurred.

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    [Inconceivable!]

    While there was some unease at the fact that we had earned nothing despite fending off the Scots, our King’s victory feast proved a good distraction, as we celebrated within the castle complex of Melun, summoning noblemen and women across the Kingdom for the first peace in many years. However, whilst I sneaked away to finally make good upon my promise to Eustachie, learning of all that had come with age, I was woken in the morning with news that the peace would not last too long, as Pope Luicius had said that he would crown our Hugues if he assisted in removing the excommunicated King of Norway, Vigleik av Sudreim II. Eagerness for that war didn’t extend beyond the regular levies, as few dreamed of finding salvation amidst the fjords. Nonetheless, our King’s forces made for Nantes, taking to the North Sea once again as I remained behind.

    Not only did that enable me to continue my discreet encounters with Eustachie, but it also gave me a chance to visit my mother, as Jeanne had fallen ill over the autumn, and I worried for her health. Not that she was unhealthy, but the loss of my father had impacted her worse than any of us, as the Duchess of Berry had become irrational with her councilors, and, ever in Bruges or Boulogne, had ignored the pleas from Tours. When she finally did return, it was rather unhappily, and but now her sickness had left her there—a place she had hated, she admitted to me and Guichard. Wishing to return to see the sea one last time, we spirited her back to Flanders, though we took precautions—our aunt Hilligonda, wife to Guillaume de Toulouse, had been murdered. Whether this was a vendetta against the de Boulogne or just a way to silence the chatty woman, we weren’t sure, but Guichard took to the guard as I vetted the men who safeguarded us to Bruges. Wrapping her up in long blankets and fur robes, she spent the Christmas of 1236 in the city before we took her out to Sluys, giving her a view of the Zwin in the garden that Father had built. With her handmaidens in attendance, Bishop Baudouin of Chinon spoke with me regarding the inheritance of Berry, as I would be the heir to my mother’s duchy, something I now had time to consider and begin to delegate.

    Our mother didn’t survive past January, apparently drifting peacefully into a sleep whilst looking out the window, and was buried alongside our father in Bruges, and I commemorated by looking for a mason to craft a statue of her and father in the garden. In search of an artist, I received help from the guilds of Flanders and Nantes, as Eustache had been a patron of the craftsmen, and so they were able to find a suitable Italian sculptor—a young man by the name of Niccolo Pisano. The Apulian, upon looking briefly upon the faces, was able to perfectly put their persons into stone likeness—though I noticed their sculpted clothes bore the touches of the Guilds’ marks. Nonetheless, Niccolo departed back for Italy, though noted that he had heard of good talent being needed in Tuscany. But, in regards to my new duchy ship, Mother had left me two counties, that of Tours and Bourges, but, being four times duke had left my attention rather strained between my lands, and so I designated Geraud of Sancerre to receive the latter county, as I held the traditional capital.

    However, speaking of Niccolo’s departure for Italy, news came from Rome that Pope Lucius had suddenly passed of an ill-timed sickness, and so Pope Leo X had been elected by the Conclave—but there were particular rumors that Leo’s election was not earned, but bought, as Leo de Rovignan had been his connections with the da Lauria of Genoa. Not only that, but he had brought his family with him to the Holy See—indeed, the Vicar of Christ had two bastard sons, even. While this also put the question of our King’s efforts in Norway into jeopardy, as the status of Lucius’ pledge was left on the words of a closely guarded group of messengers crossing the Holy Roman Empire, bringing word from Pope to our King: would such a sinful pope care for the fate of the excommunicated?

    I had much time to debate the idea, as a sudden flux kept me isolated from the world, as my men exchanged chamber pot and expulsion bucket, one after the other, only subsisting off a diet of yogurts, made in the way of the Levant, as some French veterans of the crusades had vouched for their ease. Somewhat vile at first, it was sweetened with fruits and berries, and I was able to keep my stomach in, and forget the taste of my own bile. Still exhausted and with a headache, I couldn’t vouch for what I had eaten, as nobody else admitted to also having been struck down with it, but I managed to get myself aright when news arrived from Paris, as it turned out that our King’s messenger to the Pope had also arranged another meeting: that of the marriage of the Queen-Mother Elena Sanchez to Prince Gerardo di Pisotia the younger brother of King Leopoldo III of Italy. Perhaps a way of impressing his strength upon Pope Leo, the Princeps of Pavia, Milan, Monferrato, Pisa, Verona, and Padua was a powerful man, though more of his proximity to Rome than anything, as the Holy Father was still a vassal of the Kaiser.

    Perhaps in a need to show his piety, Pope Leo sent the bishops of Europe back to their Kingdoms, bringing news of a Crusade for Egypt, as the Fatamid Saracens of the Nile had been the ire of the Faliero of Jerusalem. Seeking glory in the land of the Pharaohs would be a difficult task, but, as I had recovered, I was fully ready for such a challenge, to follow in the legacy of my great grandfather, Eustache VI. However, while our King returned from Norway victorious, as Price Hakon av Sudreim now sat on the throne, he spared little time in Paris before departing for Rheims, where Leo X had made good on his predecessor’s promise, honoring Hugues VI with a coronation worthy of the King, who then pledged to join the recent crusade. But there were two noticeable figures missing from the procession: Hugues Capet of Penthievre and Duke Girvais of Burgundy—as, following after his brother Hugue’s war, Girvais de Toulouse had a claim on the French throne.

    But, Penthievre and Burgundy were on opposite sides of the kingdom, and could not muster without our King’s noticing—and so, perhaps in preparation for the forgiveness of the crusade, Christian blood was shed as I lead the army of 5.6 thousand against 1.8 thousand rebels at Alencon. The Brentons were quick to flee, and so, giving chase with our cavalry, I rode ahead as a second line of pikemen held the line. Losing some of our outriders, I managed to hold though, though the blunt side of a pike smacked into my head. Keeping a hold of myself, the pikemen broke as the rest of our riders arrived, and Guichard was pleased to announce the blow had only produced a black eye, puffy and sore. Though it healed, the wound left a rather lasting annoyance on my face, as, though my nose had been reset, it had never fully recovered. While our King won a promising victory at Amines, killing some 1.9 thousand Burgundians, nearly half the enemy’s strength. With their armies in the field defeated, we could now turn to the enemy’s loyal cities, and so I led my men to Beaumont to convince the city to surrender, as we didn’t need any further death for this pointless war.

    However, the city held out, and a grueling flu spread through our camp. I was not immune to this, either, though my attempts to ignore the malaise turned rather sour, as it appeared that my nose’s condition weakened the whole of my brain. As my physician, a man by the name of Folques, a renowned naval doctor of recent employ, inspected me, he said that the tissue had been infected by the flu, and so he needed to remove it. Given a potion to dullen my senses and help me sleep, I woke up to excruciating pain, as the Sea-Devil had seen cutting off my nose, as well as the tissue around my formerly black eye, saying that it had all been taken up! Thanking the man, I wore bandages around my face as a patch could be fashioned to fit around my eye and a prosthetic to suit my face, but it was then that I learned that Beaumont had finally surrendered. However, as I went to arrange for their terms and simply see them returned to our King, our men swarmed into the city. Fires already burned by the time I got to my horse, but, riding forth, there was nothing I could do as the disgruntled men of Flanders, Brittany, and Berry sacked the city, slaughtering its peoples and taking their riches. While there were trials to be held afterwards, they certainly weren’t to be in clerical court, as the surrender of Duke Girvais and Earl Hugues meant that the road to the salvation was now open, perched upon the words of “Deus Vult.”

    Unable to do justice for the people of Beaumont, we ended up making for Nantes, gathering our forces as we prepared to depart, waiting through the winter of 1240 before taking to the Atlantic. It was good tidings, I heard, as a rebellion had struck the Fatimid Saracens, the current Sultans of Egypt, and they would, no doubt, be easy prey as we rendered unto the home of the pharaohs. We saw the sails of several other crusader nations pass by our shores, but we waited for fairer weather, as our men knew of the storms that could sweep entire ships into her Atlantic depths. However, when we did, the winds failed after we passed between Hospitalier Tunisia and Greek Sicily and so we took to shore along Tripolitania, where our men were attacked by the Saracens there! Fending them off, a captured Moor told us that they had recognized the Lion of Flanders, flown by my great-grandfather during the previous Crusade, and hated everything to do with us Franks. While Guichard and I agreed that we must deal with these Mohammadans, my aunt Bourguigne, the Dove of Flanders, who had come with her husband, Girvais de Cayeux, believed that we should continue for Egypt, per the Papal Command.

    As a number of the Brentons believed her, they departed for the Nile, though I heard that the inter-dynastic dispute had been resolved in order to face the Crusaders, as Kaiser Thomas von Freisach, the Bohemian, had committed the whole of the Holy Roman Empire to the Crusade. Our King, however, had not joined in the war, as the traveling Bakrid and Yafrids brought news that he had set himself against the Kingdom of the Pyrenees, intending to make Queen Elbira de Logrono fund the French crown like her grandfather had done to Eorcenberht II. But, there were more pressing issues: mainly that of the Bakrids and the Yafrids, as the number of Christian Andalusians they had assembled for the Crusade starved out our supplies, as the stockpiles of Tunisia were only to be used by the brothers of Sardinia. Unable to get food and water for everyone, many collapsed from the heat, and even I had to undergo rationing of thin breads, water, so much that Guichard noticed that I was getting too thin. Whilst they eventually left, we were able to recover our stockpiles, and, soon enough, we were eating well again, though many had left to join Bourguigne, whilst others had set back for Tunisia, intending to use their loot to buy their return home.

    Whilst we suffered disappointing prospects from our campaign, the others were much more successful—as Cairo had fallen in the February of 1242, and the Fatimids had been removed from all places of influence, so Pope Leo proclaimed Ottone von Freisach, the Blessed Bastard of Bohemia, its king! The bastard son of the King of Prague, having been given the same name, I knew little of the grandson of the Kaiser, but my Aunt and her Brentons had been rewarded with lands in the new Christian kingdom—particularly, the Duchy of Alexandria. The jeweled mouth of the Nile, I regretted my decision to stay in Tripolitania, and, for shame of our lack of conquest beyond the weathering of Africa’s dunes, we took back to our boats and returned for Nantes. But, as we passed through the Straits of Hercules, Guichard took a ship south for Igliz, seeking to see the state of our cousins in the Maghreb.

    Whilst I put the wealth of Africa to use into the newly chartered cities of Lezerque and Donges, I learned that my betrothed, Princess Benoîte de Vexin-Amiens, had come of age and was ready to wed. But, with her father still down in Navarre, I dared not press for a quick marriage without his oversight, and so I waited for his victory—though I could only wait so long before the princess grew impatient. Not that I was impatient, however, as I still had the welcoming arms of Eustachie, of whom I was sure my betrothed could be no match for. It was during this time that Guichard returned from his trip to Igliz, bearing two interesting pieces of news: the first was that he had been coerced into a betrothal with Adelaide, 16 years his junior, in order to keep the de Boulogne upon the throne. Not unlike my own betrothal to Benoite, I was happy that my brother would one day be called king, which was when he revealed his second piece of information. Upon learning of this match, our Aunt Bourguigne, calling him an exemplar of the crusading spirit, wrote to them and named Guichard her heir, as she was too old to have any children herself.

    With those prospects in his future, I awaited our King’s return when I learned of a surprising upheaval in Sardinia, as the Hospitalier had been cast out of the island by some upstart noblemen of the di Tortoli family, sending the holy order fleeing to their holdings in Tunisia. Nonetheless, the next news from the Mediterranean came on the back of our King’s return, though Hugues’ face was covered as he approved of the marriage between me and his sister. Having taken a strike to the head whilst fighting the Basques, he said that he had suffered a terrible blow to the head that had crushed his face, removing his nose and denting the whole of his face inwards in a very unnatural way. Of this, he could only speak to me of the affair, he told me, as my own noseless condition had left me very much in his sympathies, and so I swore to secrecy on the matter, to hold up the prestige of the royal family. Thus, our faces were both dressed up for the wedding, and, while Benoite was the pinnacle of being prim and proper, I learned she wasn’t too creative of a girl, as her lessons had always taught her to follow, rather than lead. Not that it mattered too much to me, as I soon taught her what Eustachie had taught me about women, easing my way into her and letting her learn about my scarred face, rather than forcing it all upon her at once.

    Bringing her back to Bruges, she was not as impressed with Sluys, though she did appreciate my father’s gardens upon the Zwin, taking it upon herself to maintain it. Pleased to see herself go about her work, I did as well, looking to the condition of my duchies and the potential for growth when I learned that Emperor Lionel had passed, transferring the title of Emperor of the Britons to his son, Inwaer Dall—also leaving a legacy of being one of the first British Monarchs in recent history to not be involved in a war with France. But, as I welcomed Guichard back from one of his trips to Alexandria, the October of 1243 was interrupted with news that Inwaer was not like his father, and had declared his intent to return Scotland to the Empire—including our King’s castles in Gowrie.

    But, almost immediately, strife broke out within England, as King Ralph IV’s realm was split in a contest with John de Warenne, and, as attention turned inward, Emperor Inwaer was unable to muster any of his vassals. Thus, shifting a portion of the navy from Nantes to Calais, our King had crossed La Manche, and laid a chevauche across the English countryside, already ablaze with Ralph’s conflict against John and his Welsh allies. As such, our fair Flanders remained untouched by the war, though our wool trade suffered, but I subsidized the guilds with the remaining gold from Tripolitania. It was a little over two years that our King finally returned with peace, as, isolated and unrespected, Inwaer had been unable to match French élan, and had been forced to concede after being chased all around southern England, as Hugues VI stormed their castles.

    His return also brought back a blessing between Benoite and I, as she gave me a son, whom I named Guichard in honor of my good brother, promising to name our next son after her brother, the King. I found myself now placed in a delicate position: our King, older than me, had yet to have a son with Mascarosa de Chatellerault, the former queen of Leon, meaning his younger brother, Berenger was the only other heir to the throne—placing Guichard as third in line. Whilst Mascarosa was already in her early forties, Berenger was just about to come of age. His removal would earn a free inheritance, but we did have the power should we need to support a pretender.

    Whilst thinking of that matter, it came to my attention that, whilst a number of Brentons had been landed underneath Aunt Bourguine, many had returned restless and wanting—and, with horse and lance, had become quite the bother in that country. Whilst I was tempted to just marshal the troops, I realized that a company of lances would be a worthwhile asset, a good way to supplement my own forces: as such, I hired them into my services, giving their apartments in Sluys and a salary, so as long as they served as an organized unit of cavalry, without having to rely on mustering troop to solve every issue. Marking them with the Lion de Flandre, they were my Leeuw, as the men of Bruges called them, and it would only be a matter of time until they saw their first action.

    Indeed, their moment came soon, as a visit to Guines to visit the peasantry was interrupted by count Geraud de Blois of Sancerre, who wished to speak to me of his claims for La Marche. Though they were currently held by King Rainer de Ponthieu of Occitania, the land was in strife, as the King had hired Cuencon mercenaries to help him fight against the merchant princes of Amalfi, as the Italian vassals of the Holy Roman Empire wished to expand their trade district in Nines to the whole county of Melgueil. However, as the city was separated by the German Archbishopric of Bordeaux and Navarrese Languedoc, the mercenaries had been expected to march through foreign territory without any support, and, as they had been promised payment upon defeating the Lotharlings, they hadn’t the ability to fund themselves whilst avoiding the ire of the Archbishop or Queen of the Pyrenees.

    Thus, the Cuencons had turned about on their former employer, as, defeating the Occitan King, set themselves on the path to conquering the whole of the kingdom—now would be a good time to strike, and seize what we could. A good chance to expand our prestige, I gave the Leeuw the vanguard as I marshalled the men, hoping to seize La Marche before the Cuencons. However, as we readied ourselves, I learned that, whilst Ralph IV had managed to win his war against John, the Welsh still held a grudge—and so the King of England’s body had been found peppered with longbow shot. Thus, per the rules of division within the kingdoms of Britain, Ralph V took up his father’s throne at the age of 18, whilst his three-year-old brother, Robert, was held in Ath Cliath in the regency of Ireland.

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    Journal 13
  • --Journal 13; 6/7/19--
    **May 19th, 1247**
    !Duke Guriant de Boulogne of Flanders! [71]

    It was as we marched south that further news arrived from both Occitania and England, as we received news that King Rainer had been excommunicated—again. After his father, Bermond had been excommunicated and removed from power, Rainer had been so as well, but Rainer II’s young death returned the man to his throne, in what was supposed to be the graces of Holy Mother Church. Of course, the feuds between the Occitans and the Archbishop of Bordeaux were no small part of this, though it had usually held the attention of the Kings of Italy, more so than any German. But, through one manner or another, Rainer was damned on this earth and in heaven, and so Emperor Inwaer of the Britons, after having been humiliated by our King, sought some glory for following Pope Urbanus IV’s command.

    Thus, my cousin Guillaume of Poher, assuming command of the Fleming brigades after the death of his father Henri in a duel with Count Loup Karling of Rennes, reported that the Emperor’s troops joined in the siege of Thouers, whilst I lead my men in setting camp outside of Limousin. Bonaventura’s Cuencon band was in the area, helping as I allowed them a free range of pillaging in exchange for their cooperation, a price the loose mercenaries were eager to agree to. I thought we even had more support when our rearguard reported that Hugues had raised the Fleur-de-Lis, but it was only that our King was marching for the Mediterranean to join King Leopoldo III in making the Sardinians, now free of the Hospitalier, pay homage to the King of Italy.

    While the Occitans could barely amount to a standing army, they were loyal to Rainer to a fault, and so they held on to their castles for as long as they could. Thinking back to the sack of Beaumont, the camps were checked for diseases and morale was kept through drill and military activities to keep the boredom away. In this time, interesting news came from the Holy Roman Empire, as Duchess Blancefore II had officially petitioned Kaiser Thomas von Freisach to change her county of Toxandria to Breda, as the city had overtaken all others in Brabant—that, whilst not having the economic output of Bruges, had grown to a much larger population than the seat of Flanders.

    Leaving much in terms of competition, my reputation with my brother Guichard had recently been soured as, whilst he had been promised to inherit Aunt Bourguigne’s Alexandria, news of my Guichard had changed the old woman’s mind, as she had just recently changed her inheritance to be in favor of my son. My letters back to him received no reply, whilst Benoite said that she kept our son away from her brother-in-law, in fear for his life. While I wasn’t sure it should go that far, I told her to at least keep a watchful eye as I pondered my situation. Stuck in my thoughts, I often wandered the siege camp by myself, thinking of how we could convince Bourguigne to change her mind, or if we even could, as my old aunt was growing older with each passing day. Walking alone one night, I pondered another letter to send to my brother when I felt a queer feeling above, and looked up to see a comet quickly moving across the sky, heading east, from the direction of Saturn. While this hadn’t been mentioned by anyone of my knowledge, I didn’t think too much of it as some of the soldiers, who had stepped outside their tent for some fresh air, noticed it. From my disposition, they mistook me for a monk, calling out to me and asking me for what God’s will was above. Recalling my father’s encounter with a sword from heaven, I wasn’t of the same blessed thought, and told the soldiers that it was merely a late bit of sunlight that was still trying to do its purpose.

    Going to bed without a letter written, I woke up the next morning to hear rumors around the camp of the comet, and the monk who had described the phenomenon. Many were impressed and intrigued, but, as people looked for an answer, I knew that my nose and eye wrap would give me away, and so I came forth about my moment in retrospect—which only lead to further comments that my men started calling me “the Monk.” These rumors seemed to spread, particularly as the Grand Mayor of Amalfi, Ausfrid Lotharling, whose family stretched all the way back to the Lombard days of Roman Italy, greeted me with pious tones as he assisted in besieging the Occitans. Thus, claiming La Marche and its surrounding counties, we made for the south, as, whilst Ponthieu was occupied, King Rainer still held castles on the north side of the Pyrenees in Armagnac. – Armagnac, and Auch castle

    Marching alongside the Cuencon band and the Amalfi, we were joined by Guillaume and his Brentons, as well as Emperor Inwaer. Meeting the young Emperor of the Britons, he kept good care of himself, and, while he gave off the appearance of being a just man, he worked too hard at appearing perfect, and I believed he had to be hiding something un-Christian. But, for what it was worth, Inwaer seemed to harbor no ill thoughts about France, and, as we prepared for the siege of Armagnac, he wished to express his condolences to my King for the death of his brother—as, without any influence of my own, Berenger had died in the early August of 1248, apparently having been fighting an illness for most of his life that our King had tried to keep hidden. Still without an heir of his own, my Guichard was now the prince of France, and so Benoite had him brought to Melun to begin his royal training—and also safe from my brother’s hands. However, soon thereafter, Guichard departed for Igilliz, as Queen Adelaide had come of age, and, though he couldn’t have Alexandria, at least he could be named a Prince.

    Pleased that my play at kingmaker had come without anything beyond using my father’s influence to have arranged my marriage, I set my sights on Auch castle, along the Gers. With the mercenaries on our side, they didn’t wish to wait for the winter, and so, with Inwaer’s forces joining us, we camped outside of the castle, preparing to storm it lest we lose men to the winter’s chill. But, fortified along the river and alongside the Cathedrale Sainte Marie, some were hesitant to launch the assault, lest we damage the holy structure, only able to hit the riverside fortifications. Thus, we tried to stage a two-pronged assault, one along the western wall while other forces crossed the river on small boats, as the river hadn’t frozen over entirely. But, as our engines neared the walls, the east faltered—the previous night had created large ice flows, which had only just recently come downriver. As the defenders held the breach, our men were slaughtered in the crossing, but, with the aid of the English longbowmen, we managed to get men across. The Cuencons and Amalfi of the west fared no better, as they lost two rams and a tower before they secured the wall, and, as the defenders finally crumbled, we were left to count our dead before burying them in the Cathedrale’s grounds.

    Coming at a high cost, at least the victory was ours, and we even received an emissary from the King of Occitania—who only promised payment to the Cuencon Band, and the official transferal of Nimes to the Amalfi. As they left the war, recalling their men from their occupied castles back in Ponthieu, Inwaer and I rushed back to reclaim them, as Rainer had remained obstinate in his hold on La Marche, even though he hadn’t held court in his own lands since our invasion began. As we made that march, I received an order from our King: despite being only 3 years old, my son Guichard was going to Alexandria to succeed my late aunt Bourguigne. As her surviving husband, Girvais de Cayeux, had arrived on the orders of King Ottone demanding that my son would be raised in his duchy, the bastard of Bohemia’s words were backed by that of his grandfather, and, while Hugues was willing to contest the power of the English, he could not stand against the might of the Kaiser. Making the decision without my consultation, I cursed our King as Benoite had tried to stall the motion, but Girvais was insistent in Ottone’s demands, and with the backing of Count Eustace Puttoc of Buhairya, one of Bourguigne’s vassals, Guichard was taken to Nantes to cross the Mediterranean.

    Betrayed, I was glad that the de Vexin-Amiens line was to end for Guichard, but it was not something I was going to press upon—my hands were clean, so far, and I needed no reason to mess this up. For Benoite’s sake, I renegotiated our budget to include news and visits from Alexandria, contracting the Amalfi to make the trips. Still, I would voice my complaints to my King, and I would hold this against any of his future endeavors. Focusing on that which I had control over, Inwaer and I went about taking the Occitan castles, I learned that Girvais hadn’t survived my aunt for much longer, dying by the year’s end. In April, the final act of King Rainer was to recognize Geraud de Blois as the count of La March before abdicating, returning his father, Bermond de Ponthieu, to the throne of Occitania.

    Now able to return to peace, with Geraud very satisfied and eager to help me administer Berry, I found myself at odds with my King, and, keeping to Benoite and Flanders, did my best to be the least helpful. Besides, Paris was dirty and run down by robbers and highwaymen, so any official visit required an escort of Leeuw as strong as any kind of war party to deter thieves from the apartments. And so, staying to Bruges and Sluys, I learned that my aunt Bourguigne had been declared a saint by Pope Urbanus IV, as the Dove of Flanders had been rumored to have been a literal miracle worker in Alexandria, on top of her acts of charity and benevolence to her new peoples. But, for this, I was approached by Bishop Gargamel of Damme, who voiced some concern to me over reports that merchants had been selling fake relics that they claimed had been blessed by Bourguigne before her departure for Egypt, something that didn’t bother me—my aunt had been the source of all my problem of late. However, it appeared that my “monk” nickname had spread outside of the soldiery, as Gargamel even referenced it when I was apathetic to his complaints.

    Feeling a bit guilty and pressured, I ordered some investigations into the relics, but never followed through, as there were many more important matters of the state. However, I was then approached by my uncle, Guriant de Clermont, my late mother’s brother, whose birth had come too late to succeed he duchy, whom, acting as a vassal of the Duke of Berry, asked for my permission to join the Knights Hospitalier, and serve God’s mission in Tunisia, Egypt, and the Levant. Speaking of having been inspired by my aunt, he sought the same kind of life of service and so I saw no reason to disallow it. Grateful for the honor, he then told me that there were still services I could do for God, as he said that Guriant “the Monk” could at least take a look at the Benedictine house in Guines. With Gargamel encouraging Guriant’s pursuits as my uncle left for Rome, I took a trip to Calais before making for the brothers. Intending to just make a donation and become a patron, I was pressured by Father Aimery into swearing an oath to formally become a monk.

    Though not swearing away my titles, I returned to Bruges to enact the rules of Saint Benedict and live in labor, but, as I was asked to perform a secluded fast, I was troubled to detract myself from my duchy, as I learned that my cousin Guillaume had passed, and, so young himself, hadn’t had any sons. And, since he had been uncle Henri’s only son, I was now the most legitimate heir to the counties of Poher and Retz. Split between thinking about what to do about those counties, and having to not eat, I could not focus on my theological studies, and, after three days, I could no longer resist. Bursting from my seclusion, I ordered a large banquet where I could address the concerns of Brittany, bringing in Brenton lords to hold a conference. While I would still try to do work for the Benedictines, this would be the greatest extent I would ever do for them, as becoming a patron was much easier to maintain.

    As for the matter of Brittany, Thomas Karling of Rennes had taken it upon himself to represent the Brentons, and, as the Karling was very influential in the region, I ultimately decided that he would be the best to handle the counties, as I needed a strong hand to ensure that the Brentons remained loyal to me. Some would say that I had just played into the hands of Thomas, as his father Loup had been the one responsible for uncle Henri’s death, but Thomas was a capable statesman of a reputable lineage whom I could trust to keep watch over Guillaume’s former lands. With that settled, an order summoned our King’s levies to Calais, as the King of Denmark, Yngvar Vatrsfirding, had been excommunicated from the Holy Catholic Church upon word of his trespasses against the bishops of Scandinavia—and Hugues aimed to serve God in his own way.

    However, on the subject of excommunications, King Bermond passed before the winter of 1254, leaving Rainer I to take up the throne of Occitania for his third distinct time, something that I believed would not last too long. Whilst our King won the war in Denmark in the spring, I received the most strange request through my brother, as the Kingdom of the Maghreb had found itself faced with an enemy from beyond the vast deserts of Africa. As the Pope had set up the kingdom in order to prevent Muslims from reaching the peoples who lay beyond the Sahara. Well, as it turned out, the Saracens already had, and had turned them to Muhammadism—a vast empire of gold and salt that rose between the sands. And, acting in the name of their prophet, acting in revenge for the loss of Egypt, had struck their way north towards the Anti-Atlas mountains, posing themselves to devour my sister-in-law and her small kingdom!

    Though his wife had requested the aid of the Christian Knight Orders, Guichard asked if I could spare some of the Leeuw to his aide, and, despite the issues I had with my brother, I couldn’t abandon him, especially in this moment of need. Waiting on Benoite to deliver a daughter, Isabeau, I left for Nantes, where I met with Thomas Karling and his Brentons as we prepared to sail. We had left behind my forces from Berry and Flanders, as reserves, as I had been hearing rumblings of dissent within our Kingdom, and the whole of my plans relied on our King remaining in power. The sail down to Igilliz was without issue, but our journey along the coast of Utmani Morocco was bogged as we tried to find portage amongst the ships marked by those of Santiago, the Templar, and the Hospitalier, all of whom had answered the call to defend Christian lands.

    Almost immediately, I found myself seeing Guriant de Clermont and Adelaide, as the Hospitalier had become coordinator between my brother’s wife and the Holy Orders, who warned me of the difficulties assailing their forces: whilst the enemy was large in number, their biggest enemy was the very land itself: Adelaide’s Kingdom of Maghreb had used to rely on some grain imports from Tangier and Gibraltar, but, with the flood of knights, now struggled to support itself, as the people now suffered from the supplies pilfered for the campaign. Glad we had only brought a token force, Adelaide said that my brother was leading forces southwards, keeping towards the shores to maintain supplies, while another force of Malians had been reported moving through the eastern routes of the Adrar Plateau, somehow managing to keep themselves supplied as they moved their way. One of the main watering holes on that side was Merzouga, as Adelaide said there was a deep, exposed aquifer that had been discovered there, enough to quench the thirst of an entire army.

    Thus, we took up the march, gathering alongside Hospitalier and Knights of Calatrava, a long trek through narrow valleys, passing by tiny villages and even smaller rivers, and so we kept a careful watch on the hills and our barrels of water. Luckily, we made it to Merzouga before the foes, whom were described as dark-skinned savages, like those ancient Blackamoors whose skin was as brown as trees. But, claiming that their horses were smaller and quick to frighten, I organized a reserve to be held to frighten off their cavalry. And so, preparing tents and regular trips underground to keep our forces well-rested and watered, the enemy came—there were thousands of them, trampling dust and sand behind them as they all ran, chanting as we waited. To them, we looked almost equal in number, as our cavalry was hidden, so the appearance of some four thousand to both of our forces—prompting their attack. Hollering and loosing arrows, our forces skirmished for only a brief time before the Malians pressed the assault, as linen-clad soldiers bashed our lines with light, thatched shields. But, when their cavalry tried to make a push, was when the order was given and our trap was sprung, riding out from the nearby valley and into their number, routing their colorful horses before following them back towards the enemy camp—their logistics were key to this. With the prospects of losing their food and water, there was a hint of doubt within their number that soon turned into a retreat back across the desert sand, running away as our forces prepared to see how far we could follow them.

    However, cleaning the dust out of my nose, I was struck by a rider, whom had only just arrived—Josselin de Toulouse had risen up in rebellion, bringing the duchy of Burgundy, Roger de Semur’s Picardie, and Jourdain Capet’s Penthieu against our King in an attempt to put his father, Girvais, upon the throne. Entrusting command to the Knights, who would see the rest of the war through, we made a quick return for Igilliz, carrying our own supplies as we returned to our boats, killing all of the captives we had taken. While the messenger said that Benoite had ordered the men of Berry and Flanders to follow her brother’s orders, this was a matter I wanted to see firsthand—the fate of my son depended upon it. Though Hugues did have the allegiance of Queen Ebirra of Navarra, and the alliance of Guitart de Cayeux of Valencia, through the marriage of his daughter to our King’s half-brother, I was worried, and, on our return, I began to feel weak and I could never feel at ease—a malaise that was blamed upon a lack of fresh food, I was told, and so we arrived in Santiago for fruits and vegetables, which eased my condition as we sailed up the Bay of Biscay.

    Arriving at Nantes, I requested a quick rundown of our situation, learning that the east was embroiled in war, but, luckily, our King still held the upper hand. Nonetheless, Thomas and I made a quick march towards the Ile-de-France, stopping in Chartres to send out scouts to not only learn where the enemy was, but where Hugues was, too. It was then that I received a brother from the Benedictines, who complained that Benoite hadn’t kept up to date on my donations to the order, and, finding the man’s whining annoying, I declared that I wouldn’t give any further donations, either. Any further complaints were silenced as we learned that our King had gathered the army in Soisy-sur-Seine, protected on both sides by the Seine and the Forest of Senart—and that King’s men reported that the rebels, having assembled in Sens, were making their way right for him! As we were roughly the same distance from Hugues, we marched with all haste, using the width of the country roads to carry us onward as the rebels had to trek along the L’Yonne and the Seine, slowing down to space themselves around the still-garrisoned Melun.

    Tired from the advance, the men still hurried for the La Francilienne bridge, enjoying the temporary respite from the bottleneck in Corbeil-Essonnes until the Burgudnian flag appeared over the horizon. With our crossbowmen setting themselves upon the bridge, our footmen held the line as our King’s forces advanced down the river, and I saw the flag of Valencia flying amongst their number, as Guitart had come to assist our King. Holding the flow of battle, Josselin tried to press the attack, forcing my men back to the bridge as they formed a line against Hugues’ forces—until the forests shook, emptying themselves of thousands of cavaliers who smashed against the Burgundian formation. At those lines upon the impact, our forces were able to push Josslein’s forces back from the bridge, completing the crossing and delving in as the rebels began to flee.

    All in all, the battle had been a great success, with most of the losses coming from my men on the bridge, but it turned out that we had outnumbered the enemy by a full 10 thousand, and, and, of the 8.7 thousand rebels, we had killed some 3 thousand, whilst taking 1.8 thousand captives—of whom many were ordered executed. But, there was one captive who was not worth executing: Girvais de Toulouse. The grandnephew of Eorcenbehrt was then held in exchange for Josselin’s captivity, and, the July of 1257 saw the end of the rebellion, and the protection of our King’s throne—which was, more importantly, still my son’s. While Benoite left to visit our Guichard, I returned to my position to learn about what had changed since I had left, which, apparently, had been a lot. Within Inwaer’s Britain, Ralph V had been overthrown by his council, who had put Matthew de Normandie “the Chaste” in his place. He then took Ireland from Ralph’s brother, Robert, but, as his piety kept him from his wife’s bed, Matthew had passed without an heir. Rather than return to Ralph or Robert, the lords of those two kingdoms instead found their new liege in Adam de Normandie, the son of Beuves II, who had been Ralph V’s cousin and husband to my great grandfather Eustache’s daughter, Alienor. While Matthew had been beatified by Urbanus IV, it was the last act of the Holy Father, as his passing had paved the way for Pope Nicolaus IV, a man who claimed to have holy visions—almost suspiciously too often.

    Nonetheless, Emperor Inwaer still tried to hold onto his dignity, as we learned that he had rallied his noblemen against King Giric of Scotland, but, unable to win Adam’s support, the fate of the Emperor of the Britons seemed to be at its weakest. Meanwhile, there came news from Occitania that King Rainer had died—apparently of an accident involving boiling water burning his face, and so his 3 year old son, Raimond, was placed upon the throne as his father had sat upon thrice. However, the fate of the weak Occitan realm was still to suffer, as King Gerarcio di Pisotia of Italy sought to make them pay him tribute. Then, from the Maghreb came news that, whilst my brother and his wife were doing well in the war against the Malians, Queen Adelaide’s health had been failing, and so her and Guichard’s son, Eustache, had taken up the throne beyond the Anti-Atlas, my brother as acting regent.

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    While Benoite returned from Alexandria, she reported that our son had been doing well in Egypt, though she warned that, while he was being tutored by Egyptian Christians, she was worried that the ways of the east wouldn’t prepare him for his eventual kingship in France. She was still unable to bring him back to return home, and our King still didn’t dare challenge the Kaiser, so we were left to only hypothesize how our son was growing up. At least, we had our Isabeau, who loved to play in my father’s gardens, and so we could at least be happy for her. However, after not having spent with her in a long, long time, I learned that my “Aunt” Eustachie had fallen ill, as a fever had swept through Flanders in the aftermath of the war, and so, delirious, we visited her in her final days before she was taken away from Earth.

    Then, I heard some strange news: Duke Humber of Blois had invaded Normandy to seize Perche from the British. In the long history of our Kingdom, few could name the last time the French had launched a war against the English. But, I suppose Emperor Inwaer couldn’t even handle some rowdy Scotsmen on his northern border, and he couldn’t be in two places at once—now was the best time to strike, if ever. Watching with anticipation, I learned that our King had actually released Josselin de Toulouse from prison, and had even given him control over Roger de Semur’s Picardie. It was completely unbelievable for our King to reward the rebel, but this was apparently done upon a sworn oath of loyalty to the King—though such oaths had been sworn and broken before. It was just another sign that our King’s mind may have been rattled after his injury whilst fighting the Basques, losing more than just his nose.

    However, after receiving news that King Eustache of the Maghreb had finally put an end to the Malian expansion in the October of 1259, I received a letter from Normandy, from the Earl of Evreux. As the Hanseatic League had done business in Flanders for over 50 years, having established very profitable enclaves within Bruges and Boulogne, Simon de Vassy sought my help in setting up the same kind of relationship with the Hansa in his own town of Alencon. Rather honored to be sought after, I invited the Norman Earl to Boulogne to meet with the local representative of the von Nassau family, Folkmar, the son of current Merchant Prince, Eberhard. It was just the kind of meeting that Simon wanted, as he and Folkmar shook on a von Nassua kontor in Alencon, whilst I even managed to adjust some rates to better suit the current markets. But, in the meanwhile, I also found spending time with Simon to be very enjoyable, and I would have liked to spend more time with him if it weren’t for news that Duke Humber had taken Perche and now advanced into Evreux to reinforce his claims in the region.

    Sending some trustworthy Leeuw to safeguard Simon back to Evreux, I made sure to keep close the information that Emperor Inwaer was failing in fighting the Scots, though I heard news that Duke Josselin had been spending much more time in Picardie than Burgundy, often looking towards his border with the Normans. When he wasn’t doing that, he was bedding several women, as the hotshot young de Toulouse was seen cajoling with several unmarried young women—some of them being noblewomen from Flanders. While a part of me wondered if any of those bastards would believe they had any shred of legitimacy from their grandfather to contest Guichard, I turned my attention elsewhere when the Duke invaded Eu, seizing upon the chaos within the Empire to add the land into his domain. In fact, my attentions turned to that of my face, as I felt that the father of the future king deserved to look more impressive than just a regular duke—searching out some goldsmiths, I fashioned a golden nose to accompany my regular prosthetic, putting the new dividends from the Hansa to good use.

    However, the question of being father of the new King was suddenly brought into question, as our Queen Mascarosa perished of her age at 59, meaning there was a vacancy at Hugues’ side for remarriage, perhaps to a much more nubile, younger woman. While I didn’t wish to actively do anything against our King, the unthinkable happened on July 28th, 1261, when our King was found dead in his bathtub, floating face down. An immediate summoning to Melun questioned his servants, who claimed that Hugues VI had asked to bathe alone, and said that they had heard a noise before finding him unconscious in the tub. I ordered a full investigation to take place as I assumed the title of regent, holding the place of my son until he could arrive from Alexandria. Not to be too suspicious, but I was the most senior member of the realm, and, with Humber and Josselin both fighting the English, and Guichard was already 15, so it wasn’t like I would steal the power away from my own son.

    But, as we waited for Guichard, I couldn’t find anything of what happened to our King besides an odd sized bump on his head. It could have been very well that he had accidentally slipped and hit his head, or that someone had struck him—but, even confession and some torture of the servants and the guards proved nothing, and we were only left with suspicions when Guichard arrived. With all the pomp of a pharaoh, riding high in his saddle with broad and strong shoulders, he spoke Greek, Latin, French, though the latter was his weakest, Benoite’s warning now ringing true. If he spoke any German, he didn’t use any, thankfully, and so he was brought to Rheims to receive his coronation, where Bishop Gilbert named me his regent for whence he would come of age in a year’s time. My son, however, complained of this, saying he was more than ready to assume his responsibilities, he said—but he complained to the Duke of Flanders, Berry, and the Brittanys, not his father. It was an odd thing, to have a child of whom I didn’t know. There were years to make up for, I hoped, but, in the boisterous flower of his youth, cocksure and strong, he was cavalier, barely restrained by the other powers of our stations—myself included, as I had to make sure all of his responsibilities were in check.

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    But, whilst profits of Alexandria soon reached Nantes, our Pishoui Zaia, one of Guichard’s Egyptians, noted that the benefits were not there in full—as Guichard explained that his land, whilst granted and ordained by God, was in the guardianship of King Ottone, and, so he would pay his just due as a vassal. Upon that topic, my son asked of that of Normandy—it had been nearly 200 years since the Normans had taken England into their domain, but, examining the records, he saw that no dues had been paid since the fall of the Capets. To this, Bishop Guillaume of Naucratis, one of the Brenton Crusaders whom had settled Alexandria, said that the de Normandie had renounced their pledges upon de Semur’s rebellion and, as a part of the price for supporting them to the throne, the de Vexin-Amiens had formally recognized English control of the duchy. While my son considered this intolerable, our relationship had always been the weaker since the formation of the British Empire—but, after Duke Humber received a treaty from Emperor Inwaer recognizing his possession of Perche, it seems that the tide was changing.

    However, there was trouble afoot, as Emperor Inwaer arrived in Picardie to strike back against Josselin, but, his army numbered no more than 2 thousand in number, and so my son wasn’t troubled by it, and neither were we—even I could defeat that Emperor’s army. He was more troubled by news that some upstart peasants had tried to seize the outer suburbs of Alexandria, and so he had sent his Coptic bodyguard back for Egypt, under the support of Prince-Bishop Pishai Ragran, whom he assigned to maintain the territory in his stead. In the meanwhile, he had more important tasks, as my son’s birthday and assumption of responsibility was upcoming—as well as his wedding to Agnes de Boulogne, the daughter of Baron Geoffrey of Saint-Pol, a match made whilst he was still a youth in Egypt. Despite that, the Maid d’Fauquembergues hadn’t been groomed to be a Queen, as it was barely like she groomed at all, and I’m told it took the royal maids several days to prepare her for the wedding, dragging her away from the libraries of Paris. While her head was stuck in the romances of her stories, I didn’t approve of the match, as there were better maidens for my son, especially for one whom he wasn’t related to, but Guichard remained true to his pledge.

    Upon the return of the cataphracts from Alexandria, Guichard was not idle—as, with a child in Agnes’ belly, he was eager to perform his role as King and bring glory to his kingdom. The first of these tasks, for him, was that of righting the Norman wrongs, restoring the honor long lost to the Kingdom and, with Emperor Inwear in Vexin, there was no better time than now. Calling the banners in the spring of 1263, it was almost embarrassing how quickly the Emperor capitulated, as his forces were eagerly routed and removed from the continent, and, by mid-summer, the whole of Normandy was in French hands. Abandoning those lands like he had done with Perche, a treaty was signed in Calais, as King dictated to the Emperor of who ruled France, and who oversaw the matters of Britain. Per my request, Simon de Vassy attended the meeting to pledge allegiance to my son, remaining the Earl of Evreux, though Lady Elar Tegaingl of Rouen, the line of Empress Aibinn, was named the new Duke of Normandy—as well as the King’s regent. While I was rather slighted by this Norman receiving such a position, it at least meant I had more time to deal with the business of my own duchies.

    While Benoite dotted in Melun with our new granddaughter, Rou’oune, Guichard came to me with an important task, as he had just received news that the Moslems had been called to jihad for the reclamation of Egypt. As faith triumphed over all other matters, he wished for me to continue to restore France in his absence, and asked me to direct my efforts towards that of Occitania, to, to claim lands for his kingdom, and to investigate what could be done to contest the Germans who held several castles in the region. While he departed, I was hesitant to make a move, as young King Raimond had been subjugated by King Geracio of Italy, and I didn’t want to tempt both of them whilst our King was away—which would open my own duchies to target from the other dukes of France, who envied my place as father-regent. There would also be doubts as to whether I made the move of my own volition or that of Guichard, as he had forgotten to write an official order for me. I found myself trapped in a weird situation of which I wasn’t sure of, as my ambitious son would not be pleased if I did nothing.

    [Author’s Note: How do I roleplay Guichard inviting me to a carousing feast, which he then locked me away to demand Upper Brittany, which I gave to him, but he then gave back to me and I got an event saying I enjoyed the feast?]

    But then, an idea came to me when meeting with Simon de Vassy over Bordeaux wine—Guillaume le Conquerant had received legitimacy in his claim though that of the Pope: would Martinus III be willing to give written expression for my son’s right to rule the northern shores of the Gironde? With the Bishop of Rheims, Prince-Bishop Rorgon, joining me, we wrote a word to the Pope voicing our concerns over the people of Ponthieu, as their Kings have all been excommunicated, leaving their people to wither and grow faithless: they needed a true Christian monarch, like Guichard, to take control over the region, away from Occitan influence, and back to Mother church, and so we wished for our King to have Papal approval in this matter.

    And then, good news returned from Italy: not only did Martinus III approve of our measure to save the souls of the Occitans, but King Geracio had passed away without any heirs, and, with the Kingdom of Italy passing to Simonetto Crispo, the de Ponthieu had no reason to pay service a foreign crown—nor did the Crispo have any reason to protect them. Before the Archbishop of Bordeaux could strike, I took the initiative, marshalling in the spring of 1264 and making for the Gironde, cornering the Occitans at La Rochelle, the Leeuw leading the vanguard of the Berrichon and Brentons. While a third of their army of 2.1 thousand were cut down, we had only lost 150 men of our 3.6 thousand as I arrived with the armies of Flanders, nodding to Thomas Karling for opening the way for our victory.

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    Journal 14
  • --Journal 14; 6/24/19--
    **June 7th, 1264**
    !Duke Guriant de Boulogne “the Monk” of Flanders! [74]

    As Thomas and I began split our forces, him aiming for the capital of Thours, I took to the inland to follow Raimond’s nobles, when I saw the flag of Toulouse—the duchy, not the family--as Duke Gontzalde Gourdon, a subject of Navarre, explained during parlay that he was only seeking Melguiel, as per his duchy’s place in the land. While that meant it was easier to divide and conquer, Prince-Bishop Rorgon had sent a letter informing me of two things, the first being that Martinus III had ascended to heaven, and so, Pope Clemens III, who had been a noted theologian and scholar before reaching the conclave, had been chosen for Saint Peter’s throne. With that, Martinus’ first act was to go even further than Urbanus IV and to declare that King Matthew of England had been a saint, equating his acts of devotion to that of an apostle. However, Rorgon’s letter then informed me that Duchess Elar Tegaingl, acting regent on behalf of our King, had demanded the revocation of province of Vendome from Humber d’Blois, acting on orders that Guichard had left for her before his departure to Egypt.

    However, the Duke of Blois would not take the proxy-order from my son, and had taken arms to defend his lands. Leaving Thomas to deal with the Occitans, I took my 5.6 thousand men north, crossing in Tours where I received news from Benoite that her pregnancy had passed well, and so she had given me a second daughter, Jeanne. Blessed, I felt unworried as I crossed the Loire at Saint-Firmin-des-Pres, but that was when the rebels struck, striking from around the lakes as we were instantly surrounded by the enemy force. But, before I could organize the men, there was already a rout as men began stampeding back across the river—and they could not be rallied. In the end, I could do nothing but join the retreat, and wait for the numbers to come back—though it was evident that we had lost several thousands. Indeed, as it when we later gathered that only 1 thousand had returned to us, the remaining having been killed or otherwise missing.

    Sending riders to find the other survivors, I received my own rider from Thomas Karling, who reported that Count Archambaut IV of Armagnac had hired mercenaries from Muricia, and was marching north: Thomas was securing Limousin for the oncoming battle. From the odds discussed, it had been slightly in Archambaut’s favor, at 4.8 thousand to Thomas’ 4 thousand, but our forces gathered in strength with each passing day, our banners swelled up to 2.5 thousand, as the survivors from Fermin trickled in every day. We arrived in Limoges a few days before the battle, finally giving time for the men to rest before the Occitans struck. Trying to hold the southern bank of the Vienne, the men were still exhausted, and, while we outnumbered the Occitans and their mercenaries, some 4.8 thousand strong, the Murician condottieri commander, Abudul-Hazm, was motivating his men onwards, pushing into our lines. While I feared another collapse, we were suddenly saved by a streak of pure brilliance, as Phillipe de Valpergue, a renowned duelist in Thomas’ service, distinguished himself in cutting down Abudul-Hazm, ending the advance as the mercenaries hauled their injured commander from the field.

    We both left the field having lost some 2 thousand each, but, with our advantage in numbers, ours was the victory. With the Occitans losing the last of their hopes, bishop Baudoin, brought terms from his King, who had fled to court in Benghazi. He agreed to recognize my King’s title of the duke of Poitou, but the only transferral of lands was Thouars—though, without Guichard to argue, I took the terms as is, settling that he could push his later claims as Duke later. But, for that, the issue of Thouars was now in my hands—and I saw no better reward than to reward it to Philippe de Valpergue, as the man who had won the war. In the meanwhile, Duchess Elar had finally mobilized the forces of France against the rebels de Blois, and, by the Christmas of 1265, had captured Duke Humbert in battle at Lude. It was only the next week that my son finally returned from Egypt, as King Ottone had captured the Muslim Caliph, Mina Fatimid, in battle, demoralizing the Mohammadans into submission.

    But, as I greeted my son, his mind raced for conquest, saying that, since I had completed the war for Thouars, I should be the rightful duke of Poitou. Upon conferring the title upon me, Guichard said that an invasion of Poitiers was entirely justified, using a loophole with the peace terms, as he was fighting for the Duke of Poitou, not himself. But I didn’t need the responsibilities of a fifth duchy, so I promised Philippe would receive the county, and I would petition for him to receive the ducal title. Taking up arms alongside my son, we descended upon the Occitans again, and, while I laid siege alongside my son, Thomas took his men down to Melgueil. But our old foe in Count Archambaut sought to save his kingdom from French invasion—and so the Karling had been forced to flee from Melguiel. But, as the rest of the Brentons arrived, he was able to earn a victory at Montpelier, sending the Occitan back to his place before the mountains.

    Pushing into the winter of 1268, we received terms in February, and so Guichard granted Poitier to Philippe as I returned to Flanders. Despite the wars, my treasury hadn’t suffered, as trade with England and the Hansa had remained as profitable as ever. Thus, I put the money back into Bruges and Gent, personally paying for the construction of new districts and guild halls, as the betterment of the burghers meant a stronger Flanders. While Pope Clemens also decided to name Kaiser Thomas von Freisach a saint for all of his duties in protecting the faith and taking Egypt for his grandson, Benoite and I had a second son, whom I considered naming Eorcenberht after the king, but we named him Hugues after her brother. But, for young Hugues, there was something odd about him, as all the maids of Sluys and Melun agreed that, as young as he was, he seemed responsive to words and had a strange glow about him.

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    While there was no satisfactory explanation for this other than God’s blessing, it seemed that our Father’s eyes were not as all-seeing as thought, as a letter from my brother Guichard informed me of the poor state of his son’s kingdom. The Kingdom of the Maghreb had faced more wars against the Blackamoors, and, pushed to the breaking point, several of the nobles had turned to despair and embraced Muhammadism, to prevent further invasion. They had even convinced Eustache to do the same, but Guichard’s opposition had ostracized him from court. While I remained his confidant, there was a much more pressing issue when Hugues had somehow managed to escape his maids, but was found by a kitchen maid having somehow opened and tried drinking several vials of cooking oils. But, despite it all, he never cried or ever displayed signs of stress, and, while we kept a better watch on him, rumors started to spread that Hugues was growing immune to poisons, like some kind of descendant of Mithridates.

    But that wasn’t the end to his miracles, as soon after turning 2, Benoite let him crawl through Eustache’s garden when we suddenly heard a noise. Rushing to him, we found him with a dead snake in hand, as it had apparently lurked in the bushes, and had meant to attack our poor Hugues—but his brilliant mind had already recognized and dispatched the danger. While the maids spread news of this, Benoite remained worried over the child, while I was summoned to Melun to attend the baptism of my grandson, whom Guichard had named Alexandre, in honor of Alexandre le Grand, founder of Alexandria. It was in this I noticed that Guichard had acclimated to being the king of France, and no longer called himself pharaoh in serious situations, returning to the proper title of Roi. While we were there, I met Etienne Fournier, the new Duke of Blois, who threw a celebration for our King, and, during a night of drinking and toasts, I came to appreciate the man, as he threw fun parties and knew a fair share of games to pass the nights.

    As 1271 came to a close, Baron Geraud de Guines of Saint-Omer, who had just come back from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, brought back rumors a miasma in the east: while other swarms had ravaged the lands of Hindustan, the tales he brought were far worse, as the pestilence had killed all of traders from Cathay. But that was far beyond Persia, and would never affect us, I had thought: though, to be safe, I gave a new donation to the hospital of Saint Marie’s in Boulogne. That news didn’t disrupt the activities of the state, as continued with my visits to Paris and Etienne to attend meetings with my son and Duke Etienne. However, there was a split when Pope Gregory VIII called for a new crusade, this time to expand into the Levant and to reach the fabled river valleys of Mesopotamia, to claim the Saracen kingdom of al-Jazira. Despite having earned his place in Egypt, won through the crusade, Guichard wasn’t too keen on the mission, as he had taken more to Geraud’s warnings of the plague that had now been killing the Persians. However, Archbishop Rorgon said that we would be protected by God, and, for this old Monk, I found good cause in our righteous mission—if, after all, the Persians and Turks had been killed, it would be an easy task to claim their lands.

    But Guichard disagreed, and, to appease him, I offered support to the Christian warriors, sending funds to the Papacy to use for the supply and transportation of the crusaders. But, with my age getting the best of me, a part of me was stirred to fervor, and so I pledged to take up arms in the expansion of our Faith, as all kingdoms on Earth paled before the Kingdom of Heaven. While Guichard warned me, he couldn’t stop my oath sworn before Rorgon, as he remained indifferent to the thing: I suspected he would take advantage of the circumstance to expand his lands. But, Emperor Inwaer of Britain had pledged, as well as Queen Elbira of Navarra, with King Simonette Crispo of Italy and Kaiser Arderico de Zori offering their support as well—with the exception of the Bakrid, and a portion of the Kaiser’s empire, my son was the only Christian lord whom hadn’t taken up arms.

    As we planned to set out in the May of 1273, Guichard hadn’t made a pledge as we took to Calais, the Leeuw boarding as the Lions of Flanders soon sailed for Nantes, joining with the Brentons and Berrichon as the Flags of England, Ireland, and Wales, flew ahead of us. Catching up to them as we passed by the Basque coast, I received horrifying news—Prince-Bishop Giselbert of Bordeaux had seen Guichard’s actions as a threat to his bishopric, and an unholy act that exposed the Greek heresies he had been taught as a child. Having written to Pope Gregory about this, He had sent a Papal Legate to Melun to encourage my son’s participation—but this order had been refused: his pride had taken too much of him. But I knew I couldn’t turn the brash youth’s mind around, and sought to inspire him with action, sending back one last letter to inspire him to curry God’s favor and earn the glory that he had always sought.

    With my fleet serving as adjutant to Emperor Inwaer, it was interesting to serve alongside the Emperor of the Britons after he had been humiliated by not only one, but two of my Kings, as well as my fellow Dukes. As such, I kept my fair distance, though I used my council when it was needed, as we both agreed that, should the weather be fair, we should make right for the Levant to supply ourselves before marching through the deserts of Syria when a much cooler autumn came, as we had no immediate rush for our conquest. After all, Earl Simon de Vassily was in our company, and I could enjoy my time with the Norman lord, who stood on the precipice between French and British forces. However, as we passed through the Mauritanian Coast, it appeared that God might not have been with us: the ports of Tunisia were empty, as we found ugly bodies construed about, bearing hideous, black buboes on their thighs, arm pits, and necks. While our men scavenged for supplies, Inwaer and I retreated to our boats, as we sent out ships to supply from Sicily. But then, one of our men stumbled back aboard my ship, bearing a darkened rash upon his neck, before he groaned, collapsing as his silences were silenced by sudden vomiting. While the priests looked to him, several others of our expedition soon reported the same, and we realized that the miasma had still lingered over the portage. Accepting what supplies we had, we took back to sea, only to be intercepted by our ships from Sicily, who reported the same of that island.

    I was horrified to think that the Saracens had devised such a curse to kill us off, but Inwaer and his Britons believed it was the work of the Devil—thus, the mission of our Crusade should be even stronger, to reignite the fires of Jesus Christ and to protect all of Christendom from this scourge. As our Anglo-Fleming armada was joined by various German princes, they spoke of the terrors of this “Black Death” that had gripped their country: it was far safer to fight on Crusade than to remain in the Holy Roman Empire. To this, I realized that nothing was stopping the plague from reaching my own dear France, as I’m sure Guichard’s refusal to cooperate with the Pope would earn Satan’s attraction, and so I found a ship eager to return to France and bring back my message. As for me, some of the crusaders asked if I could divine God’s purpose in this matter, and so I encouraged them to look to the stars. Though I hadn’t taken up the matter too seriously since that one day, we noticed that Jupiter and Saturn were in conjunction: an auspicious matching.

    Our armada weakened with every passing day, as whole ships were abandoned upon finding one man with a bubo or a strange rash—a fight sent one ship careening into another, as the Germans had turned upon their pilot, an Italian Jew. Rationing of food brought mutinies and rebellions, as English marines intercepted a handful of Brenton ships that had set its sights on pillaging Greece for supplies. The Berrichon suffered the worst, as the most water most of them had seen had been the width of the Loire, and their seasickness had turned into fear of the Black Death—several freckled men were forced overboard without knowing how to swim, their struggling bodies soon dragged beneath the waves. Our priests could barely contain the hysteria, as even some Fathers had found themselves burdened with buboes and had been tossed into the sea by their flock.

    However, our salvation was not earned as we arrived in Jerusalem: the Black Death had ravaged that kingdom as well, and the ports of Beirut were closed to outsiders. While Inwaer was incited by the order from Filippo de Savoie of Al-Karak, I encouraged us not to turn to savagery against the poulain, and, averting disaster by the costly purchase of fruits from a beleaguered Cyprus, I stayed our swords to reach Tripoli, already rife with other Crusaders. But, that didn’t mean that all was well, as the streets were packed with the infected and dying, as the houses of the Hospitalier could not withstand the mass of infected crusaders. As such, we had no time to restock ourselves as Inwaer and I encouraged our forces onward, marching for Aleppo so that we could set our sights on the Euphrates. But the fields were dead and the pools had dried: our animals were our food as we trudged onward, abandoning over a thousand men to the land as we tried to keep on moving throughout the summer of 1274. Then, as we crossed the great river, there was news from Jerusalem, as the Mohammadens who had lived alongside the poulain had shown their perfidy to rise against their former neighbors, and risen up in numbers across the Kingdom to try to reclaim their lands. But we were of no mood to turn around and make the march past the fallen bodies of our comrades—we had finally reached al-Jazira, and it was here that we would find salvation.

    But, salvation from what? We were cursed, all of us. Our numbers fell as even our animals fell to the Judgement of Saturn—and we, too, were being swept up like chaff before his sickle. All other crusaders we found fared the same, and, while Inwaer and mine wasn’t the largest, the depreciating ranks made it hard for anyone to understand how much we could fight. Attempts at taking Saracen towns found them isolated and dying already, already looted with nothing of worth. From this, Inwaer had his sights set on Mosul, the Pearl of the North, and so he demanded that we cross the Nineveh plains for the Tigris river. Though I swore against it, the Emperor of the Britons lead his men for the seat of al-Jazira, and, as my men followed, I did as well. But the plains were dying, and our numbers plummeted by the time we reached the Tigris, but, even then, its banks lay with dead and blackened hamlets, torched to give rest to Saracens and crusaders alike. At least the Turks hadn’t attacked, as the Togtekin had their own issues with the plague, and they, apparently, were threatened from a great horde of steppe people from beyond the Caspian. Rumors from the Greeks and the Tertirobans on the frontier of the Holy Roman Empire claimed them to be a second coming of Attila the Hun, but there’d only be an empire of dust waiting for them.

    It was as we passed by a village that we managed to spy one of the first living Saracens in days, and several British soldiers rushed forward to kill for God. But, dropping all of the tomes he was carrying, the Saracen drew a sword and defended himself. Striking with the dull sides of his blade, I realized he didn’t wish to kill, despite his circumstances, and, curious, I ordered them away from the man—but, they weren’t my soldiers, and so they didn’t follow my orders. I dismounted to stop the fighting, I couldn’t prevent the Saracen from receiving a cut across the face, though, despite his scholarly appearance, the loss of his eye didn’t seem to hamper his ability. It wasn’t until Simon de Vassy joined me that the fighting ceased, and, while the Britons called me a traitor, I offered water to the Saracen, though I was surprised to hear him speak Latin in response. Calling up what little I had learned from the Benedictines, I learned that the man was a scholar, as I had predicted, from Baghdad, who was wandering, seeking an escape from the Death that had swallowed up his home. While I had thought about asking for any help for replenishments or supplies, his haggard form was enough to show the circumstances that both of us were in. When Beuves arrived, demanding to know of what had happened, I let him know that I had let the man go, having given him some cloth to bandage his eye, and money to pay for his medicines, letting him keep all of his books, as the death of one scholar would not bring us closer to Mosul. Exhausted as we all were, the Emperor of the Britons warned me against commanding his men, but said nothing else as we returned to our march.

    Arriving at that most accursed Mosul, Inwaer declared our intentions before the dying city, but, despite the devastation around the seat of Assyria, its guardians spat out a defiant response in Latin. While we knew that there were some Christians still in the region, Inwaer couldn’t turn back and so we readied ourselves for the coming battle—but, it was one that we wouldn’t be able to see. While we had gathered to organize our plan, I noticed Inwaer stood at an awkward gait, at what I first thought was the cause of a saddle sore, but then I realized the signs soon enough as he sweated profusely, and called off the meeting. He was not available the next day, and any attempt at meeting the man was refused by his guards, while the soldiers wearily looked at each other, already knowing the fate of the Emperor of the Britons. We had both tried to stir hope amongst the common soldiery, but, at the end of all things and without a hope, I found myself amongst the number that simply longed to go home. But, what would happen? We would be without food and water, and even more would die before we could make it back to Tripoli: we had earned our salvation, embarking on this quest in God’s name—having fought through Hell, our Kingdom would be that of Heaven, not al-Jazira.

    As I called for prayers, I found myself coughing—and coughing, and coughing. Falling to my knees, I hacked, my body acting against me, as I felt myself choking from a lack of breathing. But only a few rushed to my side to hand me water, whilst others kept their distance: they knew what was to come. Accepting my fate, I turned to the only thing I could do and sought my confession before stripping and confirming the rash that had born itself across my chest since I had woken that morning. Each breath pained me, as the miasma had finally taken my lungs, and each moment was more laborious than the last. Soon, I was burning as my Leeuw kept on trying to bring water from the Tigris to cool me down, running past their fellow, afflicted men who were already beyond saving. In the Levant, October was only the beginning of what could be considered cooling, and I awaited my fate as the doctors tried to bleed my buboes, as the horrid stench of blood and pus filled my tent.

    In the end, I could have no more. My nose and wrapping had long since gone, the truth of my face exposed for all to see. My head ached, my body burned, and my lungs stabbed me far worse than the blow that had ruined my face. I slipped in and out of dreams, returning to France, to Flanders, to Berry, to Brittany, to Paris, to Melun. My mind wandered when I was awake, and I forgot where I was, who I was, and what I was doing. I called for priests who didn’t visit, and so I gave confession to my dear friend Simon: my greatest sin would have been adultery with Eustachie, as I had remained true to my Kings and to my children. I did not act unjust and I sought only to do what was right for my family, my duchies, and for France. For all the ill will I had for Hugues VI, I had never acted against him or his brother—Guichard had been my aspiration, yes, but he had fallen into his place without a sin committed. He was guiltless in any of my matters.

    On what probably was the fourth day, after the sun went down, I was surprised to hear the patter of rain upon my tent, and I demanded to be taken out—I couldn’t be cooled, but, at least I would feel it, one last time, in such a deserted place. It made me feel at ease, the first since I had arrived in the Levant, but it was over too soon, as the clouds moved on to an open night’s sky. The Leeuw were to move me back inside, but I said I would prefer to spend my night looking at the stars. As I lay there, a thought suddenly returned to me, four decades long since I took up my father’s duchies at the age of 18: I wondered how Philippe Deschamps had fared since I had last seen him. I hoped he was all right. I hoped he had found a good, humble wife who gave him several sons to serve the baron of Saint-Pol, and to be knighted themselves, one day. Perhaps they had even come with me on this cursed crusade, or maybe they had died fighting the Occitans. Or perhaps they could be with their grandchildren right now, hiding from the Black Death, praying that Guichard kept them protected.

    Then, there was a twinkle in the sky, as a cloud parted. And there it was, the comet that I had seen that one, fateful night, silently crossing the heavens westward, its colors like Saturn. The monk had been called back, and now, he would go home.

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    !King Guichard de Boulogne! [227]

    My land suffered all around me, and there was nothing I could do. I was the Roi de France, Rex Francorum, Guichard d’Outremer, and, while I hadn’t been raised here, this was the land of my family, and the land of my people. An evil miasma had been cast upon the whole of Europa, born by the devil and a Saturnian comet—but the god of time and plenty had left us in want of both. And so, I had spent the past months held up in Melun, far from the buboe-ridden spawn of Paris, that most wretched, beautiful city. But there was something far more wretched, as I had not taken to the Crusade, for, while others had doubted the pestilence, I had done my best to prepare for its eventual onset, as men of able skill and sword could not fight an enemy whomst stole their very breath from their body. But, when it came, word spread that the miasma was of my doing—that I had brought the wrath of God upon my peoples for failing to fight for Holy Mother church. Whilst the commoners knew not that the darkness gripped the German states, Italy, Iberia, and even Britain, blame was focused upon me, as the bishops took to calling me the reason for their suffering, their foreign King.

    Whilst the year’s harvest died on its crop, I finally took up Archbishop Rurgan’s call, if only by name, pledging to the Crusade, offering to follow in the footsteps of Father and send men and supplies to join him in the Levant. Whilst there were many men eager to leave, few were willing to spend their time upon a cramped boat with countless others, and so several distinct trips were planned, but many returned home in failure, reporting the loss of other vessels drifting dead upon the seas. While I did my best to contain the panics, there was little that could be done, and every week I heard of the battles that my vassals faced against their own people—my people—and I cursed for every man who killed another out of fear and desperation. At times, in my own privacy, I cursed God for his wrath, but, at times, the light in the chapel faded, as if His light had abandoned us.

    For, no one was safe from the death that swept across the lands, from peasant to highborn, from pauper to priest, and even the son of Emperor Inwaer, Lionel II, whom had assumed his father’s empire whilst the Emperor of the Britons lead his people on the crusade, fell victim to its dark touch—a sign that piety bore little witness in the face of the tide of unceasing horror and rot. But as the cold of February gripped my country, a ship that had been feared lost finally took its return, bearing only 33 surviving members of the Leeuw, a heavy urn, and news that all had known that none had dared speak. Fighting alongside Emperor Inwaer of the Britons, my father had reached Mosul, the heart of al-Jazira, before the two were both taken to Heaven, their souls cleansed in crusade, though their bodies had been broken—and so Eustache Deschamps handed me my father’s ashes before he returned to his family’s lands in Saint-Pol, the Leeuw no longer in any standing to remain.

    Mother was struck down by the news and passed only a week later, on the 20th, leaving my young brother Hugues to the maids and my wife Agnes, who kept him alongside our Alexandre. Although my son was younger, the two formed a good bond, especially as Alexandre shared stories of his namesake—and, from what Agnes could say, it was strange that Hugues’ growing ambitions and abilities made him sound like he could be more of an Alexandre than my own. But, that was a matter that I would have to determine later, as I had to deal with a second plague that gripped my country, as my father’s passing brought upon the issues of his inheritance, and the matters I couldn’t attend to. Four duchies and eight counties, I had enough problems as it was, and so, I passed those to those worthy of the lands, the first and foremost dubbing Thomas Karling as the Duke of Lower Brittany, taking the counties of Cornouaille and Retz, leaving Nantes as the home of our royal fleet upon the Loire. As the man who had won them for my Father, Philippe de Valpergue was dubbed the duke of Poitou, whilst, looking to Flanders, I restored Geraud de Guines to rule in Guines and Yperen, amazed that, despite 200 years of domination by the de Boulogne, the de Guines family had survived in Saint-Omer. The last of my gifts was particularly hard for me, as the matters of Alexandria were important to me, but I was of no ability to manage the lands of my childhood—and so I named Isabella Puttoc, daughter of Eustace, to rule the lands in my name.

    But that didn’t mean I was loved. France was a troublesome beast, and there were many who wished for my seat in the sun, despite the darkness all around. And so, despite the ruin all around them, they had gathered to seize upon the discord of my kingdom, as the Normans sought to make a reversal of Guillaume’s conquest, and now inspired to place young Alexander de Normandie, a mere child raised in Viascaya, onto my throne, no doubt the work of crafty ministers seeking to control the regency. I do not know where he had the right beside that of force of arms, but corruption within the Norman court was nothing new to behold—after all, it was as this occurred that I learned that Lady Elara Tegaingl of Normandy had passed of the miasma, and, from her husband Duke Gunicum de Gael of Norfolk, her daughter Gaela had inherited the two duchies, the former of which she returned to the British Yoke. She did not directly support this Norman invasion, but it appeared that many of her countrymen did, as did those across the channel, and so we learned that nearly a score of thousand men at arms had departed for my kingdom.

    . As I tried to gather my vassals in opposition to this, several of my riders returned bearing bad news, as the wrath of the plague had prevented me from learning the full extent of its damages to my country. The first was that of Jourdain Capet’s death, the last of the Capetians, whose titles then fell to King Bernat-Guillem de Barcelona of the Kingdom of the Pyrenees, as through their grandfather Hugues, which he then distributed to Albert de Bourdon, who swore to his lord and did not pay me any vassalage. Then, to the east, Josselin de Toulouse of Burgundy and Picardie outright refused my demands, willing to watch the conflict like a vulture to the carcass, though his own lands swarmed with the dead. In the south, there was a confusing mess in Tours and Bourbon, as the gavelkind succession of Count Osric de Blois had given a county to his sons, Geraud, Julien, and Adiren, while Pierre de Semur held La Marche without respect for any law. Lastly, it took some time to discover that Isabella Puttoc had taken her duties to the ongoing crusade, and swore that the Kingdom of Heaven bore precedence over that of France.

    While her forces wouldn’t have been able to arrive in time to make a difference, I was scared to learn that of those whom answered, I had only some 10 thousand in total, as many widows still wept in Flanders for their lost crusaders, while the Normans had acquired a force of 17 thousand, as there were parts of England that had not suffered as we had here on the continent. As the Ile-de-France itself was starved of any supplies, I took to the field as we scattered our forces about, doing our best to avoid the Black Death as well as that of the Normans, in hopes that their camp would fall to Saturn’s Miasma before it reached us. But, it was not enough—and I knew our fate could not be relied upon. Through Geraud de Guines, I secured a loan from the Templar of Lens, and, as I had ordered my sheriffs to protect them from the mobs, the Jews of Paris and Bruges were willing to make a loan as well, which I then used for securing condottieri, that of the Company of the Star, as Amedeo Igino, was eager to bring his 12 thousand men across the Alps.

    As they marched north, we had moved to Evreux, as we had been given assistance by Earl Simon de Vassy, a Norman who had been a friend of my father’s before I had conquered the region—of whom I learned had married Isabella Puttoc. While he could not bring his wife back into my dominion or recall his men that had joined in Alexander’s mission, I was at least appreciative of what he could spare, for it was good ground for which to fight our foe. The Seine and the Eure shielded us from the rebel’s forces in the east, and I hoped that it would give us enough time to rally alongside Amedeo. But then, a rider reported that Alexander’s men were on the march in Clermont—all 17 thousand of them. While they were suffering from the pestilence, they moved with all haste, and were already making for the Seine. I then found myself at a crossroads—should I try to hold the Eure and hope that the condottieri made it in time, and in the state to do battle? Or would it be better to harass the Normans and fall back to organize ourselves with the Company of the Star for a proper battle, one that we could be sure to route them in?

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    Journal 15
  • --Journal 15; 7/19/19--
    **August 15, 1275**
    !King Guichard de Boulogne! [124]

    In the midst of all of this, I received a letter from my eldest sister, Isabeau, queen of the Maghreb, wife of King Eustache, expressing her condolences for our mother’s death. And, while the message did include word from her husband and father-in-law, our uncle Guichard, my namesake, for Father, I noticed that she had not made any mention of him: despite being the firstborn, she had been a woman, and Father hadn’t paid much attention to Isabeau after my own birth, even after I had been sent off to Alexandria. From what Mother had said, Aunt Bourguign’s inheritance had soured my Father’s relation with his brother, so he had sent Isabeau off to marry Eustache to mend their relationship. But this meant that I had never met my sister in person, as the weak realm of the Maghreb hadn’t the coffers to send Isabeau back to her home, and so, she was as much of a stranger as any other foreign ruler.

    Vowing to arrange a trip to the shores of Africa to meet my sister, I turned my attention to the upcoming battle, awaiting news from Amedeo’s condottieri as my scouts brought news from the Seine. Despite my fears, it appeared that the Almighty had seen to my salvation, as only a portion of the Norman force had been able to cross the river before the bridge suddenly collapsed, leaving the remaining two-thirds of their army stranded in the plagued country, and unable to attack. With a prayer to God in thanks for His divine protection for His most divinely appointed King, I ordered the attack against Alexander’s, a crossing of the Eure, hoping to seize the initiative and gain a numerical advantage over the Normans.

    We struck on the first day of September, marching through the desolated countryside as we found the Normans camped beneath castle Gaillon, an old fortification that had stood for hundreds of years, built to protect the Norman lands from French invasion. The irony wasn’t lost on me as we launched the assault, forgoing our skirmishing as we launched into the assault, men at arms and horsemen enclosing on the Normans, a bloody and cruel melee beneath grey skies. I could only watch as our men descended upon them, ever-growing as the Normans held their ground, reinforcements slowly crossing from Le Manet bridge. The fighting was slow, and my commanders could see the growing frustration and tiredness, and so we ordered a withdrawal to organize and regroup, while the stumbling forces of the Normans fled or tried to find their strength.

    It was then that a rider arrived, bearing new for me to hear: I had hoped that God had given us another blessing, and that Amedeo had arrived to take the field—but, the rider had a sour look as I recognized the man from Melun, Edouard, one of Agnes’ personal messengers. With terrified words, he said that Alexandre had been found with the buboes, and, despite Agnes’ protests, he had been quarantined. I immediately called for my horse, and gave command of the field to Thomas Karling, but my lords pleaded with me: my crown lay on the field here, and the fate of my son lay with God; let us men do what we could here, lest I lose my kingdom and my heir. As I prayed that he had one ounce of Hugues’ Mithridatic strength, Philippe de Valpergue reported that our tired men had begun to return to the field, their strength recovering, whilst our horses were ready to be resaddled.

    Frustrated with their slow pace across the Le Manet bridge, the Normans had sought other methods of crossing, and, having acquired some rowboats from somewhere down the Seine, had begun to ferry their troops across, trying to regain a solid position on the western bank. But then, as one of the boats sank beneath the river, the knights began to leave their mail with their van, carrying just shield, helm, and sword—easy targets. It was then that we launched our second attack, cutting into their weakened lines, our crossbowmen bringing the riverboats from Gaillon, using them like pavise before taking to the water to combat our unarmored foes. It was by now that we had taken the western shore of the bridge, and, unleashing my frustration and anxiety for Alexandre upon the Normans, lashing out as I led my horsemen in pursuing the enemy route across the bridge.

    The Normans were scattering, toppling into the Seine as they tried to escape our lances, while their men aboard their riverboats were bombarded with bolts, or sinking from the weight of their route. But, while most of the enemy on the far side of the river had lost cohesion, some still held firm, and, crashing into them, I was amidst the melee, striking down at the dismounted Norman knights. Philippe was at my side, turning aside blade after blade as I roared with anger, my mace shattering helms and skulls alike. It was in the midst of this that I had a spare moment of serenity, the sun breaking through the clouds to shine across the Seine. Taken aback, I felt the warmth of the day and, despite the carnage around me, felt a greater sense of my physical being, my sense of place, and God’s judgement upon us all. But then, there was a flicker in the river, and the sun’s light brought a sudden reflection into my eye, a sudden distraction—and a costly one.

    In my retrospection, I didn’t hear Philippe call out to me, as a Norman knight, unidentifiable without any surcoat or heraldry, took a bold stab with his spear, piercing my side. As I recoiled from the strike, the wedged end pulled, and I felt a tear through my ribs, and my earlier serenity had been lost. To this, the Norman pulled back now, giving a cheer as I dropped my weapons, grasping at the weapon within me, and, in a moment of spite, my anger overcame my pain, pulled it out. While Philippe and my armsmen rushed to my side, I hadn’t lost sight of the unknown Norman, and, despite the wound being on that side, I threw the spear, like a javelin, over the heads of my comrades. As my vision darkened, I saw that it had failed to hit its mark, impaling itself into the dirt as I saw several horses ride after my murderer.

    With the panic and the pain, my consciousness faded between varying states, and, amidst the faces of those whom I could only recognize, at best, I later found myself in Gaillon castle, a surgeon picking at my wound as a priest prayed, and my men watched. With a wooden dowel between my teeth, I roared and struggled against the bonds that had been placed upon the bed as the physician pulled out more bloodied bits and pieces from my innards. I was given a brief respite only to find a wine sack thrust into my mouth, coughing as it flowed into my lungs, and I was met with the unexpected taste of a Norman cider. I hadn’t the mind to appreciate the irony as the dowel was forced back into my mouth, and, as he dug into me once again, I realized that I had no sense of hearing, the pain rippling throughout my body, even burning its way into my ears. My men appeared to be discussing something as this happened, and, it was then that I noticed a different face amidst their number: Amedeo with some of his mercenary captains. Glaring at them, I turned my pain into anger at the condottieri, as it was their fault that I had to engage the enemy personally—that was why I had hired them!

    For all the hate I could muster, it was not enough to block the pain, and so, after another round of cider, which was more palatable now that I could expect it, the darkness returned and I hadn’t a thought until I woke up, the Duke of Lower Brittany at my side. As the Karling called for my attendants, my first question was that of the battle, to which Thomas replied had been a worthwhile success: despite our numerical disadvantage, we had taken some 7 thousand of the enemy, and, of the 10 thousand survivors, most had scattered about the country, seeking plunder and profit now instead of conquest. With my crown safe, I could at least breath some relief as I asked of the fate of our men, to which Thomas said we had lost half that of the Norman number, though they were galvanized and, even now, Phillipe de Valpergue and Geraud de Guines had taken their men west and east, respectively, intending to hang ever last Norman bandit. But, speaking of our troops, I asked of Amedeo—was the cur still in our employ? I sought to hang the man too, but Thomas said that the arrival of the condottieri broke the last resistance of the Norman. While the Italians sought payment for their services, Thomas had given them the share of the Norman camp—and sent them back off to Lombardy, as the crown couldn’t afford to keep paying them for the manhunt to come.

    Cursing Thomas out of the room, he did not return as my attendants came to look for me and tend to my bandages, which is when I noticed that Edouard had entered the room. My head throbbing with the pain in my side, I said only one word to him, “Alexandre?” My wife’s messenger looked to the ground, and his expression was all too clear. Lashing out at the servants, I pushed them aside as I raised myself to my feet, and, as they called for help, I managed on a few steps towards Edouard, a horrified look on his face, before I fell to my hands and knees. I then rolled onto my side, the very same one I had been stabbed, wracked with pain as I wept—not from the wound, but for my son, who would never see the land I was saving for him. I did not moan or cry out, and, while Edouard fled the room like Thomas, the physicians arrived, and took me, wearily, back to my bed. Giving a quick inspection, he said the wound had opened, and he needed another surgery, and so, with my tears drying upon my cheeks, I didn’t say another word as he put the dowel back between my teeth.

    Leaving my commanders to take care of the Normans, I returned to Melun, my side re-stitched, passing around Paris, for the dark miasma of Saturn still lingered over that once-great city. Arriving at the chateau, I spoke not a word as I hugged my Agnes, as well as Hugues and Jeanne, as my young brother and sister were my siblings as much as he had been one to Hugues. It took some time for us to speak about Alexandre, but, when we did so, Agnes said that Alexandre had been cremated, just like my Father and Mother. She had said that she would place them in Saint Denis, like the Capetians and Vexin-Amiens before us, but she didn’t dare venture near Paris. But, to that, I said that they couldn’t, as they were not Kings. Father would have to be buried in Bruges, at least, as that was his seat, but Alexandre… I pondered the thought. Where could we go? As Jeanne said that we belong at home, I was struck by a sudden thought—where was home for the de Boulogne but that city upon the sea?

    It was as Agnes considered this that I had another realization that I had never been to the city of my forefathers, nor that of my wife’s lineage, Saint-Pol, as Flanders had always been well-kept by my Father. Finding some inspiration in my idea, Agnes spoke of the Basilique Notre-Dame de L’Immaculee Conception, which she said had been the burial place of the counts de Boulogne, the last one having been my great-great-grandfather, Eustache VI. Saying that we would plan a trip there in the spring, I was met by a messenger, who said that Phillipe de Valpergue had encountered a large contingent of Norman raiders within the Perche, and they had taken some castles within the county. While they were trapped for now, the levied troops would soon take their leave for the autumn harvest, and so Philippe sought royal troops to hold the Normans until they surrendered

    Though I didn’t wish to spend the winter in a camp, with my wound still healing, it was still my duty to be with my troops, and so, looking forward to a trip to the Atlantic in the spring, we made our way west, passing through the famous forests of Perche, where we would have ample supplies to warm ourselves. Although I was only 29, I felt like an old man, slow in step and movement for care of my side, though I felt at ease when drinking hot, spiced Percheron calvados cider, as I had now become adjusted to the taste of Norman brandy. God be praised, the snows were late and few, and then quick to melt, and so Philippe and I felt at ease as we split our forces between the Norman-held castles. However, there was one threat we overlooked: a few days before the New Year, our men reported that they hadn’t seen any sign of the enemy in the wooden castle of Mortagne in several days. While the siege commanders had sent out scouts to see how the Normans had escaped, they hadn’t found any tracks, and the castellan of Mortagne, whom had escaped beforehand, confirmed that the only escape tunnel, which lead to a shallow point in the now-empty moat, was still blocked by icicles.

    While the Normans weren’t responding to any attempts at parlay, my men wished for permission to infiltrate the castle, using the escape tunnel. I, too, was curious about what had happened to the Normans, and so I tasked Captain Jean de Loches with gathering men for such a mission. There was a cold silence as we watched the men descend into the moat, and, with no movement from the Normans, they battered away at the ice, revealing a hidden ladder beneath the castle’s walls. Watching them climb, a chill on the wind followed a gentle snowfall, and, with the ache in my side, I knew that winter’s arctic grasp had finally come. But, with men still watching the walls, I kept my own view on the castle, and awaited any signs from Jean’s expedition. We had nothing, until we saw something fall down the ladder, splattering on the rungs and the ice. This was then followed by a very shaky soldier, whose hand slipped, and he fell into whatever had dripped, but he didn’t seem to bother as he pushed himself forward, shouting “Plague! It is the plague!”

    As he ran to us, we realized that the man had been covered by his own vomit, and, as the rest of Jean’s men returned bearing the same result, Jean’s eyes were hollowed as he delivered his report to Philippe and myself. While Mortagne wasn’t that big of a structure, Jean said that hundreds of the Normans had gathered within it, but none had survived—with most of the garrison having been inflicted with the plague, the remaining had turned swords upon each other, not out of malice, but as to avoid the sin of suicide. Struck by the comradery of my enemy, I asked how Jean learned of this, and he handed me several scraps of parchment, which he said had been in the hands of the Norman commander, bearing their account of what had happened, and the roll of each Norman soldier whom had been in the garrison, and I was moved to tears: they feared us so much that they chose death over surrender, all for a usurper they had never believed in. They were fools, but glorious fools, and I was impressed by them, and so I sent out riders to the other siege camps, as well as Geraud de Guines, extending royal offers of parlay to the Normans—no more brave men needed to die for a wasted cause.

    Burning Mortagne down with the consecration of Bishop Hugh of Mortagne, the Normans were entombed in their ashes, and spirits were high, now that the Norman invasion had finally been put dealt with. But, not all was over—and it emerged first with Jean, in the sign of his buboes. As the man panicked, Hugh tried his best to keep calm, but every step he took away from Jean drove the captain further into despair. As the members of Jean’s expedition were isolated, I tried to prevent chaos when a black-clad Jacobin nun suddenly stepped forward, and, kneeling before Jean, a chorus of the Lord’s Prayer, and, almost unanimously, my men stopped their worry and joined in. I did too, and, by the end, we were all entranced by this old Bride of Christ, whom Hugh called Guillaumette. After giving her blessings to Jean and his men, whom were taken by Percheron draft horses to Mortagne, Guillaumette then turned to me, and spoke of the sickness upon my land, one that snared my people, and killed babes in the crib. As the whole of the land suffered from the miasma, I was weary of her words until she said that the darkness even held me in its grasp.

    Disturbed by this last comment, I asked her what she meant, but the nun wouldn’t speak any further. It was then that there was a sudden pain in my side, and I clutched at my wound, which Guillaumette then demanded to see. While I was uncomfortable to expose my body to a bride of Christ, I thought back upon her previous warning, and took her word, setting up a tent for her private investigation. But, after my squire helped me with my mail, Guillaumette didn’t take a look at my wound, but traced the side to my arm, and then produced her rosary, saying that my sins had caught up to me. As she said that she would pray for France, I was angered by her as I realized the implication of her words, and so I ordered that we make for the nearest hospital, which was in Maine. Leaving the rest of our forces to disperse back to their places, we rode on ahead, Guillaumette riding on a Percheron horse, per my command, for, as much as I didn’t like her, I felt that she was necessary for whatever would arise.

    However, it was too late: the next morning, the spots had already formed across my chest, and the inn house was cleared as my head burned. I was too weak to go to my horse, nor even put on my over clothes: I was dying, clear enough, and so I ordered Guillaumette to take my last rites, as the Bride of Christ was holy enough to perform the sacrament, though she wouldn’t anoint me. As Philippe had sent for a priest, I took the Eucharist for the viaticum, though a part of me feared that I had lost it during my expulsions, as I heaved nothing in the end. Making my confession to Guillaumette, as well, I took some comfort in her acceptance—except for one part, as she said there was one sin I could repent in indulgence. Swearing that our coffers weren’t sustainable for a donation to the church, Guillaumette shook her head, as she said that greed was the cost of my sin: usury. Despite my delirium, I remembered how I had made oaths with the Templar of Lens and the Jews of Bruges, and, as Guillaumette said I had harbored the enemies of Christ, which had brought the darkness upon our lands, she said that I also had the power to make it right, and remove them from our land to save our people. For my soul, my final act was to order the expulsion of the Jews from the Kingdom of France, with one of Stephen’s riders taking the script to Melun for dispersal.

    As that seemed to be Guillaumette’s greatest concern, I was now able to focus on myself, as the priest had finally arrived, and so I took my private confession once more, expressing my shame in my moment of weakness, as I already regretted expelling the Jews, for I doubted my soul would be lightened by such a dark act. From Alexandria to Paris, I had found myself surrounded by a multitude of different peoples and ideas, and had not turned my back on anyone, as, I too, was an outsider to this land that I had embraced as my own. It was as I wept that the priest admitted that I still had time to change it, and, offering me a tonic of “four thieves’ vinegar,” he told me that he had seen its success in his parish. Placing my faith in the father’s words, I felt the pain lift from my body, and, soon enough, I felt nothing at all.

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    !King Hugues de Boulogne VII! [124]

    My sister-in-law was shocked by the order that had arrived from Perche, as the expulsion of the Jewry was out of character for Guichard, a far cry from the earlier message of parlay that would hopefully end the Norman War. Refusing to issue the order, she was completely unprepared as the next rider, only an hour later, spoke of her husband’s death. As there was unrest in Melun, some eyes looked to me as I said that we should wait for proof, as, perhaps, Guichard had gotten better and the message had been sent out too early. While the rider denied this, it was the most I could do to keep Agnes calm, as both she and my older sister Jeanne had begun to weep uncontrollably.

    However, it only prepared them for the reality, as a Dominican nun named Guillaumette arrived, bearing my elder brother’s urn, saying that he had died on the 7th of January. As she said that she had taken his services, I gave her access to the Couvent Saint-Jacques, though I regretted it when she mentioned my brothers’ final act. As she said that the people of France were already rallying against the traitors in our midst, she said that the best way to protect our people from further Jewish sorcery would be to enact the other. I didn’t think it seemed right, as even a 7-year-old like me knew that Jews weren’t really magical, and a part of me believed that Guillaumette had coerced it out of him. But I couldn’t argue with an old nun, at least for too long, and so, when the apostolic legate from Pope Gregorius VIII agreed with Guillaumette, my first act as King was to approve my elder brother’s final wish and expel them from my Kingdom—there would be fighting, otherwise, and more would die.

    With Agnes serving as regent until I could come of age, it was now just Jeanne and I, though, since Alexandre had passed, I was now the subject of the court tutors, and so I could no longer spend my time learning about the legends of the Greeks—I was to be trained to become a Christian knight and a future king. This included lessons with the clergy, and so, as April arrived, I wasn’t able to join Agnes and Jeanne on a trip to Boulogne, as Guichard had wanted, as I instead had to attend lessons with Bishop Amaury of Chinon. Even though Agnes protested, Archbishop Barthelemi of Rheims managed to convince her it was in my best interest, and so Amaury took me to meet and Bishop Alphonse d’Artois of Evron, hauled off to Maine to learn about the church and perform some rites I would learn to embrace as God’s chosen King of France.

    Kneeling with Amaury and Alphonse before a candle-lit altar, I prayed to God for vision and clarity, as the kingdom laid in ruins, its king hadn’t the funds to support it, and its peoples were divided. But, especially, I was troubled with the spiritual well being: I had learned a lot of the east from Guichard, and how different peoples were, and, especially with how Guillaumette had pursued the Jews, I found my conscience in conflict with Holy Mother church. Though I had been dismissed before for being naïve and childish, I felt my ideas had merit, that wise rulership wasn’t about using might to dismiss, but using might to reinforce that which was right, a sword only to be used when the shield could no longer withstand blows. It was in the middle of these prayers, that a voice entered my mind, one that I didn’t recognize, but I understood, as the presence of God. If there was a conversation, I would be ashamed to admit my recollection could not recover what was exchanged, as I opened my eyes as Alphonse shook me, saying that I had been shouting in French. Asking them what I had said, Amaury took a few seconds to say that I had been reciting verses from the New Testament, in perfect translation, and, asking me if I knew Latin, I confided that it was not as much as I should. As the bishops claimed it a miracle, I was curious about the verses, and so I asked them if there was a translated bible, to which the two immediately decried as improper.

    It made no sense to me, as, since God had watched over me all of my life, why should I be denied the opportunity to read his word? It was another strike against the Church, but, for all my power as Roi, I couldn’t oppose the institution in Rome that had risen up and jealousy held God’s will since Paul had brought it to that city. The Pope could claim to hold power over God on earth, but He held true dominion. With that in mind, I swore before God that my mission would be to unite France, now broken and divided in the wake of the Devil’s terror, and bring the true faith back to its peoples. It was as I returned to Melun that the first sign of God’s guidance appeared, as Josseline de Toulouse had been stricken down by the Black Death, gifting the wide domain of Burgundy into the hands of his much weaker son, Geraud. But a cornered wolf bore his fangs all the sharper, and the Duke started his reign with an invasion of Bourges, against Julien de Blois. But, as I attended the discussion of how to proceed, I suggested that this was a second sign and a chance to bring Bourbon and Berry back into the fold as a display of my virtue as a liege lord, and the lords agreed. On sending emissaries to Julien, his brothers Geraud of Sancerre and Adrien of La Marche, and their rogue neighbor, Pierre de Semur, promising them protection in exchange for renewed oaths of vassalage, as France would no longer be splintered.

    However, of the four, only Geraud de Blois accepted my offer, coming personally to Orleans as Loup Karling, son of Thomas, gathered our forces for the intervention, braving the January snow drifts as the man accepted the authority of his young king. For his humility, I made a reward of his loyalty, and dubbed him the new Duke of Berry, and telling him that his brethren had rejected my exchange. His family honor at stake, Duke Geraud was quick to say he would inspire his brothers to see the light, and, by February, both Julien and Adrien agreed to my terms—on the condition that I defeat the Duke of Burgundy. As I assured them that we would, Loup swiftly defeated Geraud’s forces, and sent the rogue Duke fleeing back to Burgundy before summer. While the de Toulouse was undaunted, my attentions were turned to my sisters, as a Moorish messenger had arrived, bearing news from the Maghreb, as my sister Isabeau’s husband, our cousin Eustache, had died overstressed, and, as the Maghreb didn’t respect the claims of her daughter Belleassez, the Kingdom had returned to my uncle Guichard. While I didn’t know much of my estranged sister, as she had left to marry before I was born, it only meant that I was much more protective of my elder sister, Jeanne, but she had reached 10, and so she was ready to depart for Cremona, as she had been betrothed to Prince Simonetto Crispo of Italy.

    Saddened by her departure, the halls of Melun felt much colder without her, but, there was some good news, at least, as 1277 came to an end, as she sent back a letter saying that the Black Death had finally been lifted from the Mediterranean—surely, France would be freed as well. Pleased with that, she soon sent me all manner of books she could find, and, expanding my vocabulary of Latin, I retraced the strategies of Julius Caesar through our lands, back when it was once known as Gaul. But my readings were interrupted when a man arrived, saying that Loup had requested I join him in Burgundy. But, for that, Orson said he was a blacksmith, and so he sought to serve his king and make me a coat of mail befitting my growing size and stature. Seeing no reason to disagree with Loup’s messenger, we went to the armory to be fitted when the man suddenly flew into a rage, and started speaking to me in a language I didn’t understand! Grabbing at a nearby weapon, I hefted my great-great-great grandfather’s mace, I fended off the man as I noticed his curly hair and longer nose, realizing that Orson was a Jew. But God had protected me, and he would do so again, and the mace of Eustache V, anointed in the Second Crusade, broke through the sword that Orson had used, and struck him out.

    Summoning aid, my guards hauled him away and, upon my questioning, a check of the register noted that Orson had been a goldsmith before his exile, connecting the dots as I realized that he had been intending to collect on my father’s debts. My 10th birthday then came with celebration, as Loup had defeated Geraud de Toulouse, and so Julien and Adrien de Blois returned to the French fold. Furthermore, my sister’s tidings had proven true, as reports said that the Black Death could now only be found in the most remote bogs of Flanders, and the summer had nary a dark day, as God’s triumph over Satan was revealed for all. Emboldened, I didn’t need to convince my lords that it was time to act, as they were already ready to march into Burgundy and Amiens, guided by the light of heaven, and finally bring the Duke to heel.

    As I was still told I was too risky of a battlefield asset, I instead took my leave for Maine, as Count Gelduin d’Artois, a rather dour man of Karling stock, wished to teach me the finer points about the royal sport of hunting. Without any hounds, he pushed me towards hunting on my own, about using stealth and speed when it was needed most. Waiting along a small stream as the chills of November swept in amidst the leaves, I watched as a buck crept his way for a drink of water. I had some introspection about killing another creature, but I realized that God had a plan for all of us, and this creature had been called upon to fulfilling this crucial lesson. Trusting in my arrow, it dug into the deer’s vitals, and the creature died instantly, much to my surprise, toppling besides the stream. As I had expected to fail and chase it, I had been given a short spear, but it appeared it wasn’t needed, and so I called out for Gelduin, as he said that he would help me prepare and carry the creature. However, as I turned around, it wasn’t the Count of Maine, but a bear! As we glared at each other, I tried to make myself as large as possible, making sounds and raising my shoulders, but this only made the bear roar and charge at me. At this moment, I found myself considering several options, but I acted on one: dropping my bow, I retrieved my spear and jammed it into the ground, using it as a low point to thrust it into the bear’s neck. Just like the deer, the bear was caught in my strike and, as I pulled the blade across its throat, the beast toppled over, lying beside the other creature. It was then that Gelduin arrived, saying I was making too much noise, but was stunned by what I had done. Calling his servants, they gathered the bodies for preparation as I was inspected for injury, but, untouched, we both thanked God for the miracle.

    As I returned to Melun with a bearskin rug to warm the foot of my bed, I was informed of the status of the war against Duke Geraud, as Duke Julien d’Ivrea of Troyes had tried to seize upon the war in Burgundy to claim the county of Dijon. And then, Duke Geraud had managed an alliance with King Jacopo di Tortolì of Sardinia, having married his sister, Camilla, but it was of little matter, as our alliance with the Italians held a strong deterrent. However, there was another issue in France, as well as the rest of the world, as, now that that the Black Death had faded, the shortage of labor had driven rents down in the countryside, attempting to attract freemen with promises of larger self-owned plots, whilst the guilds increased wages to retain their artisans. These new tenured freemen had soon come to become landowners themselves, and with manumission expanding their number, many came into conflict with their former masters. Knights were quick to defend themselves against the growing peasantry, but relations spiraled out of control, as the support of the guilds led to the well-off commoners coming into arms and armor.

    We heard tales across the land of these battles, particularly in Britain and the Holy Roman Empire, though the latter also came with news of the Crusade: despite having been announced nearly 8 years ago, the war was still ongoing, as the Germans had preached it as the salvation from the Death. Kaiser Maslaw Premyslid, the King of Hesse, had led in this effort, and was said to still be fighting the Persians in al-Jazira, over the graves of my father and Emperor Beuves. In the meanwhile, I received a Christmas gift from our immediate east, in the form of Duke Geraud de Toulouse in chains. As his forces had been defeated at the battle of Gien, he had been routed and captured at Perrecy just a few days later, and so 1279 came to a close with Burgundy and Amiens returning to the fold.

    Releasing him upon ensuring his contract was signed, I made sure to keep a close eye on him as we let the land mend for 1280. However, there was an unexpected arrival in Melun, as I came back from another hunt with Gelduin to learn that Prince Simonetto of Italy had been killed by the people of Milan, and, rather than withhold her in Cremona, Jeanne had come home. Though I was gladdened to have my favorite sister back, Agnes immediately started looking for a suitable husband, as marriage was the only thing I could not sway her mind on. Thus, Jeanne and I only had one more summer together before she departed for the Imperial Capital of Marburg, where she would transition from Italian to German for her new Prince, Amadeus Premyslid, cousin of Kaiser Maslaw. I hoped that it would be well for her, as she was a patient girl, though I’m not sure if her previous betrothed’s murder was good for her mind.

    However, the New Year’s celebrations were soon followed by the tolling of church bells, as we learned that Jeanne’s life would be anything but humble, as the Kaiser had taken Mosul, and, with it, the Assyria and the Nineveh Plains. The Turks had fallen back, and the Crusade had been victorious, coming at the cost of hundreds of thousands of valorous knights and champions of Christendom. And, for his victory, Pope Gregorius VIII had given Kaiser Maslaw permission to divvy up the lands as he had seen fit. But, with the German Reich stretching from the foot of Italy to the eastern reaches of the Baltic Sea, the Kaiser had declined the honor, and had, instead, named his cousin its new King: Amadeus would rule al-Jazira, and Jeanne would be his queen. As a number of those descended from those who had followed my father to their deaths descended upon Marburg to press their claim tokens of land for what their fathers had died for, I received a personal letter from the Kaiser, who had only learned of Amadeus’ betrothal to my sister. Within it, the Premyslid swore that, as he would ensure his young cousin would become the proper heir to such a historic land, he promised that Amadeus would protect Jeanne as much as his new kingdom.

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    Honored to receive the Kaiser’s assurance, I could rest knowing that Jeanne would be kept well, as she had been writing only the praises of her betrothed. While the spring of 1281 arrived, I had no time to rest, as I had finally found a way to secure Bourbon from Pierre de Semur, as none of the de Blois brothers could convince the man that he should return to Frankish authority. Turning to steel, I ordered Duke Geraud of Berry to lead his brothers against the man and press the claim of their mother, Eustache de Semur, Peire’s sister. Swearing her vassalage upon her recognition by the bishop of Gueret, I sought to continue our momentum against the weakened state of Occitania, but, as we sent an ultimatum to King Archambaut, news erupted of a large peasant uprising in England. Disgruntled with how the Emperor of the Britons had refused to adapt to the aftermath of the Black Death, the people of London had scared Henry, the second son of Emperor Inwaer, out of the Tower, proclaiming an independent, royal city.

    While this bid poor news for that of the Emperor, we feared how this news would travel, given the recent strife, when we learned that a bailiff in Chalons had been murdered whilst trying to settle a dispute between a wealthy champagne merchant and an offended knight. While the knight had retreated chateau, the merchant had rallied thousands of commonfolk against his foe, and, after killing the man and ravaging his property, the horde started rampaging across the land, stealing and burning whatever noblemen they could find, absorbing more into their ranks. Fearing another London, my levies were ordered home to ensure Paris’ cooperation, dispatching the Flemings against the Viticulturist army, as it was now called. Luckily, Geraude de Guines’ knights crushed them at Le Charmel, and, as the upstart villeins were shown no mercy, Loup Karling reported that they had taken Lusignon from the Occitans, and, as King Archambaut had been displaced from Armagnac by his own peasant rebellion, he saw no reason continue that war.

    As the summer ended with French victories, I had been preparing for war in my own ways, as the noble pages of France had gathered in Maine under the watchful eyes of Cound Gelduin for our own sort of tournament, competing against boys our age and skill in preparation for when we would embark upon the battlefield. It was good for me, since I had been without much company of my own age, 13 years, and talking to them all, I found myself becoming friends with all of them, or at least expected. Gelduin was surprised to see everyone stand up for me, as he pushed that, even as King, I deserved no special privileges in training, but the others were eager to help and do things in my stead. As such, we endured the punishments together and shared the load: we would all train and fight together. Of this cohort, three particulars rose to the forefront, Baron Biktor of Montfort-l’Amaury, a strong warrior, Conte Arnault of Macon, an honest friend, and Gestin Leon of Blois, a base-born, but pious, son of Count Getin of Blois.

    When our time came to an end, I was saddened to depart from all of my new friends, but I reminded myself that it was only temporary, and there would be many more events that I could host to see them all again. But then, Bikor, Arnault, and Gestin all volunteered to join me in Paris, saying that there’s no way we could be separated: the Quatre Amis, and we would rule the world. Laughing, I sent messengers to their family as we arrived in Paris, and the streets of the city became our new playgrounds, as we explored and learned of the people for whom we would defend. It was from our adventures that I ran into the Bishop of Saint Denis, Ogier, and an emissary of Papa Gregorius VIII. Speaking to me of my duty as Roi, Ogier informed me that the Church of France had long acted against the will of the Holy See, and had resisted Papal Authority with Free Investiture, placing secular control over the appointment of bishops. While I had my own thoughts about the Church and its behaviors, I was too young and too powerless in my current state, so biting my tongue, I accepted his word.

    While that hung upon me, the winter passed with my friends, building snow forts to learn the better part about fortifications and where to build them, tossing snowballs as we trained our throwing arms. The spring of 1282 came as we were eager to go back to our usual sports, but there was a matter that took me away from my training and play: the matter of Britain. As, since Emperor Henry had been ousted from London, the shatter façade in his lands cracked, as the Emperor of the Britons was merely a figurehead in Oxford, ruling over lands he barely controlled. This was no more evident as Adam II, Overlord of England and Ireland, had rallied his forces against his Emperor in a coup to place Margaret de Normandie, granddaughter of the old Empress Aibinn, upon the throne in… Ireland, now, for Kildare was one of the few counties the Dall dynasty had to their name. While Henry was almost hilariously outmanned, I was struck by the sudden idea of taking advantage of the British civil war to reclaim Normandy from Gaela de Gael, like Guichard had done many years ago!

    With all of Adam, Margaret, and Henry’s forces concerned in the isles, the taming of the Normans would be an easy task for my forces, and, serving under Gelduin, Philippe, Geraude de Guines and Geraud de Blois and his brothers, Biktor, Arnault, Gestin and I had our first taste of the campaign, riding and serving our lords. We learned and experienced the horrors and the glories of battles, the grinding of sieges and the relief of victory, of wine and gold and women. Well, I didn’t share in the latter, as I told myself that a King needed better than creating bastards, and so my friends joined me in singing and drinking until our nights fell away. Of the whole campaign, the most unusual event happened at Evreux, as I called out our demands to the garrison, as an armored man rode out. Asking on whose authority I acted on, I told him my name, and he smiled, before dismounting. Saying that his father, Simon, had been good friends with my father, he bowed before me and accepted his place as a vassal of the French king.

    Glad to have made a new friend, he invited us into his manor for dinner, and so we obliged. While learning of the fate of my father, he exchanged his sympathies, saying that his father had died while on crusade with Guriant and Beuves. As we talked with each other more, and I learned about Norman ciders, I decided that Simon was a great man, and, thus, would be the correct choice to be the Duke of Normandy. While I enjoyed the good company, some of the others were not as eager to trust the Norman, and, while they returned to their camps, I was one of the last to leave. Walking with Biktor through the streets, we were paused when we spied a strange man walking alone in the road, wrapping in robes and a head wrap, bearing a large satchel upon his back and a long blade at his hip. Calling out to him in good curiosity, the man responded with words I couldn’t understand, but then prostrated himself, saying that he had been looking for us. Not understanding, the one-eyed man told us he was a Saracen that my father had saved while on crusade, Abdul-Hazm, and wanted to pay back the debt he had owed. Thus, he offered Biktor his sword, and to me, a tome: Virtute Animi, which was just the translation of Courage.

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    Saying that it would teach me how to lead and inspire others (though I already found that easy enough to do), the old Saracen told me he could transcribe it properly for our records. But, to that, I said he had no need to transcribe it—he could stay with us in Melun, and live with us, if he so chose to. Saying that the stars had guided him to find me here, he accepted my invitation, and, while my lords were distrustful of the Saracen, Biktor, Arnault, Gestin, and I held our guard with our new tutor, who shared knowledge and practical skills with us, as the man had once been a famed duelist in Assyria before he had turned his hand to the quill and mind to the sky.

    Studying the book, our campaign was won in the October of 1283, as the newly crowned Empress Margaret of the Britons, who stylized herself as a Welsh “Ymerodres,” didn’t care for the matters on the continent—but, that arrogance would be her undoing. Hearing of uprisings in Scotland, I realized that now would be the best time to check the British power, in the wake of their civil war, by establishing the stability and strength of the Scottish. To ensure this, I decided that the best way should also be for the best of France: although the de Vexin-Amiens had maintained strong relations through their inheritance of Gowrie, we needed to directly insert ourselves as the suzerain of Scotland. Thus, we sent our terms to the regent of the young King Malcon de Rhosan Meirchnant V, granting autonomy within his lands and aid in return for a portion of his incomes and levies towards service—a contract that was, surprisingly, immediately accepted, as it appeared that the highland clans had descended upon Strathearn en masse, as their hills had protected them from the wrath of the Black Death, and looked to be in a position to overthrow Malcon’s reign.

    As we prepared ourselves for an expedition to that wet and gray island, I celebrated my 16th birthday, coming of age on the 20th of April, 1284. Holding a celebration as much for me as it was for our impending campaign, I was with Gestin when he introduced me to his sister, Solene. Another base-born child of Count Gestin de Blois, she was taller than most of her sex, standing the same as her brother, with long brown hair and kind eyes. With a joy for mischief as much as her brother, she joined us, Biktor, and Arnault as we continued with our merriment. While I danced with Agnes, the young duchess Elodie de Valpergue of Poitou, four years my junior, and Countess Alienor de Bissy of Sens, I found myself with Solene every other song. I could feel the warmth through her gloves, and, for once, I wasn’t sure what to do as we continued through the night. Though she was five years older than me, I still was able to hold myself as we bid each other goodnight with a chaste kiss on the cheek.

    Saving my coronation for my return from Scotland, we made for Calais, waiting there as our forces gathered. Meeting with Mayor Leonard to coordinate supplies housing for my Flemings, my vassal was very supportive of all I said, and as the other lords arrived, they were received just as warmly, and we were all soon drinking wines supplied by the Hanseatic merchants. Satisfied that our army was ready to board the next morning, as Leonard had complimented the red sky that night, I returned to the royal apartment that the mayor had provided for me when I spied Gestin and Solene, as the two had tarried in Paris. But Gestin had a dour look on his face, and, in my inebriation, I asked him his matter, but he struggled to find the words until Solene burst out with the truth, saying that Gestin wouldn’t be joining our campaign. Welcoming them into my lodgings, Gestin revealed the truth that, while he would follow me to the end, his father had not thought the same for him, and so the Count of Blois had enlisted his bastard son with the Knights of Calatrava. Equating them with the Templars that held several domains within France, I knew that they often found themselves in more temporal problems than that of spiritual, but I said that it was an honorable life to serve in the holy order, and Gestin admitted the same, as my pious friend had always wanted to serve God. But, now he came to me, feeling guilty that he was forced to choose between our friendship and the Almighty, but I said that I wasn’t mad with him and I encouraged him to write to me. Thankful to have such a kind and accepting friend, Gestin was eased to have relieved his burden, and so I offered him a bottle of champagne, gifted to me by Leonard. Exhausted, my friend was quick to fall asleep, and, as Solene and I deposited him in one of the rooms I had to offer, it was now just the two of us. With the warmth of champagne on her breath, Solene took this opportunity to wish me good luck for the upcoming campaign, and asked when I would return. Saying that it wouldn’t be any longer than a month or two, she hugged me tightly, and told me she wished it wouldn’t have to be that long. From such close contact, we could no longer keep ourselves to chastity, our passions inflamed, and we drank champagne from each others mouths.

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    I wasn’t eager to depart in the morning, but, waving my farewell to Gestin, whose ship was sailing for Spain, whilst Solene readied her horse for Blois, I was forced to turn my sights north, departing for Scotland, eventually landing near Fife, where I finally had my chance to lead. Speaking with King Malcon’s regent, Fingal Cameron III, he told us that the highlanders had been last seen crossing Stirling Bridge, storming on a warpath for Edinburgh, intending to seize power for themselves. Thus, crossing the Firth of Forth, we landed for Borrowstounness, and continued west along the road until we arrived at Falkirk. Marching our battles along the Callendar wood, our forward scouts reported that he had seen the highlanders, and, undetected, said they were on the other side. Claiming them to mostly be clansmen armed with pikes and swords, we readied our cavaliers and crossbows for the coming maneuvers. Unknowing if they knew King Malcon had submitted to me, I asked the Scottish hobelars to pull them around the forest, as I gave command to Fingal to make the appearance that the Scotch army had arrived. Doing so, he arranged himself before the city and the highlanders took the bait, charging without consideration for their placement when we emerged from the forest, a volley of bolts tearing into their side. As they turned to face us, Biktor led the cavaliers as Fingal county charged with our footmen. Caught in-between, the highlanders were slaughtered, their chieftains were captured to be hanged, and the rest were allowed to flee back towards the hills, a mercy as we made our point to our new Scottish allies.

    Of course, that was only the first to come—as our return to Edinburgh intercepted us with a British Emissary, speaking of demands from the Ymerodres of the Britons, as Margaret, now based out of Oxford, demanded the subjugation of the Scots. For the Normans had held Scotland for some time, taken by Emperor Aubrey de Normandie II in 1200, but they had lost control when Giric de Rhosan Meirchnant, ironically of the same highland stock that we had just slaughtered, seized advantage of a civil war between Sara and Lionel de Normandie to reclaim his kingdom’s independence back in 1228. Claiming that Briton referred to lordship over the whole island of Britain, no doubt the wordplay of King Adam, Margaret demanded obedience from our suzerain, to which I gave Malcon a chance to respond: “No!”

    Fearing the numbers that they could muster, I summoned the whole of the French army for Scotland, defending our interests and prestige, for Britain would be our first step towards French reclamation. As I received reports of my army’s mustering back in Calais, the English were already on our doorstep, as they had been rallying in Strathclyde, the land of Laurence de Normandie, whilst we had been concerned with the highlander host. Forced into the defensive, I looked to Fingal on how to defend his land, to which he recommended what he called the most familiar of Scottish strategies: hold the highlands. Though I doubted any of the clansmen would join us after what we had inflicted upon them, I was surprised to see tartans and flags emblazoned with Saint Andrew’s cross standing along Loch Faskally, as the “heelandman” wouldn’t let their country fall to foreign invasion. Glad that my presence was already welcome as a defender of Scotland, they had gathered at Pitlochry, blocking the roads to Blair Atholl.

    While the clansmen gathered, raising our numbers to 10 thousand, the cool winds of September pelted our tents as the hobelars reported the first sightings of the English host, 15 thousand strong. With the terrain limited, I knew this would be slow slog of a battle, and I ordered my knights dismount as we made our way to the land we had prepared: French crossbowmen and Scottish bowmen taking position upon the hills as Scottish pikes formed schiltrons, their gaps filled with French men-at-arms. With one side protected by the River Tummel, we made our stand, pleased to learn that the British hadn’t been burning the countryside, as they intended to unify the lands, not punish their intended vassals. When they finally arrived, I expected to see the banner of the King of England in their number, but there was only the Dragon of Prydain; the message was clear: this was Margaret’s army, and Margaret’s alone.

    Then, her banner rode forward, and, after Fingal got agreement from his young king, the Scots and I sent out our riders, intending to see what terms were offered, as custom dictated. But, of course, there was nothing of worth from the British, as the Ymerodres demanded full annexation, having advanced from her previous claims of subjugation. Laughing it off with the Scotsmen, we told the English to do their best, and so we returned to our camps and made ready. However, with our position to the advantage, the English didn’t press the attack, as the next week was for maneuvers and pronging dives against our fortifications. While there were some doubts that they were stalling for time, intending to come around the mountains, I reminded Fingal and the others that the French army was on its own way, and, no doubt, was gathering in Gowrie right now.

    A second, cold week passed in Pitlochry, and the thought struck me that they might be intending to stick out the skirmish, as the range of their Welsh longbowmen put them at even odds with our raised crossbowmen. And, while Sweeny Macc Finnagain and Henry Mac in Rothaich suggested we take the advance, I doubted that their enthusiasm could match English men at arms one-for-one, which didn’t fare well for our odds. October and the Scotsmen grew ever dour, as our supplies had dwindled, and there was only so much Scottish drink I could stand. We wouldn’t be able to engage in this kind of siege for long, with the English controlling the more fertile lowlands, and, already, some of the clansmen had started dispersing. All hope seemed against us, until a rider came from Blair Atholl, speaking French: saying he spoke for the Baron of Confolens, Davi, the French army was ready and was marshalling against the English rear.

    Ordering them to attack first to stir up confusion, we would follow, charging down the hill, over our fortifications. Given two days to prepare, morning broke in the east, and the English had begun to move forward, noticing how many men we had pulled from the earthen ramparts. But that was a part of our ruse, and it was then that we saw the flag of Confolens rise from the eastern hills signaling the attack. A grand horde of knights rippled out from the lowlands, driving through the British camp, and, as we launched forward from our positions, it took no less than half an hour for the Dragon of Prydain to fly south! Taking a quick count, we had killed a third of the British host, while our forces, with the reinforcement of 10 thousand Frenchmen, had only lost 1 thousand during the fight.

    While a number of Scotts took to looting the camp, I finally met with and greeted Davi, thanking him for his service and, rather preemptively, for winning the campaign. A humble man, he thought nothing of it, and so we followed the English south, harrying them at every opportunity, assisted by Scottish hobelars the whole way. They tried to assemble at Lanerc, under the Dragon banner, and, despite how half of our battles had lagged behind, we engaged, bringing a thousand more than they. With the Scottsmen surrounding on the flanks, we took the van, smashing through the disheartened English as they sought survival, more than any conquest. And, as we rode through the ruined lines, I saw the Dragon banner had fallen, and, cheering with the hobelars, I stopped when I saw what had happened. A number of Scotsmen had surrounded the Ymerodres, and, having cut down her standard bearer, a laughing clansman had run her through with a two-handed sword. Having pierced right through her breast, I was shocked to see such brutality levied against a noblewoman, and an Ymerodres, nonetheless, but I noticed that, while she had been taken to God’s graces, she had managed to stab her assailant in the face, and so the two had died, hands still locked onto their blades.

    Sickened, I demanded they relinquish her, and, as Arnault had to restrain me from striking them down, Biktor sought out the nearest nunnery, for the Ymerodres’ body couldn’t be delivered by any other means. The winter in Gowrie was a cold one, as King Adam II, acting regent for Margaret’s one year old son, Argad Menteith, sent an official declaration of peace, offering payment to myself and Malcon in exchange for Margaret’s body. By then Ymerodres’ corpse had been made presentable, and so I sent it back, alongside the English gold, expressing my regrets as the Souverain of Scotland, to her husband, Duke Cydrych of Powys. With the British defeated and spring’s fairer weather, we departed from our tributary state, returning to France, though I still had a rather bitter taste in my mouth as I was welcomed back in my Calais apartment by Solene.

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    Journal 16
  • --Journal 16; 10/27/19--
    **July 19th, 1285**
    !King Hugues “the Great” de Boulogne VII! [203]

    Returning to Paris and the Cite Palais, I was ready for my coronation, as tradition dictated that, as kingly authority came from God, that only an emissary of the Church could officiate one’s ascendance to kingship. While I already felt that God was on my side, crowning myself would take poor precedent, and so I sought out Archbishop Barthelemi, as the Princeps et Episcopus had rewarded the Capetians and de Vexin-Amiens before me. But the Archbishop reminded me of the order I had signed with Bishop Ogier of Saint Denis, which had placed Ecclesiastic authority not to King, but to Pope: if I wished to be crowned, it would be at the hands of Gregorius. Begrudgingly sending my request to Roma, Pope Gregorius VIII responded that He would be willing to make such a ceremony in Reims, but would require me to pay for his guard, lodgings, and other accessories, which was a rather large fee upon the crown. But I had no choice, and France had prospered enough whilst we had fought in Britain—though I did enact a small tax upon ecclesiarchal properties, funneled towards Reims, arguing that, since the Pope would be visiting his cathedral, it was necessary that Barthelemi be recompensed for it.

    Giving the papal guards a warning that they should take the roads around Geraud de Toulouse’s lands of Dijon, the tax wasn’t enough to support my crowning, and so I spent a month in Reims in preparation, paying my own portion as my kingdom prepared for its greatest celebration since the Death had passed. For such a grand event, Rheims was flooded with priests from all around the land, as many far-off holy men were eager to make their formal introduction, including a number from Geraud’s former lands of Burgundy. Meeting learned men from across my kingdom, as well as some from Scotland, Britain, Navarra, and the Holy Roman Empire, I spoke with bishops, abbots, friars, but I was then surprised to see find some Greeks, whom, having traveled from Alexandria, had wished to see how my brother’s legacy as d’Outremer had carried. Nonetheless, when Gregorius arrived, the time had come for my coronation, and, bowing before Him, as God demanded of all men, I rose before as King—already proven in the eyes of my countrymen, but now recognized by God, Pope, and across Europe.

    As feasts followed for myself and the good Pope, who was still a good man in spite of his authority, the September was fairly warm, and so there room for merriment. I also took the moment to act upon Geraud de Toulouse’s absence, naming Adrien de Blois as the duke of Bourbon, rising alongside his nephew, Duchess Gerberge of Berry, as his brother Geraud had passed away that January. With God’s blessing of a promising harvest, the Pope departed, and so I let my land rest and obtain our most wealthy labors, all in promise of an upcoming campaign. Touring the land as eager men readied themselves for achieving glor, I welcomed my nobles and Malcon to the Cite Palais for Christmas and New Year’s celebrations. It was in the presence of my trusted military men that I announced my intentions for the upcoming battle: that of Catalan Languedoc, of Toulouse, Gascogny, and Auvergne! To reclaim that which had been lost over 150 years ago during the reign of Hugues Capet III, I intended to host a tournament in the summer to determine commanders, and use the rest of the year to prepare and plan for the upcoming invasion.

    However, during the midst of these celebrations, there was someone missing, as Solene was visiting her brother in Calatrava. It was with wine flowing through me that I took a walk along the Seine with Etinette de Bissy of Sens. An older woman, but unmarried, she claims she had come to pray at the Notre Dame, but, as we laughed our way through the private gardens, her piety was more of an interest in the physical creations than the spiritual. 18 years my senior, she was still a virgin in my chambers, but clever and curious. While I felt guilty at this betrayal of Solene, I swore off of such lustful behavior—at least after she left.

    The tournament of 1286 was held in Tours, and, with hundreds of knights streaming in, bringing pages and troubadours, and the grounds were decorated in all manner of color and pageantry. Like at Reims before, I felt proud to see how our country had recovered from the darkness, and had reemerged as the paragon of chivalry—we were an era of new men, forging their own destiny. Tending to the jousts, I was surprised when Abdul-Hazm asked for permission to join in the festivities, as the one-eyed Saracen had taught me much about how his people had fought, and had mentioned he had been a “Faris” in his time. Not taking to the tourney myself, I watched as a minor scandal broke out, as many of the knights were insulted that Abdul-Hazm and a Hungarian “hussar” by the name of Marton emerged at the top, facing each other in the final round. While my old mentor proved victorious, some were jealous of the two foreigners, but I calmed them down with good praise, appointing Marton as captain of my Fleming cavaliers, whilst Abdul-Hazm would remain my close advisor.

    However, there was one rather unpleasant incident in the tourney, as Josselin du Dros died in a melee, his armor sinking into a muddy spot, and, having been stood upon, had drowned. It was a terrible death, and, in the wake of his life, his title of Crepy in Senlis fell back to me, his liege, and so I gifted the title to Biktor, as my good friend, the baron of Montfort-l’Amaury, could use another barony. However, speaking of castles, that autumn, I was approached by an emissary of Gauthier de Lacon Zori, Grandmaster of the Knights Templar, who sought repayment for the loan my brother had taken whilst fighting the Norman Invasion. Seeking to stockpile as much gold for the upcoming campaign against the Catalans, Basques, and Occitans, I, instead, accepted their other offer, allowing them permission to build a castle at Harfleur in Rouen, and use it for their operations, just like the one Count Eustach VI had allowed in Artois.

    With a band of minstrels bringing in the year 1287, the rest of the winter was spent in our final preparations, and, sending an emissary to Queen Bruniseda de Barcelona, demanding the forfeiture of her lands beyond the Pyrenees, we received her response on my 19th birthday. At only 11 years old, she had signed the form prepared by her regent, Teresa de Leon of Lleida, saying she had as much of a claim upon the land as I did, and, through her great-great grandfather, Hugues V, who had lost his throne to Aldebert de Semur, while his son Hugues, took to giving his disgraced line to Alfonsina de Barcelona. Conferring with our own archivists, I learned that she was technically 4th in line to the French throne, after my sister Isabeau, then Jean, then Isabeau’s daughter, Belleassez. But I wouldn’t let that stop me, as the Catalans had no real claim on Languedoc, as the de Logrono had only gained the land through conquest after seizing the weakened Occitan state.

    With no further diplomacy to be made, we began our invasion, with Guillaume d’Ivrea, regent of the young Loup Karling II, attacking their holdings in Brittany as Marton led my Fleming troops to Artois. In the meanwhile, I gathered the men of my central domain and marched on our border in Auvergne, sticking away from the Atlantic Coast, as my bannermen brought news of a wave of camp fever along every port. Transporting supplies down the L’Allier instead, that was soon cut off as the Catalan army, commanded by Conte Guerau of Urgell, had marched through German Bordeaux, and laid siege to La March, blocking the Loire, of which L’Allier was a branch of. News from the disgruntled Germans told us that the Conte had some 16 thousand men, larger than our own, but I didn’t attack yet—as the Germans had also hinted that the Catalans and Basques had carried camp fever with them. Intending to let them waste away, we split our forces, lest we be starved without shipments from Orleans, sieging several counties between the puys.

    Thus, our grand campaign sat for the summer, sieging each other’s castles and waiting for the other to move. However, there was some excitement, from Scotland of all places, as the survivors of Falkirk had, idiotically, tried to seize independence in Blair Atholl. In the resulting struggle against King Malcon, the British had seized on the anarchy and had earned the loyalty of several clansmen, who were now eager to submit to the English Yoke with bribery. As the forces of British-alligned Sweeny Mac Finnagain had moved in to press their claim, the highlanders, not receiving support from their lords, were kicked out of their homes, and, migrating into Malcon’s lands, were wreaking havoc. Unable to reign in the clansmen and their leaders, Malcon’s forces were still weakened from the British hold over their lowlands, and so he now sought our help in protecting his remaining people.

    Though I intended to use Guillaume and Marton to form a three-sided assault against Guerau, I recognized that my prestige relied on protecting my subject states, sending my rider back to Calais with orders for Marton to take my Flemings to Scotland. Winter came early in Auvergne, as I’m told it usually did, but it came with another surprise, though, this time from the south, as a carriage arrived through Bourbon, bearing Solene and my sister, Isabeau. Surprised that they’d brave not only the battlefield, but also that winter, Isabeau brought news that our uncle Guichard had died, and since French inheritance was always traced through men (she said with a rather strained tone), Sous, and the weak kingdom of the Maghreb, now fell upon my shoulders, rather than her or her daughter. As this was the first time I had met my eldest sister, I was at a loss at how to respond to her, as I couldn’t find any familiar connection to her like I had with Jean. Her jealousy was clear, the eldest daughter and the image of a good Christian mother, ignored by our father and, quite frankly, the world as a whole, as few in Europe paid attention to the affairs of the Maghreb. Saying that she wanted to spend Christmas with her Belleassez in the Cite Palais, I let Isabeau return, while Solene stayed, though I felt guilty about how I had spent the previous year with Etinette.

    As the spring thaws brought the surrender of the castellans of Auvergne, it also did in La Marche, but, instead of advancing against us or solidifying their hold in La Marche, Guillaume’s scouts, with whom I was maintain regular contact, reported that they had left a garrison in that castle and made west to Poitou—now only 11 thousand strong. Rallying my own 12 thousand, we began our own march on Poitiers, and, in other good news, I learned that Marton had been successful in Scotland, suppressing the Picts at Cupar, and, having wintered there, was sailing for La Rochelle. However, he wouldn’t make it in time, as Guillaume and I had already squared in on Guerau by the city of Chatellerault. Apparently, the Catalan intended to march on Tours, and take my seat in Berry, but the fever had camped and marched with them since La Marche, slowing their progress and sapping their morale.

    I intended to make the sword making guilds of Chatellerault very wealthy. As my forces assembled on the field against the Catalans, and they stumbled together, a Brenton rider signaled the arrival of Guillaume’s soldiers, and, as Guerau attempted to reorganize his lines, I ordered the charge. With the Brentons following suit, the initial clash was tremendous, but, to their credit, the Catalans still held their ground. The melee that followed was long and bloody, with thousands of armored men struggling against each other as the spring rain turned the field muddy. But we had supplies and capable men to maneuver, and, rehorsing and recharging, the Catalan courage broke, and, having lost another third of their forces, they fled the field.

    Lucky to count only two thousand dead on our side, of our total 15 thousand, I granted Biktor the glory of pursuing the Catalans, and it wasn’t even half a week later that his forces returned with the captive Conte of Urgell, and with that, the hopes of Queen Bruniseda. Though the Catalan forces had been defeated in the field, it had come at a great loss to me, as Biktor had been slain in the pursuit, cut through by an Iberian cur, and, in rage for their commander, the man had been offered no quarter like their had offered Guerau. As I grieved, my commanders took their leave for La Marche, Gascogny, Toulouse, and Auvergene, as the Catalan garrisons still needed to surrender. Thus, the campaign continued, and I eventually returned to the field alongside Marton and my Flemings, my dues paid and Biktor’s young son Nofr inheriting Montfort-l’Amaury and Crepy, spreading ourselves across the land, taking castles and cities every month.

    It was during my grieving back in the Ile-de-France that Solene had sought me out, speaking of our dalliance over Christmas, as she had confirmed that she had missed her flux, and was pregnant. Though she said that Agnes was taking good care of her in Melun, she worried for both of our fates, but I replied that, as King, I would make sure she was protected. His name would be Edouard, of her choosing, and I acknowledged him my child—a bastard born, sure, denied inheritance from our sin—but that wouldn’t mean I couldn’t treat him justly. While Solene talked to me about marriage to legalize Edouard and our love, I learned that my sister Jean, having taken her place in al-Jazira with Amadeo Premyslid, had been blessed with a son of their own, Maurice, who was, by all technical manner, my legal heir, as the most direct male de Boulogne.

    But all this talk of birth soon had me at unease although, as Ymerodres Margaret’s 5 year old son, Argad, had, apparently, drowned while learning to swim in a river. While blame could be shifted towards Adam II, the position of Emperor of the Britons now fell to his, Sara II, only 10 years old, though her father, Cydrych’s wife, Elizabeth, had a second son, Rhiwal not a season later, but the law had already taken to Sara. Though, speaking of young monarchs, I met with Queen Bruniseda in Narbonne in the March of 1289, and, as the shy 14 year old queen had to get Ducessa Teresa to speak for her, agreeing to abandon her properties in Languedoc, formally recognizing French dominion beyond the Pyrenees. However, there were two irregularities in her command, the counts of Armagnac and Melgueil, Borel Faucoi and Guiges de Mende, respectively, refused to cooperate. In truth, they had been the only castles that had remained uncaptured, and now we were paying the price, but, laying siege to Armagnac and defeating the Melguil forces in the fields of Montferrand, Borel and Guides capitulated, ending our campaign in the October of 1289.

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    Journal 17
  • --Journal 17; 11/17/19--
    **October 27th, 1289**
    !King Hugues “the Great” de Boulogne VII! [254]

    Celebrating in the wake of our grand victory, we returned to our homes to for the treasury to recover, and determine the new lords of Languedoc, as most of the Catalan lords had fled to Queen Bruniseda across the Pyrenees. With their titles turning to the crown, I parceled them out to those I thought worthy: in the lands of France, Loup II received the Catalan possessions in Brittany, as I granted Jaspert de Boulogne the county of Artois. Speaking of my kinsmen, I named Jaspert’s second son, Alphonse, as heir to Sous in the Maghreb, as his primary son, Jaspert, would receive their family possessions in Flanders and Bourges. Additionally, I decided that Biktor’s son needed to be granted greater honors for his father’s deeds, and so I granted him the county of Senlis, across the Seine, and then I made my other good friend Arnault d’Ivrea of Macon the Duke of Burgundy, as he deserved it more than Geraud de Toulouse.

    Looking at our new possessions in Languedoc, I first arranged the local diocese per the traditional duchies, of the Auvergne, Gascogne, and Toulouse. Granting Borel and Guides some authority in their lands, respecting the Occitans for remaining in their lands while the Catalans had fled, I granted my good friend, Leonard of Calais, the city of Narbonne, and then authority over the cities of Auvergne as the Grand Mayor of Toulouse. While some said I was overstepping my bounds by granting such power to a burgher, Leonard convinced me that he would be able to make Narbonne prosper, like he had with Calais, and become the rival of the Holy Roman cities of Genoa and Ancona, as well as the Venetians and Ragusan republics. However, Leonard was not the biggest scandal of my titles, as I decided to surprise Solene by naming Edouard as the Duke of the Auvergne, receiving that county as well as Aurilliac, making good on my earlier promise.

    While I would serve as regent over his lands until he came of age, the spring passed into summer with astonishing speed, and, while I was eager to tour my lands and ensure the good will of my people, I was in the Cite Palais, stuffy as evidence was presented against Ilizabeth en Montfort-l’Aumury, Biktor’s sister, in the murder of Nofr, having the six-year old drowned in the Seine As Biktor’s widow Amelie took to the Couvent Saint-Jacques, Senlis and Montfort-l’Aumury returned to me, but, not wanting to keep myself involved in the minutiae of the land, I decided to grant the titles to Arnaud Leon, the brother of my good friend Gestin, another base-born son of the Count Getin of Blois.

    The seasons passed and Leonard reported that Narbonne was receiving dividends on my investment, not only from our growing trade with the Italians and Spanish, but with the Greeks and the poulain lords of the Outremer. Particularly, I never realized that Duc Simon de Vassy of Normandy had also inherited the lands of Alexandria, as my brother had gifted away his home across the sea to Isabella Puttoc, whom had married Simon’s father. With Egyptian wealth being directed towards our new Mediterranean shoreline, our treasury was soon ready to fund another campaign: the most glaring was that of the German enclave in Bordeaux, but I was in no state to match the might of the Empire. No, if I were to stand against the Kaiser, I needed more men, and, for that, I remembered the deal I had made with the Scots—homage of money and soldiers: could I make such demands out of others, too?

    Engaging in this theological and legal debate, the rest of 1290 passed without major incident, as we saw the succession of Pope Benedictus XI, and my sister Isabeau, who had become a close confidant and master of my spies, gave her husband Haspet a son, Eustache—a legal heir to my kingdom. A Flemish painter offered me a Christmas gift in the form of a portrait of my father, Duke Guriant, to be hung in the castle of Sluys, as an appreciation for the achievements, wealth, and splendor that the de Boulogne had brought to Flanders.

    The spring saw us engage in a brief skirmish against Archambault de Donges of Limousin, as the Proensais could no longer claim the title of King of Occitania, and, despite how he paid tribute to Queen Bruniseda, the Catalans ignored their pleas for help as I made obtained a new vassal lord. But I did not humiliate the Conte of Limousin, and, though he wasn’t an heir of the de Ponthieu legacy, he still had much of a claim to Occitania. With that, we saw no new conflict in the coming year, as we prepared for the upcoming campaign against the British, as Isabeau’s agents needed time to investigate their lands, and determine the willingness of regent-King Adam II, whom we learned was related to us, as his grandmother, Alienor, had been the daughter of Count Eustache V. 1292 passed with us determining that our casus belli could be the justification of payback from the lords of Normandy, as her family had refused to pay proper homage when they had owned those lands, so that we could fund mercenaries to fight the Roman Empire.

    Waiting out the winter storms that plagued La Manche, Isabeau’s messenger departed on my 25th birthday, handing my demands for payment to one of Adam’s men in Southampton, as the message would be heading for Shrewsbury, not Oxford. Right now, it was a good time to strike, as there was trouble in the southeast, as Duke Anselm of Bamburgh of Northumberland and Duchess Aldereda of Warwick were feuding with Earl Christopher de Montjoy of Kent, and Isabeau’s agents reported that discontent with Adam’s cruel ways were bubbling within his own vassals. It was shortly thereafter that we received Adam’s response, as he said that the Empress of the Britons would not pay such an outrageous price, and so, we gathered the men, and the fleet at Barfleur. Still, the Britons struck first, as some of their Welsh pirates attempted to pillage the coastal villages of Rouen and Evreux, and so I dispatched Marton with a force of Flemings and Normans to defend our shores.

    Landing in Pevensey, echoing Guillaume’s conquest from 200 years ago, we didn’t turn towards London, instead marching west for Winchester, intending to carve our path inland towards Oxford, all the while avoiding the Earls’ conflict in Kent. But, as we marched through the South Downs, a boat arrived from Normandy, asking for further reinforcements, as Marton informed us that some 6 thousand more Welsh and Irish pirates had landed on our shores. Dispatching a further 5 thousand to assist the Hungarian, we began the siege of Wessex, myself taking camp at Winchester as we had four thousand in Dorset, Sussex, Wight, Oxford, and Wiltshire. But, from the northwest, Eidbon de Semur sent news that their scouts had spotted a horde of British troops in Bath and Gloucester, roughly some 17 thousand strong under the command of Ri Cydrych Menteith—the Empress’ father. As I dispatched orders to gather our forces and packed up our siege, a second rider arrived, bringing even more news that the Welsh and English forces had marched for Avonmouth, where the Swansea navy had gathered—intending to sail for France again!

    Reissuing orders for Eidbon to be in command of my army in England, the forces from Sussex took over the siege of Winchester as I joined with the army from Wight, our navy crowding the Solent before sailing back for Harfleur. Although Marton had dispatched the some 5.7 thousand marauders from Alencon, his 10.7 thousand couldn’t match this British expedition, and so I sent out dozens of scouts, trying to find his unit as our sailors reported that the Welsh had already landed near Bayeux. Finally, an exhausted rider brought news that the Flemish-Norman force had engaged the British near Caen, and, suffering terrible losses, had retreated towards Falaise. I suppose there was more symbolism in one of Guillaume le Conquerant’s castles. Not that I had much time to consider it, as we rushed our way westward, cursing every summer rain that plagued our march.

    Our arrival at Falaise was none too soon, as the village had been burned as the British forces had set siege to the castle, its walls crumbled as Cydrych’s army had brought dozens of pieces of artillery with them. Surveying the scene from the distance, countless French bodies lay along the crags, as there was not enough room in the fortress for all of Marton’s men, and so the hills around the chateau had become the battleground, the bailey walls broken and entrapped with bodies. Although we were exhausted, the situation was dire as the British forces started to prepare for battle, holding their protected siege camp with wooden stakes behind the muddy grounds. Trying to survey our approach, I ordered the knights dismount, as the mud would be ruinous to their horses, and, after some disagreement, they began the advance while our crossbows tried to cover their advance. However, that plan stalled, as the British archers managed to outshoot our men—their famed longbows.

    As I sent men out to scout out a better approach, our opening was caused by a surge of confusion from within Falaise castle, as it appeared that Marton hadn’t realized our advance had faltered, and had tried to sally out. Struck with opposition on both sides of their camp, my men found that, while the L’Ante had flooded, the southern hills had been drained by their natural sloping. Ordering my knights to make for that flank under command of Arnault d’Ivrea, I ordered the advance of our levies, advancing under their shields as a fresh round of Occitan crossbowmen had enough time to retrieve some of their pavise from our supply van. It was a tactic they had learned from the Italians, carrying these large shields to protect them whilst reloading, but its only detriment was that their weight prevented them from being readily carried on the march. This advance, albeit slow, gained more ground than our previous attempt, and, while the British were returning to their positions, our men at arms clashed began whilst Arnault’s forces struck, his armored soldiers making room for the knights to charge into the camp.

    From here, the battle fell into a slow bloody and muddy melee, but the nerve of the British broke first, fearing encirclement, and so they forded across the L’Ante, their archers holding the banks as our exhausted men couldn’t carry them further. It had been a black day, and God responded in kind, letting loose a thunderstorm, turning the muddy British camp into a quagmire. Losses had been heavy from on our side, a quarter lost, particularly from that of the longbows, but that paled in comparison to what Marton had suffered. Of his forces, he had lost nearly half his number on his retreat from Caen, lost another quarter of his forces in his sally, and so our combined force had been practically halved. Of the British, we were hopeful that they had lost a quarter, but, as we buried our dead and took account for their losses, we were disgruntled to learn that we barely made that number. While this was dour, I was proud that our soldiers had fought on, as a part of me was guilty that so many had died for what could be seen as a selfish cause. But they were veteran men, all, men I trusted, and the British were weak and cowardly: soon, we would have our revenge for Falaise.

    Giving time to recover and for our wounded to be taken to care, a new round of levies were drawn up from the continent as I learned that Eidbon had engaged the British, as the Northumbrian, Warwick, and Kentish forces had sent aside their difference and had met his forces at Chichester. Their alliance, some 18 thousand strong, had faced my 16 thousand, and, under the threat of their longbows and poor weather conditions, had fallen back after the initial stages of battle. Neither side had committed their full forces, and had disengaged with about 5 thousand losses on each side, though Eidbon’s messenger admitted that we had suffered the greater share of the losses.

    Wintering in Normandy as we awaited our reinforcements, we learned that Cydrych had crossed to Harfleur, intending to obtain a port of supply for their campaign, as Eidbon’s forces had returned to Wessex, cutting off access to Southampton. With the Earls’ conflict blocking any resupply from Dover, their next route of reinforcement would have come London—had a personal feud between Adam and his earls not turned them against him, instigating a whole new war within the British Empire. As the British expedition began to turn on itself, I was about to seize the initiative when a new fleet burst from Ipswich, carrying much-needed supplies and reinforcements to the garrison—as well as their come-of-age Empress, Sara Menteith.

    Though I doubted that she had been tutored for the ways of war, I decided against the bold advance, as her forces still outnumbered my own. But they couldn’t last forever without support from her Empire, torn apart by Adam’s War, and, unable to find their own supply port back to the few places willing to contribute to their forgotten Empress, their food stocks dwindled as Harfleur’s garrison to held off the British assaults, its defenses some of the strongest in all of France. Receiving reports that Eidbon’s forces had remained unmolested, the British too concerned with their interests against Adam, I knew that ensuring the homage of the Empire laid in France, not England.

    Thus, I needed to engage the Empress with the utmost advantage, and I realized that her slowly-depleting force at Harfleur was the perfect occasion—we only needed to wait out another winter and let 1296 arrive, wearing away at the disheartened and disgruntled British host. Marching my forces to Lisieux as Arnault d’Ivrea arrived with more men, enough to be a tempting target, we started raiding them across the Seine, sending small detachments of horsemen and crossbowmen to harass their raiding parties that tried to gather any supplies from Rouen. After a month of this patient war, the scouts reported that the British force was already deteriorating, as the divided loyalties from across England had kept the men at a sword’s distance from each other. With the chill and the rationing, their paranoia worsened, and, with the first warm winds of spring, the British force finally marched against us.

    Thanking the Bishop of Lisieux, I took my leave of the Saint-Pierre Cathedral, readying my forces as we marched through the morning’s fog, our breath still condensating with the chill. Marching through the valleys, we passed through the bocages and kept good contact with our vanguard scouts, waiting to see when we would engage with the Empress. Riding along with Marton and Arnault, the Duke of Burgundy laughed at my wording, and my friend asked if that was the real purpose behind this war. Waving off Arnault’s comment, I began to think upon the comment, as the Empress was betrothed to one of her Irish subjects, and it made me feel guilty to deny Solene, as he had brought up the subject to me before, as Agnes had made the suggestion as well. I had thought very little about marriage, as I had Occitans to reign in, Iberians to fight, and Germans in the future… but the British Empress would be a worthy match for me. Perhaps she would be my Empress, and Solene my queen. The Church frowned upon polygamy, yes, but several monarchs have had their own mistresses—

    The horns sounded, and my riders brought back a rather annoyed Englishman, who said that the Empress wanted to parlay. Taking the offer, we went to Pont-l’Evegue, and, with Marton and several knights remaining mounted behind me, I procured two chairs, a table, a bottle of calvados, and some local Norman cheese. Waiting for the Dragon flag of Prydain, we saw the annoyed Englishman again, who announced Sara’s arrival, and so I stood as her knights arrived, parting as the young Empress, riding sidesaddle, dismounted with the assistance of her father. 10 years my junior, she was still clad like a maiden, in long dress and veil, guarded with a circlet about her dark blonde hair, though she had a blade at her side as she approached, a handmaid at her side.

    With enough range between us and our knights to make sure our conversation was private, I accepted the Empress and her maid as I would any noblewoman, in contrast to the state of affairs, and offered them food before commenting about the poor weather. In turn, the Empress of the Britons said that it was still as fair as any day in Britain, to which I smiled, as she spoke French as well as any Norman. That was the last of the pleasantries, however, as she said that her forces were far more numerous than mine, and she wished to avoid the shedding of any further Christian blood. While referencing Eidbon’s withdrawal from Chincester, she admitted that she had no cause to war in France, given the state of her lands, and was willing to accept peace without any further costs than the withdrawal of our armies from our separate countries. But I knew this was a bluff, given the poor state of her army at Harfleur, and requested that peace could be made upon the de Normandy’s repayment of that which they had owned.

    It was here that she was trapped, either forced to concede Adam’s authority over her realm, or pridefully retain her dignity as Empress in spite of her failings—with the war, she didn’t have the coffers to pay decades of service. But, to my surprise, she said that that debt had been paid by Emperor Beuves in placing Constance Capet back upon the French throne. She then asked me that, if the debt still needed to be paid, if she could seek out Constance’s heirs from Vexin-Amiens, then rhetorically asked if the wool flowing into Flanders was too fine for my tastes. Otherwise, I should seek Norman payment from the Duke of Normandy, and ask Simon de Vassy of what he could provide. While I was eager to engage in such verbal swordplay, I was going to try to ease her spirits, and remind her that she had asked me for parlay. Remembering that her mother had gone by the Welsh title of “Ymerodres,” as Margaret had been raised in that mountainous country, I started with addressing her as such, only to get a fiery rebuke from her handmaid, who began to screech angrily in that tongue.

    About the same age as the Empress, I had never taken much of a look at the girl, who was also of the same reddish complexion as her mistress. But it was clear that Sara was embarrassed by her companion’s outburst, as did both of our knights, as I heard Marton’s horse bray from behind me. Once her handmaid had been calmed, I relaxed my position and told the Empress that I would be willing to part with my grievous terms upon two conditions: the first was the promise of allegiance, as I revealed my intents to reclaim Bordeaux and other lands taken by the Germans, but that I needed more men and support to wage such a war. Sara looked at me, curious at my frankness, and asked why I would attempt such a thing, as it would bring ruin across all of Europe. It was something I knew, but I had never heard one of my vassals admit, and so I admitted that it would be tough to bear, but it needed to be done: though my family came from Flanders, the blood of the King of France flowed through me, and, for those whom would receive my blood, I intended to make France strong for them.

    Besides, it would be the first major setback to the Holy Roman Empire in centuries, as their confederation has expanded from Italy to the Baltic, placing Kings in Egypt and al-Jazira, all while holding a crooked hold over the Pope. It needed to be done, and, if nobody else would do it, it would have to be me. It was, after all, one of the dreams that I had had as a child. I was embarrassed that that last part had slipped out, but I held face as the Empress of the Britons considered my words. Sara then asked what my second demand was, and I lifted my glass of calvados to my lips as I said that she would have to take my hand in marriage.

    Her maid began to sling more curses in Welsh again, and Sara didn’t sit back down, instead walking back to her horse, her reddened face blending in with her hair and her freckles. Claiming that my pride would see too many dead, she turned away and retreated back into the fog, her knights following her, and I couldn’t help but smile at her innocent behavior. As I stood up to return to my men, I then noticed that she hadn’t had any of my cheese, nor calvados, and I was a bit irked that she didn’t trust my behavior, despite that I was sharing the same plate. Hoping that our next encounter would prove much better, I went back to my horse, and Marton asked what had caused her to storm off, and I vaguely offered him that Eve’s temptation had brought sin upon all mankind.

    Thus, we prepared for a battle amongst the bocage, as the size of our forces would stretch out across the farmlands, rendering the fight to a field-by-field basis, attempting to advance without knowing how our allies were doing on the other side of the hedges. Therefore, communication would be our weapon, hoping to surround and demoralize the already fractured British army, and so I designated riders and flag bearers to communicate conditions across the distances. Knowing that they’d try to use the packed conditions to utilize their longbows, I ordered half of my knights to dismount, to protect their steeds and enable them to seek shelter, while the rest would be held in reserve in order to find the perfect place to charge through. Luckily, the fog remained through midday, and, while it meant that a number of our men were on edge, it only meant that the British advance had to begin within range of our crossbows.

    The cold melee began with fights split between the hedgerows, my men taking cover behind fences and pavise until the British were upon them. Denied the advantage of their range, the long and slow fight trudge across, probing strikes across the fields in attempts to find which lines held feints, and which were actually poorly supported. Scouts tried to find a way towards the enemy flank, but every corner could reveal a volley of arrows, and so progress was slow. But then, an undetected path was found, and so I tasked Marton with leading the cavalry that way, committing more footmen to maintain the field and encourage the British send more into the bocage—right into my trap. As my commanders confirmed that the British had sent more men, the fog lifted in time just to see Marton’s men in the distance, causing chaos on the far side as several lances began to point their way towards the British back sides.

    The effect was immediate, with resounding success on all fronts as we charged forward, taking captives and killing the British levies, cutting off the index and middle finger of any archer we had found. From Marton’s report, Sara’s host had retreated, its own men thrown into a frenzy of desertion and mutiny. It was a great victory, for our 800 dead had taken five times that many from the enemy, despite the odds of our numbers. I didn’t receive any further word from Sara for parlay, nor did we find any trace of the Empress in the next month, as we swept across Normandy, catching or killing any Englishman we could find. It turns out that our actions were, once again, echoed in England, as Eidbon shared good news of a victory at Buckingham with his 8.7 thousand, facing an equal numbered force of the Empress’ loyalists and killing half of them, while suffering lost one eighth that number. While I knew that “the Mutilator” took great pleasure in avenging himself in my eyes, I doubted that he was entirely truthful in claiming that all of the English dead had been during battle.

    Nonetheless, the tides were clear—the British Expedition had failed, and, with Adam unable to control his own vassals, Britannia was unsustainable. I finally received word in May that Sara wished to meet again, this time in Caen, as the annoyed Englishman said that his Empress was willing to discuss terms. Somehow, rumors of my proposal were spread throughout the land, and even Eidbon heard of them, as he reported that he had repressed a rebellion of Cornish peasants, as they had intended to liberate themselves from Norman overlordship. He had sent me the preserved head of their leader, which I quietly disposed of, as I doubted Sara would gain any satisfaction in feeling further indebted to us. Our meeting was set for the 20th, one of the first warm days of the year, and so I enjoyed the pleasant ride to the Bayeux, eager to see how the Empress had pondered over my two conditions for peace.

    While Caen held much of a grudge against the Empress after Marton’s defeat and the ensuing raiding, I could trust that the city could withstand our negotiations, as Mayor Anquetil assured me, as well as Bishop Uther of Domfront. Joined Simon de Vassy, as the Duke of Normandy and Count of Caen, we prepared a feast for the Empress, bringing troubadours from Languedoc, a sommelier from the Loire, and bakers from Flanders, trying to keep her honor while still acknowledging our supremacy. I even brought another bottle of calvados and Pont-l’Evegue cheese, hoping she’d at least take a sample this time. When she arrived with her escort of guards, I noted how much their numbers had fallen, and their appearance had haggard, though the Empress’ handmaiden had done much to give her a regal appearance, the past two months hadn’t been kind on the expeditionary force. While Cydrych was still amidst their number, there was a new addition to her party, Duke Anselm of Bamburgh, marshal of Adam II: no doubt a way to exert his liege’s influence over the negotiations. But, from Sara’s body language, I sensed the marionette didn’t take too kindly now that her strings had caught up to her.

    With Uther’s graces, our meeting took place within Odo’s cathedral, as I figured that a place of God would be befitting of the nature of our peace. In turn, the negotiations were fairly organized, as I sought no dishonor to the Empress or her men, and so, Sara agreed that the debts owed to the French crown would be paid over time, as a percentage of duties of the Empress of the Britons. Anselm watched without comment until Sara then boldly looked to me, and swore that, in addition to her payments, the armies of Britannia would lend assistance to the French crown should any major instability or major power threaten its sovereignty. While there were some askew looks from her men, only Anselm voiced his disagreement with the terms, and I knew there was no better way to voice these terms without warning the Germans of our intentions. Before I could answer, Sara said that it was a measure I had instituted to prevent aggression against the Scotts, who had sworn a similar kind of oath, and would no longer be allowed to raid beyond their border.

    Given their long history of annoyance with the Scotts, most of the English lords were content with this earned peace, though Aneslm held back his annoyance. This was at least, until Sara gave a look to her Welsh handmaiden, who scowled as the Empress then procured a scroll, and said that she was also willing to accept the second part of my demands. Not wholly expecting this, I was equally surprised when she said that, with the permission of the Archbishop of Canterbury, she had annulled her betrothal to Simon Menteith. Anselm and another man, whom I later learned was Patrick of Tyrconnell, the man who would be her father-in-law and a rather close confidant to King Adam, stood up and began to shout about her betrayal as she said that she was now willing to be my wife. The whole cathedral shocked, I then stood up, and, towering before them, rose my voice, echoing around the halls as I said that the Empress had made her decision, and had the consent of Holy Mother Church. As Uther viewed the scroll and confirmed the Archbishop's seal, I thanked Sara, as I said that I would honor her and, while Anselm and Patrick left in protest, the others cheered for the peace that had finally been earned—another step towards my dream. Surprisingly, Cydrych didn’t seem too offended by the terms, proud that his daughter had made a decision against the Emperor.

    Though Sara was proud in her moment of triumph against the de Normandie, I could tell that she still had some reservations to her new fate, as the rest of the English party didn’t tarry too long in Bayeux, settling for the spring of the next year, 1295, in London, as the Empress would make a show of her independence in the Priory of St Frideswide. This also gave time for Adam’s issues to be settled, as, with my backing, the Empress now had a much-needed ally against those unruly forces within her realm. And so, France was given time to recover, and its men come home, but I returned to Paris with peace—and the disappointment of Solene, but, with months between then and the ceremony, I had time to convince her that she would remain my Queen of France, whilst Sara would be my Empress—political, but not emotional. Despite that, I still played it safe with her during her phases, as the weight of my actions fell upon me as this time gave me the chance to look at Edouard and Auvergne.

    Leaving her to remain in that hilly country with all the guards and attendants she needed, I departed that next spring for England, departing from Barfleur with a contingent of Flemish knights, we arrived at Winchester, where we met Anselm, who said he’d escort us to Oxford. I was distrustful at first, but that was why I lavished each town with gifts, as, though Eidbon had passed over the winter, as I knew a man of his capable savagery had left a scar upon England, and wanted to build a good relation with the peasantry of my bride’s land. Despite the odds of an accident happening, my gifts were well appreciated and my Flemings never found any incident, despite Anselm’s indifference to me. Not that I cared much for the Norman whelp—I was here to honor Sara, and see her better than anyone else in her Empire could be.

    But, with an exchange of our vows, I learned that not actually the case. Celebrating within Oxford castle, the home of the Empress, her show of independence was broken by the presence of King Adam, whose friendliness belied his annoyance that, just like Margaret, I had interfered with his puppet. Nonetheless, Sara had done a great demonstration on her own, and I would have my accountants take her expenses away from her funds, I still saw some resentment as I took her to consummate our relationship. I knew that few lords married for love, but I hoped we could learn to appreciate each other, and that she could find some level of understanding about Solene and I. The Empress was more nervous than I, however, and so, as I carried her up the stairs, I could smell the calvados on her breath as I took her to bed, and she finally smiled.

    Fairly drunk, she began to hug me as she said she was thankful we had finally separated ourselves from her ugly company, and, as I prepared myself for consummation, she stopped me. Saying she no longer had to act, she had to make a confession, as she said didn’t find me that attractive. I had expected it to be a comment about how loveless we would be, and my pride was hurt by the comment, as Sara admitted that she had another lover. Not sure if this was a moment to mention Solene, I paused as Sara then asked if I would be willing to share. My insult turned to anger as she slurred her words, and she suddenly grabbed onto me, as there was a knock on the door. Shouting for her guest to come in, I was ready to defend my wife when I was shocked to see her Welsh handmaiden step in, and it took me several seconds to comprehend as Rhianon closed the door behind her, and guided me into pleasing her mistress.

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    In the days that followed our stay in Oxford, I learned of Sara and Rhianon’s special relationship, but also of my wife’s bookish nature, as she shared with me the story of Frideswide, an Anglo-Saxon princess who had taken to the priory of Oxford to escape the abduction of a neighboring Saxon king. While I was unsure if that story had any relevance to our situation, I did have a talk with her and Rhianon later about Solene and I, exchanging that I didn’t fear anything with them, as long as they didn’t fear anything between us, feelings that were mutual. Though this was arguably against Scripture, I felt that this matter wasn’t a sin, and could be kept between the four of us.

    But, we did have our own realms to rule, and so I eventually had to return to France, traveling with the Bishop of Abingdon, en route for Rome, as, with her realm at peace now, Sara now sought legitimacy against the de Normandie with a Papal coronation in Oxford. Tending to the matters that had sprung up in my absence, Bishop Walter returned from the Holy Roman Empire, telling me that Pope Benedictus had asked a task of Sara, much like how Gregorius had asked for my sponsorship, though Theirs was much more drastic: They had asked her to lead a crusade against Rannveig av Sudreim, Queen of Norway, whom They had excommunicated for his sins, in order to turn the crown over to a more Christian ruler. With more pity for the girl, I thought it would be wise to let her prove herself to her lords, perhaps win some sway away from Adam, to triumph over the Norwegians herself, and I sent Walter with those regards, though offering whatever assistance I could.

    I spent the summer of 1296 in my country, tending to matters that had fallen aside whilst I been waging war. This meant visiting Occitania and Languedoc, tending to Archambaut de Donges of Limousin, as his pride had been insulted by my usurpation as the King of Occitania, and visiting Solene and Edouard in the Auvergne. This latter visit was cut short, however, as I received a messenger from Narbonne that the Grand Mayor was in poor condition, and so Solene and I both rode to visit Leonard, as we both owed much to the Mayor of Calais. Visiting him, my old friend was suffering from a fever, and, in his old age, didn’t have more than a week to last. Staying at his bedside, he told me that, while he thanked me for the honors I had given him, he was sad that he didn’t have a legacy for himself. Instead, his position was currently being fought over by a few merchant houses that had grown in Languedoc, much like those whom I had styled after in Italy, the de Meziriac, the de St. Hillary, the de Leval, the de Salins, and the d’Oisy. Unable to intercede in their elections in the wake of Leonard’s passing, I disliked the new, zealous grand mayor, Julien de Meziriac, whom I heard was in support of the old Geraud de Toulouse.

    While I eventually returned to Paris, I learned that Sara’s campaign against the Norwegians had been won, but, also, that young Simon Menteith had passed away, his short life cut away by an infected dog bite at the age of 13, a betrothal never remade. But, speaking of the Britons, with all of their internal strife, I pondered that I needed more allies against the Germans, but, with Edouard a bastard and my sisters already married, I had few kin to promise to the Iberians or the Spanish. First off, I drafted terms to the Spanish Kingdom of Castille, and the Andalusian Kingdoms of the Utman and the Bakrid, as my negotiations with the Catalans would probably not be well-received until I had the support of the other kingdoms. However, the issue of Iberian unity was the real matter here, as the four kingdoms had split the peninsula apart, chasing old allegiances, pursuing ancient claims from generations long past, and conflicts over the lands of Africa had set them against each other, even after the Andalusians had joined the Christian faith.

    As such, their lands were in another state of conflict—and so, I suggested that I could attempt to broker a peace between Castille and the Utman, hoping that, through negotiation, I could bring them into my coalition. But the response from Rei Ferran d’Empuries and ‘Amira Gamila Utman were both so vile, both denying my right to “meddle in their affairs,” that even Archambaut stood with me in defending my honor, as my lords demanded that we make them pay for their insults. With my lords assembling their men, I realized this was as good of a chance as any to coerce them into my suzerainty. Thus, with our Occitans marching around the borders of Bordeaux and my French, Brenton, and Flemings taking to Nantes, we rode the last winds of September as we pounced upon Castille, aiming to seize the coastal fortresses of Asturias before we moved inlands and towards the shores of Beja.

    Their lands already destabilized, it was easy enough to mobilize and split my forces, taking castles and gaining a foothold in that country, with men being able to advance into Ferran’s capital in Leon. But then, the wind shifted, and blew foul tidings from the North—with her victory over the Norwegians, Sara had earned a bit of fame for herself, and Adam had had enough of strings cut away from his puppet. Thus, the lord of England and Ireland had raised his bannermen against the Empress of the Britons, aiming to place Albereda of Warwick, as a “rightful de Normandie,” back upon the throne of Oxford. Our supply ships struggling to find a good wind northwards, I lead a force back for Nantes, reuniting with our ships at the mouth of the Gironde estuary, crossing Bac Royan-Pointe de Grave, landing there as we aiming to meet with the fleet from Calais in Normandy, intending to make that crossing and protect my wife’s lands.

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    Journal 18
  • --Journal 18; 12/22/19--
    **November 17th, 1297**
    !King Hugues “the Great” de Boulogne VII! [281]

    Preparations were slow, however, as we waited out the winter storms, and for the remainder of my forces in Spain to finish their sieges, as the matter of Britain required the full attention of our armies. It was then that I learned that Malcon V used the advantage of the civil war to strike against the British, striking at Sara and Adam’s forces alike. I doubted that the rash youth would answer to my demands, and, as I awaited his response, I also waited for the remaining half of my Castillan forces, as thousands were still needed to hold the supply lines to our captured castles. In several ways, I was worried—had I gone too far: too ambitious, too quickly? Would engaging in these ceaseless wars only weaken France, instead of strengthen it? Sure, we were receiving income to put towards our soldiers and our state, but there was a cost to all of this: where would my lords draw the line? I may be a conqueror or a liberator now, but when will they call me a warmonger and a tyrant?

    Of course, I couldn’t tell anyone about that. I was in too many war cabinets to visit Solene or Edouard, and I hadn’t talked any more to Sara about my childhood visions of glory. There was much hinging on me, and I had many a sleepless night when word arrived that Iberian partisans had been harassing my men in the mountains, delaying their return to France, while killing many noble officers. In some ways, I began to doubt my purpose, as I started to think that even I couldn’t bring peace to Iberia when I still had France and Britannia to care for, especially as Sara arrived in Melun, seeking shelter from Adam.

    My men finally arrived and, as 1298’s weather began to warm, we made our way to Wales, as Sara’s countrymen had remained loyal to her, most notably under her father, Cydrych, ruling from the seat of Powys. Landing in what Tywyssawc Airfhinnan called Ceredigion in May, it took most of the month to gather our 19.4 thousand and supplies, for the march inland, though time was critical, as Adam’s marshall, Morgan Glastenning of Gower, had laid siege to Cydrych’s castle of Harafan Fawr with nearly 12 thousand men. Their camps, high upon the hills to avoid the wetlands that had accumulated from all of the rains, were far enough apart that our attack could begin with relative surprise, and so we won the day, having taken almost 5 thousand of their number, losing only 1.2 thousand of ours. Apparently, Adam had been there too, as we found the King of England and Ireland’s baggage, which helped raise spirits before we set about the march into England.

    It did little to calm my own nerves and earn me some respite, though, fearing more bad news from Iberia as I split my forces, Marton heading to Adam’s stronghold in Shrewsbury while I rushed to reclaim Oxford for Sara, as I had let her stay in Melun in the meanwhile, as, though she had learned from her campaign in Norway, she wasn’t a battlefield commander. At least I could find comfort in that Adam’s forces had been scattered after our victory, and so, fearing our numbers, only a few hundred men remained in Oxford to resist us. As Adam’s propaganda had been claiming that he had already expelled the Empress to her husband’s lands, we stormed the walls, intending to raise Sara’s banner high once more. However, the men who had remained were hard-fought, and, as my men then turned their eyes towards sacking the city, I was able to dissuade them, as it was still Sara’s city. Promising them the share of Adam’s wealth from Shrewsbury, we started to join Marton when a rider arrived from my cavalry commander, bearing news that the scattered forces from Harafan Fawr had recovered, and had managed to unite with reinforcements from Adam’s Scottish and Irish vassals, and had gathered as many as 21.3 thousand.

    With 16.8 thousand between us, he was making for the Welsh hills, and so our forces met in the Clun Valley, based out of the tranquil village for which it was named, comfortable in the summer’s heat, whose fields provided good wool for the Flemish markets. Assembling our camp around in the Norman castle and the gentle Clun river, we prepared for battle, organizing ourselves for where the enemy could come from, as Marton’s men said that the Welsh survivors were coming from the South, whilst the Irish had landed in Chester, and the Scotts were coming from the east. While I was worried about what that meant for preparing a strategy, Arnault told me that it could be to our advantage, as the three forces could not coordinate their arrivals equally, and, thus, could be met with appropriate force when they arrived. Trusting in the Duke of Burgundy’s plan, we spread our scouts around the valley before we learned that the survivors of the Welsh incursion had been spotted. Launching against them, while keeping a healthy reserve force, the melee was still brutal, despite our numerical superiority, and many men fell before the day was done.

    It was then that my agents reported that the Scottish and Irish forces were to arrive before the next week, and, as they apparently were on track to arrive the same day, I worried as Marton volunteered to lead a force in harassing Adam’s forces, to help give time and prevent a two-sided battle. I denied him this, placing his worth much more than the risk it offered, telling them that our men could be trusted, though that was mostly just a face. Still, we had time to prepare, as Cydrych vouched that the Irish would be light, while the Scotts would bring pikes, and so we cleared brush to give room for our knights, while bringing them to the east to disrupt their formations, and hide our crossbowmen. The Irish were the first to arrive, but, with all good tidings, their light horsemen could not match our steel, and so the melee was looking in our favor as the Scotts advanced, exchanging shots before the dreadful clash of swords, spears, and axes.

    True to my father-in-law’s plan, the strategy worked out well, and the Irish broke first, allowing them time to rest before marching against the Scotts, routing them. As Adam’s forces scattered back to their hovels, I could finally feel at ease, as, though we had lost 3.7 thousand men, almost a quarter of our number, we had killed 7.8 thousand, more than a third of their forces, and sent a critical defeat to British morale. I stayed in Clun for the remainder of the season, feeling at ease in the valley as time was spent burying the dead, while Marton went back to Shrewsbury to recover his siege, though the loss of time was regrettable, as its garrison had had time to supply. Wintering into 1299 was fair enough, as the weather had fairly rather well this year, and I received an interesting piece of news, as Kaiser Arederico de Zori, acting upon the claims of Pope Benedictus XI, had invaded the Balkans, intending to usurp Serbia from the Greeks.

    Wishing all the best for Basileus Alexios Bessarron III, I reorganized my forces, gladdened to hear that my men in Spain were doing well, though I was shocked to learn that my garrison in Oxford had been overcome, deceived by a local Oxfordian into opening their gates, allowing the surviving Scotts and Northumbrians to storm the castle before moving on. As we moved to reclaim that, I received notice from Castille that Rei Ferran d’Empuries had finally capitulated to my demands, but, in return for my overlordship, requested aid against his rebels, as Myassa de Toledo sought to limit the king’s privileges, while the Knights of Santiago tried to put his brother, Guillem, upon his throne. Bidding Count Apas of Gowrie the right to act accordingly, we were able to reclaim Oxford by June, and so we left a stronger garrison there as I marched back for Shrewsbury.

    Marching up from Gloucester, my riders reported that a British force that had been set up between the Corve and Teme, while their host had taken to Ludlow castle. Believing them part of the force that had taken Oxford, we rushed for the castle, taking it after some fierce resistance, and, with the Fleur-de-Lis on its walls, the men from the field began to lose heart. As they broke, our 11.6 thousand had routed their 12.2, leaving 3.6 thousand to be buried by the brothers of Saint Laurence, or held within the castle’s walls until their ransoms could be paid, at the cost of only 800 men. Thinking upon it, I was scared that I could accept such a loss of men as if losing only hundreds of men was acceptable, but this was the cost that had to be paid for peace, as, once again, we recovered Adam’s abandoned treasure baggage.

    July was spent hunting down the survivors and marching on Shrewsbury, while I received a messenger from the Erzekenzelaere Aldrich Schauenburger, Lord Mayor of the Hansa. As the Hanseatic trade had kept northern France prosperous, I approved of his proposal to marry my cousin, Ghida of Sous, as keeping the German merchants friendly would hopefully keep their ports open when we finally raised swords against the Kaiser. The August of 1299 saw another victory, with the capture of Morgan Glastenning at Evesham, south of Birmingham, who admitted his King was on the retreat, but he knew not where he was. However, further captives from that battle revealed that Adam had been accompanying his army, but had been trusting in his commanders to give their orders, giving him convenient time to flee at the earliest chance he had.

    Spreading his cowardice as our own propaganda, I spent the autumn in Shropshire, enjoying a pleasant fall while Marton still tended to Shrewsbury, but then Arnault arrived with great news—in particularly, the captured King of England and Ireland. Thus, I called for Sara’s return to England, her father escorting her from Gloucester to Oxford, where I presented her with the manacled Adam, whom she banished to her dungeons. This also came with the arrival of Albereda of Warwick, who apologized on behalf of her captured liege, and formally renounced her claim on the British throne. Spending December with Sara, who was very grateful in my rescue of her throne, I shared many a night with her, and, while I noticed she wasn’t as enthusiastic on the nights that Rhianon didn’t join us, I found that our political association had at least developed into a friendship.

    Taking my leave after the New Year of 1300, which was auspicious for the coming of a new century, I spared my men some return to France, though it would only be until the Atlantic calmed and we could sail for Spain, as, with Ferran under contract, I needed to tend to his rebels and avenge the insult that Gamila had long since delivered unto me. Recovering supplies and new recruits, a papal emissary arrived from Pope Benedictus, beatifying Arnault’s cousin, Guillaume D’Ivrea of Vannes, a vassal of Duke Loup Karling of Brittany, for being a paragon of Christianity, tending to the spiritual and moral duties of the Brentons. Pleased that the people within my Kingdom were being respected in Rome, we mustered again in the spring, making for Beja and the castles of the ‘Amira. En route, I was pleased to learn that a new war had broken out in England—not against Sara, but by Albereda de Normandie against Echtgus de Normandie of Ulster, Adam’s regent, who now sought to expand the earls’ rights in leave of their lord.

    The rest of the year was spent in Utman, and, by God, I grew to despise it. The plains of Portugal were speckled with well-fortified castles, as the ‘Amira refused to meet us for a proper field battle, instead tending to the defense of her holds, which meant that more resources had to be dumped into every siege. But then, their zenata, would strike, light horsemen who skirmished and raided with impunity, retreating before capture and pulling attention away from their castles. With Arnault slowly sieging down castles beyond the Rio Tejo, I faced the jinete and debated my situation in Iberia. What did this all have to do with fighting the Germans? With how fractured the Spanish were, would they even send men beyond the Pyrenees? I could make them sign oaths, but would they honor them, or would they cast it off, like the rule of a foreign tyrant?

    1301 arrived with news of the Kaiser’s defeat against the Greeks, and, while I considered breaking off the war in Utman to pursue Bordeaux, I didn’t dare voice these concerns to my generals, though I noticed they were similarly dismayed by the campaign. It was slow and grueling, without any pitched battles or traveling armies to compete against, and I dared not move into the interior of the country, lest we get trapped in the hills and mountains. It seems that ‘Amira Gamila was holding out just to spite me, hoping that I would depart, and, quite frankly, it seemed like it could be likely. Meanwhile, I learned that, since Malcom V had been attacking now-united British land, Sara had managed to find a resolution with the King of Scotland that included fines for all that his forces had stolen from her vassals.

    During this time, I began to feel a bit uneasy about my situation, and, while no one in France would attempt to do anything rash in my absence, there would be a future without me, and I worried what that might hold. I had kept France together through charisma and leadership, but there was still a question about if it could last beyond me. Though I was only 33 and death was still far beyond my time, my years were growing on preparing an heir for France, and, with all of my time in the field, as well as Sara’s “sapphism” (as she called it), I doubted that we could ever have a child. But then, I realized, I did have a child, baseborn, yes, but naturalis, and ability was better than any bond of Clerical-arbitrated licensure of politically-orchestrated parentage. Writing to the bishop of Paris, I sought that the Church legitimize Edouard as my heir, as he was already in communion as the Duke of the Auvergne. While I knew that I could already give him validity, I knew that he would still be looked down upon, and so, much like how I had bowed before Pope Gregorius for my crown, so would Edouard before Bishop Alphonse of Carlat.

    I hoped that the news would reach him and Solene by his 12th birthday, but May passed too soon without news, and sending another message, I was then distracted by my first bit of excitement, as a sizeable Andalusian host had been seen, some 8 thousand strong, and my men were finally ready for battle. Leaving a token garrison to try to hold siege, my 10.6 thousand made for Avuis where we could finally have a real battle and send a message to the ‘Amira. However, just like the whole of the campaign, it wouldn’t match up to the expectations, as, while the Andalusians fled, leaving 2.7 thousand dead, mostly their footmen, their zenata retreated to the hills and mountains to fight and annoy on another day. We had lost 1.8 thousand of our own to the Utman host, and it felt like a hollow victory.

    At least there was something positive of note in the form of Livre des Merveilles due Monde, the supposedly true story by a Pisan writer about a Venetian merchant who had traveled off Cathay. Now, I had only heard rumors about the Mongolians, whose Empire apparently covered all land east of the Black Sea, but I was intrigued to learn that, despite how the Germans had always called them savages as bad as the Huns, they appeared to have some form of civilization, as Marco Polo mentioned that his father and uncle had personally traded with some of the Mongolian oligarchs, khans, he called them, and had even received the attention of their Genghis Khan, their monarch, “Chigu of the Eastern Wind,” who apparently had in interest of our society, and requested learned men. While few believed this request, they were received well by Pope Gregorius VII, who sought to bring Christianity to the Mongols, and so Marco joined his family in their new quest eastward. This adventure spanned years’ worth of his journeys, as Marco had kept his own journal of events, as he traveled through the Mongolian territory, traversing vast deserts, wide plains, and terrifying mountains, eventually arriving in Cathay, a land swarmed with countless peoples, all tributes of the Genghis Khan. With Gregorius’ word, they were accepted into Chigu’s court and given treatment, and the stories were too unbelievable to be true, but I was captivated by them nonetheless.

    I must have read that book a dozen times by 1302, my mind no longer wracked with doubts of my wars or the blood that was shed, but of the countless horizons and the vast world that existed beyond my vision. In this, I often looked to the heavens, hoping for guidance or a new star, much like my father, of which reminded me of my childhood visions that had fallen apart recently. There was still a place in this world for heroes, and I would take my place amongst their ranks. With that determination, I was pleased that Castille finally reached its peace, as Marton’s men had given Rei Ferran an edge over his rebelling vassals, while the King of Castille had coerced the Knights of Santiago into abandoning their support for his brother, as Guillem had officially renounced his title (under threat of losing their rights of pilgrimage). We managed to take several castles from Gamila, but I cared little about Utman or its boring, sunswept landscapes any more, and only sought her humiliation so that we could finally return to France and feel accomplished.

    October brought her subjugation, but it came with her plea that we assist her against her enemies, as her eastern vassals now sought to expand upon their rights, while their bishops had placed the ‘Amira under excommunication. But I had avenged the insult she had levied onto me, and that matter was of her own fault, and, departing with her treasury, we could finally go home. Letting Gamila be overthrown was the least of our concerns, as, while the men were happy with the plunder of our victory, it had been three years spent in a foreign land, away from the closer comforts of home. Thus, I was perfectly content to focus on the matters of France, using the wealth of Castille and Utman towards projects across the land, developing towns and supporting construction projects, like the renovation of the Notre Dame Cathedral and the Basilique of Boulogne, as the final resting place of my ancestors.

    Solene was most pleased with my return, enthusiastic with my legitimization of Edouard, and so I visited my son, who had begun his squiring training. Though most boys were raised in a different household, I took the year to show him what it meant to be a king, taking him across my kingdom, meeting the various lords that he would one way rule over, and teaching him about how one man could manage over a land so large. In the meanwhile, I taught him an important lesson about diplomacy, as I received a message from Malcom V, who claimed that border tensions had still resided between him and Sara, and now my wife threatened the small, Scottish Kingdom with invasion. As I had supported Scotland as a buffer state against the British, I found myself apathetic to its cause, with my wife on its throne, and so I told him that marriage was something that must be valued. But, to this, Edouard asked me what that meant I felt about Solene, and I found it an unanswerable question, because I loved his mother, but had come to appreciate Sara. We ended our year in Flanders, as I took Edouard and Solene to Bruges to enjoy the Christmas courts like the de Boulogne had done in generations past, but, speaking of my legacies, I was perturbed to see that the gardens of Sluys had been well-cared for in my absence. My castellan noted with pride that he had been raised to take care of my grandfather’s gardens, just like his father before him. So beautiful, even during winter, the Garden of Eustache rivaled that of Eden, I joked, and I found the name rather fitting for such a complex.

    However, if 1303 was a golden year of peace and happiness, 1304 would be a specter of darkness to haunt my days, as that unanswerable question finally came to the front, as Sara arrived in Bruges. I had thought she was going to host her own Christmas court in Oxford, for all of her vassals, but her unplanned attendance brought a slew of Norman and English lords, and, while I arranged apartments and quarters for them in Bruges, Sara finally confronted me about Solene and Edouard, demanding to know why I was flaunting around my bastard, and dared to claim him as a legal heir. In my defense, I said I was being honorable and taking care of my son, and not tossing him aside like so many bastards were, as all life came from God’s creation. But she would not have it, and the Empress then asked why I paraded around my paramour for all of France to see, and I swore to Sara that, while Solene and I had once been lovers, our need for physical love had faded over the years, whilst our shared love of Edouard and long-lasting friendship had remained strong as ever. This was a lie, however, but Solene and I always took great care with one another to keep each other safe. Nonetheless, the Empress commanded that I banish her from my Flanders, but I denied her, saying that she may rule Britannia, but she did not command France. I was thankful that no swords could be worn during Christmas, else the tense standoff between her Normans and English and my Frenchmen and Flemings would’ve been soured by bloodshed.

    The storm that followed left many darkened moons, as, while I normally had retained my winter court until Mardi Gras, few stayed through January, and I was left to my lonesome, as the threats of the Empress had cowed Solene and Edouard back to the Auvergne. It was a time like this that I would have sought the wisdom of my friend Simon de Vassy, but the good Duke of Normandy had been buried at Caen on Saint John’s Day. So, in honor of the Apostle, Arnault tried to distract me with a trip to the monasteries of Flanders, visiting the Trappists in particular, returning to our lodgings with a healthy amount of stumble. This soon turned into a trip through the spring, migrating into Normandy to meet with Simon de Vassy II, and drink deeply of calvados, before I finally returned to Paris to catch up on all that I had missed—though bringing several casks along with me. One crucial thing I was to attend was Edouard’s coming of age, paired with his marriage to Belleassez, his cousin, the daughter of my wise sister Isabeau. As Edouard had squired with her first husband, Eustache ibn Guichard, he had become smitten with his cousin, and my elder sister, showing heart, had allowed the betrothal, apparently using her contacts to find some claim that his baseborn nature had removed his place in sanguinity, and that my legalization was just a formality of adoption. In truth, it wasn’t something I understood too well, but my sister had bought the best Gascogne wines, and so I thought it wasn’t worth the concerns.

    However, there was something that managed to pull me to sobriety, and that was news from my fellow kingdoms, as ‘Amira Gamila had been overthrown, and her lands split in two, as Badajoz took most of the plains of Beja whilst ‘Amira Gamila’s daughter of the same name still held Toledo. Not that I cared for that Iberian kingdom, summer broke with news from Hibernia, as scores of thousand Irish peasants had rallied themselves against Norman and English domination, and sought their own independence. Having burned down a number of castles and killing the nobles, Sara was in a desperate situation, and I found myself faced with the thought of betraying my wife, just to spite her for treatment of Solene. While I was reminded of how I had allowed her to press against the Scotts, the thought of an independent Ireland would weaken Adam’s power, though it would come at the expense of Sara’s prestige instead. And, given our already frayed relations, my lords had to convince me that making an enemy of the Empress would not fare well, and I didn’t want a war with Britannia when the Germans still held Bordeaux and the Gironde.

    Though my lords had encouraged it, it would take some time for my army to muster, and the navy as well, and 1304 ended with news of Sara’s defeat at Ferns, where her 18 thousand levies had faced against the full 30 thousand rebels, and had been solely defeated, losing 8 thousand of her men while killing only some 5 thousand of the rebels. This only spurned more rebels, and, soon enough, the only news from Britannia was fear of this rebellion spilling over into their Scottish provinces, while Wales would remain loyal to their Empress. I was aiming for a summer crossing, but calamity struck on both sides of La Manche, as a terrible fire had raged in Barfleur, and scattered our fleet across the seas as we sought new ones for our crossing. At the same time, another request from Sara came with news of a further defeat at Ath Cliath, where her 14.4 thousand surviving men had been halved, though that took more than that number from the near 40 thousand rebels they had faced. By their best estimate, Cydrych’s messenger said that there could have been as many as 70 thousand rebels, as it seemed that all of the old Irish clans had finally decided to strike out for their independence.

    While we repaired, rebuilt, and recovered our ships to cross in 1306, things weren’t all well in France, as Sara’s visit had strained my relationship with Solene. While still living with Edouard in the Auvergne, she had tried to make a public show that she was more than the “King’s Mistress,” doing charity work and goodwill in the name of her son, the Duke, and not her lover, the King. As such, I was surprised that she didn’t want to share a bed, the Empress’ shame having driven deep into her bones. Our love weakened, I still tried to maintain positivity as I returned to my mustering, but I then heard a rumor that she had been seen frequenting brothels, and she had been elevated to the Whoremistress of France. Returning to the Auvergne, it was Edouard who met with me, saying that his mother had done so out of charity, to help the prostitutes and convince them to give their children to the Church rather than live in sin. Unsure if this meant that Solene had joined Sara’s sapphic sisterhood, I returned my focus to my work, venturing to Oxford for Sara’s Christmas celebrations, as I promised 40 thousand of my men would be able to beat the Irish, as, while the British reserves had been depleted, France still had men in their ranks.

    Returning across the channel in March, I came back to find that the preparations had been finished, and our men had been assembling in Nantes. With a muster not seen since 1293, we set forth for Ireland, rounding the Ouessant and taking the north wind to Leinster. Landing in Wexford, at the mouth of the river Slaney, we were pleased to learn that the winter had threatened the rebels, sending most of them back to their hovels across the island, and so only a portion of their force had remained, though in fear of French retaliation. Thus, riding out with Aapas of Gowrie, we found 16.5 thousand of them at Logis, apparently half of their forces, but, despite their boldness against the Anglo-Norman invasion, they didn’t dare meet us in an even battle, turning as our lines tried to assemble, and so we ordered the charge. Keeping some reserves in case of a sneak attack, we were all surprised to learn that it was actually a full rout, and that the Irish had no way of responding to our horse.

    Burning their towns and driving out the rest of the rebels, I was pleased to learn that we had taken some 8 thousand rebels at the cost of only 368 men, which was astounding. It felt good to be on campaign, in a way, where I knew what enemy I had to fight, instead of meddlesome politics of wives and lovers. It was then that Apas reported that the other half of the rebels had been seen near Kickaulin, and so, with the local Norman garrisons taking to our side, we scattered them there too, though this was a harder battle fought, as, although outnumbered nearly 3 to 1, the 13 thousand Irishmen made a final stand, losing half of their number before the broke, having killed two thousand of our footmen and knights. Receiving Sara and Adam’s commendations, as the jailed lord was still the overlord of Ireland, the mood in Oxford was still a bit tense, as, although I did lay with Sara and Rhianon, the specter of the that Christmas still hung over us, though we made no mention of Solene.

    Though I was glad to return to France and leave that rainy and gray island, I looked to my east with interest, as, with the army tested, I believed it would be a good time to strike for Bordeaux. But the only issue lay in Kaiser Arderico II, as the longstanding Emperor of the Germans, Italians, Poles, Slavs, Rus, and Balts had the unity of his realm, which had long since bended its head to his will, and recovered since their defeat to the Greeks in the Balkans. He was growing old, however, and I knew that it would be best to strike in his passing, as the German elections could create a new era of instability to chance upon. With that, I looked to spent my year trying to connect with Solene, but, as she tried to keep to her nature, I found her actively avoiding me, and I soon became bitter with her. Though I couldn’t be upset with Edouard for enforcing his mother’s wills, a hangover led me to thoughts of prayer, and so I realized that a pilgrimage of my own would help set my mind at ease. While we had our own allies within the Holy Land, I wanted to avoid any interference by the Germans, and so I set my eyes on the shrines of the west, and, although I considered returning to Ireland for Saint Patrick, Bishop Adalbert of Saint-Denis recommended I look to the blessed men of Iberia, as perhaps returning to that land could spark some inspiration.

    Though Santiago was a famous shrine, I didn’t want to surprise Rei Ferran with my appearance, as the King of Castille was mild at best. Thus, following the advice of Archbishop Centule of Rheims, I set my sights on the closer shrine of Saint Rodrigo of Asturias. A kind and understanding man, his shrine in Cangas de Onis was said to clear the mind. Thus, leaving my realm to the care of Edouard, I took to Gascogne with a few clerical attendants, walking in pilgrim’s robes along the Way of Saint James, taking the northern route along the Atlantic as we entered the Basque territories of Navarre. Reminded that my war with the Catalans over Languedoc had been two decades ago, I wasn’t too surprised to learn that the crown of Navarre hadn’t fared too well since then, as the rule of Reina Bruniseda had come with years of instability. This, in turn, had affected the people of the realm, and so a host of bandits had set upon us, intending to make us pay tolls for attempting to cross these holy paths. Knowing they were no better than highwaymen, I led the attack against them, and, surprised by my skill, I managed to kill two of the fiends and scatter the remaining four back to the hills. Though I wanted to pursue them, I was recalled by my companions before I found myself lost in the Basque country.

    With that manner taken care of, we arrived in Asturias without issue, though I was disappointed when my attendants warned me that I should stay clear of drink, as I was on a pious mission. Trying to make excuses about the blood of Christ, I was chastised for my blasphemy, which I tried to pass off as bad humor. Still, I looked kindly to the houses and hospitals along the way, and I wept when I found a vineyard had been burned by a cow’s unfortunate tipping of a lantern, compensating the owner with my purse of gold coins. Though pilgrims weren’t usually supposed to carry much wealth, it was all I had offered, and some of my comrades were pleased by my charity. However, in retrospect, I should have saved that money for our arrival in Asturias was rather lackluster, as we finally found the shrine after having to ask the local padre. Though this northern route had prospered from the stability of French oversight, Rodrigo’s shrine had not been cared for by the de Leon, as the Duc of Asturias, Castille, and Portucale had many more interests in contesting Rei Ferran. Though the padre said that he sent his youths up the steps to care for the small chapel, it was more than likely that they had visited the vineyards, as it was overgrown with shrubs and vines, grass sprouting along the floor as the few icons of faith that remained were weathered and dirty.

    Though my attendants said that we could still make the journey to Santiago, I took this as enough of a distraction, and set my sights back on France. Returning to Paris to celebrate the Easter of 1307, I then received a letter from Duchess Gerberge of Berry, as the daughter of Geraud de Blois said that she wished to hear about my pilgrimage, and was hosting her own spring festival in Sancerre. With the flowers in bloom, fed by the Loire, I was very pleased when Gerberge brought me her finest bottle of red wine, and so we drank and laughed on the most pleasant day of the year. Saying she had been inspired by the revitalization of my grandfather’s work, her husband, Duc Clotaire, tended to the other guests as we took a tour of her garden, glasses in hand as I stopped to smell the roses. Presenting her one in jest, Gerberge smiled when the sky suddenly darkened and began to rain. Stumbling along, we laughed as we ran into her gardener’s shed, and, as a silence suddenly fell upon us, we both began to strip off our wet clothing. The passions that I had been forced to keep from my love and my unwilling wife were finally let loose, and it was like the days of my youth, both carnal and physical with the other.

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    When the rain stopped and we washed the sweat from our bodies, I finally had enough sense to assist Gerberge with her dress, as Solene had taught me during our earlier incursions. The guilty thought lingered with me a bit longer than I would’ve liked, whilst the Duchess smiled seductively and said that she wouldn’t tell as soul. With another paramour to keep from my wife and my… son’s mother, I returned to Paris to receive an invitation to Norway, as Queen Astrid av Sudreim was going to be coronated by Pope Benedictus XI. While Sara had placed her brother Vigleik upon the throne, his death had given way for Astrid’s ascension, she had been invited too, as the young princess sought the appearance of all noble sovereigns to form alliances and discuss policy.

    Sailing with Sara into the fjord of Sogn, she had made no mention of Solene, but it appeared that she was in a better mood, though I was still on my guard, lest any news had slipped about Gerberge. Nonetheless, things were going well until we arrived at Leikanger, and I was introduced second, as “husband of the Empress of the Britons and the King of France,” but I held my tongue as the next guest to arrive was none other than Kaiser Arderico II. The old man needed help getting to the table, but he had his own host of princes with him, and I noticed one in particular, Sieghard Ezzonnen of Saxony, whom Isabeau’s agents said was the favorite amongst the electors. Taking note of the Kaiser’s weakness, I turned my attention back to the ceremony, which was well done, and so I spent some time talking with the other guests, before taking back to Sara and our private space. At ease with one another, we participated in the week’s celebration, while Astrid thanked us both for our attendance.

    Leaving back for France, I was met with news later that year that Gerberge was pregnant, and, while we hadn’t had any more intimate encounters since that one night, I knew it was mine when she named our daughter Eustachie, in honor of my Grandfather whose garden had inspired her work. Not that I could focus on that, however, as the spring of 1308 erupted a number of petty conflicts across the land, and, as I wanted unity within France when the Kaiser died, I looked to what had to be done to stop the fighting. After all, this was a longstanding issue that had plagued our land, as it was easy for nobles to end a dispute with their men at arms. While I could issue commands to desist, the order was only as strong as my word, and the belief that the war wouldn’t return as soon as I turned my attention elsewhere—and, therein, lay the issue: I couldn’t be anywhere else. Legally, the Crown had held all the power, but, since I was on campaign for years at a time, I had been delegating my authority to my council members to keep France together.

    Expanding these ideas, I gave them a greater amount of authority over my vassals, allowing them to delegate certain matters on my behalf, regardless of their de jure lands. Expanding my cabinet to include an additional role, the lieutenants genereaux, which could be expanded as I saw fit, I then tasked my council with stopping the wars: Arnould de Carhaix to work a deal in Picardie as Mayor Adalbert of Paris did the same with Duke Loup in Brittany, Mayor Josselin of Corbeil to Limousin to check on Edouard’s foes, and Mayor Theodolf of Bruges to arrange a deal between the patrician families of Narbonne. We were able to achieve peace by the end of 1309 while I could remain focused between Flanders and the Ile-de-France, gathering men for the impending campaign, as I knew that the Kaiser’s day was coming soon.

    What came first was actually the passing of Pope Hadrianus, and, while the ascension of Victor V brought 1309, January brought the gift of Arderico’s passing. Knowing there I had a limited window to seize upon, I was surprised to learn that the Germans had beat me to the punch, as the electors had met in Nuremberg and had selected Sieghard Ezzonen of Saxony without much contention—perhaps in fear of me. Trouble had been brewing on the border of German Bordeaux for some time, no doubt inspired by me, and it was now just the question about when it would erupt. It had to be controlled however, and, as I corresponded with Sara, I was furious when I learned that she admitted that she’d have trouble rallying her countrymen to fight a French war against the Holy Roman Empire, after how much the land had suffered during Adam’s and the Irish Rebellions. She said she could at least continue financial support, but I didn’t need mercenaries, I needed strong men of character and ability—knights, not routiers.

    With nothing else to fall back on, I took it though I complained to Gerberge when she met me in Boulogne, her husband thinking she was visiting her sister, Bourgogne of Eu. However, as we went our separate ways to maintain secrecy, I learned of what I could do, from Bordeaux, ironically. This was because Archbishop Lothar Nowina had sent an emissary to Edouard, asking permission to march soldiers through the Auvergne salient in order to reach the rest of the Empire. The reasoning behind it? Kaiser Sieghard had ordered an invasion of the Greek provinces in the Ukraine, which I’m told was fertile steppe land north of the Black Sea. As Arderico had lost the war for the Balkans, the Duke of Saxony sought victory this time, and so needed all of his lords to supply soldiers to the cause.

    This only meant that Bordeaux was undefended. Thus, I gave orders to my council to dispense orders to prepare for an invasion, waiting two months later, to June 1st, before issuing a declaration to the Archbishop that Bordeaux was French territory, not German, and, as such, we would be expelling the German lords who were occupying its castles. I received a response as my Flemings had reached Paris, saying that the French hadn’t ruled Bordeaux since the 11th century: I, in turn, said that that would be corrected. Thanks to my councilors, the army was quick to muster, and, by fall’s end, we had men all along the Garonne, Marton took control of the north as Isabeau’s husband, Jaspert of Sous, commanded our forces from Gascony. With Captain Arnould de Carhaix assisting me, we lead the strongest detachment in Toulouse, the seat of Marcau von Tyrol, marshal to Archbishop Lothar.

    With a milder winter, we took to our camps, and, with scouts patrolling our eastern border, I was content on taking the castles by siege, rather than by storm. Despite our reclamation of the Languedoc territories and my claim as the King of Occitania, the Bordelais still held to their German masters, their years as an exclave giving them a sense of independence and autonomy. To this, Arnould commented on the irony that they resisted a “foreign ruler” in favor of remaining loyal to another, and I had the same thoughts. Still, we had many Provensois troops amongst our number, and so we had translators to negotiate the surrender of their castles and cities. With several already having capitulated, I thought to try it with Marcau, promising to the German that I’d be free to let him and his men cross into Germany and join their war against the Greeks.

    However, as the Marshal of Bordeaux shouted back a response, there was a blur before my eyes. It happened too fast, and the jeers from the garrison paused for a moment as I looked down at the bolt that had pierced through my right leg, just above the bend of my schynbalds. Then the pain came and I couldn’t stand any further, falling sideways towards Arnould, who caught me, and shouting that I’d been shot. The garrison cheered again whilst my army roared out in protest, as I was Dei Gratia, ruling by God. As my men lifted me back to my tent, my vision faded as all I could feel was everything wrong with my leg with every bend, I heard the sounds of trebuchets launching and the sounds of ladders and battering rams being carved.

    Laid upon my cot, I was stripped as I heard the voices of my lords, priests, and surgeons, but I cried out for wine, finding several thrust into my hand. Drowning my first cup, I then received some vision as I asked Abdul-Hazm of what he thought, but, from the look on the face of my old Saracen mentor, I knew it was bad. The man my father had saved in al-Jazira had been a faithful companion to me, though he hadn’t taken much of the spotlight of late. He claimed to have converted to Christianity, though this was mostly for the appearances of court, and while he occasionally attended Mass, I didn’t fault him for his absences, granting him leniency for his beliefs from the Levant. Nonetheless, as I looked to my second cup of wine, Abdul-Hazm admitted that he could save the leg, but he couldn’t be sure about the effects until he operated.

    While some still had some doubts of the old Saracen, I told my men to leave him to his work, and prepare for the storming that was to come. One of Abdul-Hazm’s attendants then brought me a rather fine, honeyed water, and I found myself drifting to sleep despite the chaos and pain around me. When I woke up later from December’s chill through the tent, I was pleased to find Abdul-Hazm tending to bandages around the leg, blood leaking from the back, as he had forced it through. Noticing me, he greeted me with a cup of warm lemon water before showing me the bolt. Saying I was lucky that it was only a wide bolt and hadn’t been coated with anything, Abdul-Hazm said that it had struck the part of my knee that allowed me to control my leg—rendering it dead weight from the shin down. Saying that I’d, no doubt, need to walk with a crutch or a cane, I spent some time cursing for a while before calming down, breathing and accepting my fate, albeit begrudgingly, as this was all in God’s plan for me.

    As some men had carved a crutch for me, I tried to stand up, and, while I could push with one, I was shocked that I had lost all feeling in my right leg, my foot flopping around dumbly. Joking that I’d need to get some better chausses to keep it straight, Abdul-Hazm said that he’d be working on a device to help me ride, as I still had my left leg to keep me stabilized, and the weight could at least keep me balanced. With that prospect still a prototype, my lords then came into my tent, bearing news that a large German force had turned around, and had started making its way towards France. Apparently, the Greeks were now in a state of civil war, as they often were, and so the Kaiser had thought it a better use of his troops to defend his vassals. Cursing, I knew we only had a limited amount of time, and so I issued orders for patrols to consider their approach into the region, and also for our other siege camps to prepare the majority of their forces for redeployment. The Germans were coming, and, in spite of my condition, I was ready.

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    Journal 19
  • --Journal 19; 01/14/20--
    **December 22nd, 1309**
    !Emperor Hugues “the Great” de Boulogne VII! [287]

    But, before we could rally against the Germans, there was still one manner I had to see to: on Christmas Day, our gift to Marcau von Tyrol was that of siege towers and covered wagons, my men climbing onto the walls and through the breaches that had been formed by our trebuchets. I watched from the back of a wagon as our men gained the ground and, following my orders, gave no quarter to the German and Bordelais, sacking the city and killing its garrison. Only Marcau von Tyrol and his nobles were kept alive, whilst the people of Toulouse paid the soldier’s price for their betrayal of their rightful kind. The sack lasted into January, and, whilst we should have been celebrating the New Year’s tidings, we moved towards Chancelade, where Marton had prepared to make his stand, using the abbey there as a command post as he acquired supplies for our arrival.

    Carried on the back of a wagon, I was kept with the baggage train as Arnould took the vanguard, riding ahead to join Marton, and none too soon. By the time we had caught up, our forces had already deployed and fought the enemy, as Jaspert of Sous had already arrived. Our forces having totaled 27.8 thousand, we had surprised the Germans, who had thought themselves superior in numbers and quality, but he had Kestutis been leading Germans and Slavs—not Frenchmen. The battle of Chancelade had cost us 5.7 thousand men, but the Germans had lost half of their number. There was one other thing we had gained from this victory, one I hadn’t expected: the capture of my nephew, Wilhelm de Boulogne, the son of my sister Jeanne. Her fourth son with Amadeus Premyslid, king of al-Jazira, Wilhelm had returned to the Reich, hoping to gain some renown in serving the Kaiser, though this had led to him back to France, not what he had expected, and he did share with us that Herzoge Hugo of Munster had usurped command from Kestutis, and had directed his scattered army towards Languedoc.

    Pleased with that information, I asked him to join me in my cart with Abdul-Hazm, and he was more than happy to, as Wilhelm was all too familiar with Saracens, and shared stories of al-Jazira with my aged tutor. As Jaspert returned across the Garonne to siege the castles there, I stayed with Marton in Sarlat as Arnould returned to Toulouse. With the help of the monks of Saint-Sacerdos abbey, Wilhelm’s youthful energy, and bottles of Perigord I began to fall back into step, and, by April, I was able to turn my crutch into a cane, supporting my own weight and able to inspect the siege camps. With Wilhelm testing the device, Abdul-Hazm fabricated a device to help keep me on the saddle, though he warned me that it couldn’t account for all things, and so I should do my best to avoid getting into any pitched confrontations. While I urged him to find a solution to such a thing, I was happy to be in the saddle once more, though months without saddle sores had left some of them back to earn. However, they would be earned at Sarlat, as our scouts in the Auvergne reported that two large enemy forces had been seen: 18.5 thousand Balts and Teutons under the command of Herzoge Johann of Prussia, whilst Herzoge Mastino of Steiermark had brought 14.4 men from the Bundesland, as Wilhelm had called it.

    That number matching up to 32.9 thousand total, I considered our odds, as we had only 27.2 thousand spread throughout Bordeaux, but I decided that, if we had to make a stand, we would make it here and now. July began with the initial skirmishes, as Wilhelm helped us identify that the vanguards were all Prussians, and that either meant that the Styrians were a part of the main battle, or were delayed. With the eastern fields between us, I could only watch from my horse and give orders, as Jaspert, Marton, and Arnould took command of my battles, and, with the blessing of Saint Sacerdos, we committed to the field. Beginning with a cavalry charge, they pulled away for crossbowmen to cover the approach of the men at arms, which was mainly a screen for the knights to launch a second charge into their flanks. As Arnould was often called “the Lucky,” it proved so as I later learned that he managed to defeat and capture Johann, tending to the collapse of the already routing Prussians. As I followed them, a knight rode back, reporting that he had seen the Bundeslanders from our flank, attempting to find a fork in the Dordogne. Apparently, they had expected their Teutonic companions to hold much longer for their push, and so, attempting to recall our cavalry, Jaspert caught the infantry and turned them around. With the Styrians engaged in their crossing, we fell upon them, pushing them from the northern bank as we pursued them south. They attempted to hold onto that side of the river, but that proved futile for them, as our victory over the Prussians carried us forward. When they broke, it appeared that our men would be too tired to pursue this second foe when Arnould and his knights came out from the east and rode through their number, their sword arms wet with German blood.

    It was a terrifyingly efficient battle, some would say. Blood and bones prepared the fields for harvest, while the Dardogne carried bodies along its winding path, some reaching as far as Bergerac, while legend began to build that German jewelry and gold had flowed as far as the Gironde. Thanking the brothers of the Son of Saint Modane, I promised them reward for their service and tending to our wounded, as we had suffered some 5 thousand lost, whilst the German numbers were still being estimated—22.3 thousand, as some would say. By God, it was glorious, though I wished I could have been there in the thick of it. Though I supposed my cane warned me of my pressing age, I was still eager for more victories, and, while I dispersed forces to allow Sarlat to resupply, we baited Hugo of Munster into attempting to follow Mastino’s mistake across the Dordogne, securing his capture and the defeat of his forces in August, taking hundreds of captives, including Hugo, and killing thousands of footmen at the cost of 337 of our men. Kestutits managed to escape, directing the surviving portion to a different ford, managing to link up with the survivors from Johann and Mastino’s army, which had been recently reinforced by none other than Kaiser Sieghard himself.

    Setting my sights on Angouleme, I recalled my men from their conquests and sent out scouts, who placed the surviving Germanic force at around 14.3 thousand men. Some would say that they had already been beaten, as all of the important castles and cities along the Garonne had already fallen into my hands. But I wanted to clash with the Kaiser himself, but it appeared there would be little of that: advancing with a 1.5:1 ratio between us, the Germans were quick to break, as the survivors of Chancelade and Sarlat were unable to withstand our forces for long, and, losing a third of their number, broke, either surrendering our turning tail. This victory had come with less than a thousand of our men, and so a well won victory as I got to receive the Kaiser’s sword, as the old Duke of Saxony and the new Emperor of the Reich, received his first defeat.

    For all that was considered, he took the news fairly well, and so I treated my foe with dignity, releasing a number of his captive nobles so that they could continue their war against the Greeks. Our conference came with terms for 10 years of peace between us, trying to recall the 4 century old divide from the Treaty of Verdun, as Sieghard didn’t wish for more years of trouble on his western border after such a trouncing we had just delivered upon him and his men. The Treaty of Jarnac, completed on the 27th of September in the year of our lord 1310, ended with Troyes remaining in the hands of the Germans, but we secured Gevaudan back for Toulouse. Plus, despite over two hundred years of sovereignty, the Germans renounced all of their claims over Bordeaux and the Gironde, the Garonne, the Dronne, the L’Isle, and the Dordogne, etc—the enclave was no more. All in all, it was pretty generous terms for the Kaiser, but all things considered, was a noble prize for France.

    Our noble task completed in little over a year, I was greatly amazed, although expected, with our victories we had won, and the rest of the year was spent in celebration, rewarding those who had given their service with lands within the conquered regions. Gevaudan was taken with Bianca d’Albon, while Saintonge was granted to Duchess Elodie of Poitou, as both were rightful lands of their ducky. As for the others, I was now faced with dividing up as I pleased, and so I rewarded Perigord to Gerberge de Blois, Angouleme to Arnould de Carhaix, and the crown prize of Bordeaux to Jaspert of Sous. Granting Toulouse to my son, I also named Sarlat to be the Diocese in the region, allowing them use of Archbishop Lothar’s palaces as Arnould developed the abbey church into a proper cathedral for the brothers of Saint Sacerdos. That still left the matter for the county of Agen, and, while I considered also giving it to Edouard, Toulouse was its own beast to handle, so I instead looked to Wilhelm, who said he would be honored to be a vassal of his uncle.

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    However, the most interesting of cases was the submission of Marcau von Tyrol: having owned his allegiance to the Bordelais, he now wished to submit himself, and his border castle of Avesnes, as a vassal. Though I hadn’t much reason to trust the German, he also gave me a gift: the head of the Bordelais crossbowman whom had disabled my leg. Saying that the man had fled before the sack, the count from Hainaut said that he had wished to capture him alive, but the coward had turned his own weapon upon himself. All pitied the damnable death of a suicidal man, and, after eying the German, I saw that there would be much good to come of the man in my future campaigns, not only those against the Empire.

    With those matters taken care of, I could finally return to Paris with all the Gascogne wine I could want, arriving at the Cite Palais by Michaelmas as I now took a look at my own accounts, as my divisions of Bordeaux had left me in want for my own demesne. Looking to centralize my authority within the Ile-de-France, I granted the ports of Rouen and Nantes to Simon II of Normandy and Cardarvan of Upper Brittany, a Catalan who had been subjugated in decades ago in my war for Languedoc. While this reduced the direct control of my purse, I then looked across the Seine to Senlis, as there was a lingering stench there. While I had trusted Gestin’s brother, Arnaud, with the county after the betrayal of Biktor’s sister, lizabeth en Montfort-l'Amaury, it seemed he was not as pious as his elder. While Gestin had passed away in the service of the Knights of Santiago, defending pilgrims and clergymen against those who preyed on the instability of the Iberian lords, Arnaud had grown in opposition to all things associated with the Church. While I could understand that, for I saw its powers as more political than spiritual, Arnaud had actively campaigned against Ecclesiastic authority within Senlis, ending in his death in a fight against Bishop Louis of Compiegne. While his son, Guillaume de Durban, had inherited the county, his position as the son of heretic gave me legal cause for revocation, as well as that of Montfort-l’Amaury and Crepy as well, as his presence dishonored Gestin’s legacy.

    Hosting my Christmas Court in Tours, it was well enough, though as both Sara and Edouard arrived, the lingering tensions hung over the hall, as I was surprised at how many of my lords sent their apologies for their lack of attendance. My attempts to share the Occitan wine were not met with enthusiasm either, and so, in the aftermath of my greatest triumph, I found myself drinking alone. It was not the only sting to come from that Christmas either, as I attempted to share my bed with Sara, but she complained about my dead weight. I had thought it a jibe about my leg, but, as I tried to roll atop her, she complained that it was the whole of my body, and had gotten fat from all of my drinking and sitting. Saying that I’d be able to move soon, I didn’t swear off of drink, as it was the only thing that could make up for the times where I couldn’t try to move.

    The one thing that did lighten the mood was the announcement of a new crusade, as Victor V said that, with the Mediterranean pacified and the Kingdoms of Jerusalem, Ascalon, and al-Jazira absorbing the Saracens, he now sought the expulsion of the pagans in the east, beyond the borders of the Holy Roman Empire. This seemed like a ploy by the Pope to rally the Kaiser’s lords to the frontier, instead of taking advantage of his recent loss to press their claims against Sieghard. While I should probably contribute in some way, that was something left for the future, as Apamon Zaia of Gowrie, one of the Copts whom had followed my brother back from Alexandria, did bring an interesting piece of trivia from his recent trip to the Levant, as Queen Ibtisam Faliero of Jerusalem had allegedly married the Khagan of the Mongols. She had apparently done it to convert “Bugidai” and bring his hordes of steppe folk into Christianity, but Apamon said that would be for time to determine, as the Khagan still had many concubines from last he had heard.

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