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A Short History of Early Modern Assyria
  • A Short History of Early Modern Assyria

    Renaissance 1438-1513


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    Having taken the Assyrian crown in the First War of the Assyrian Succession a decade before, in 1438 the Armenian monarch Aboulgharib inherited his father's titles to mark the unification of the Five Kingdoms of Assyria, Armenia, Syria, Philistia and Georgia and the beginning of a Golden Age. In the following decades, Assyria became the birthplace of the Renaissance – with a flourishing of art, architecture, science, philosophy and humanistic ideas. The state was a confident player on the international stage – subjugating the Latin lords of the Palestinian coast, capturing Medina from the Musilms, asserting its strength in George, sparring with the mighty Timurid Empire and sending out its explorers to chart the lengths of the Indian Ocean and embark on its first colonial enterprises. Politically, Aboulgharib introduced the ideas of ecumenicism and religious tolerance as central pillars of the Assyrian monarchy, at the very least among the Christian sects of the Middle East if not the Muslim and Jewish minorities. These years also saw the birth of the Majlis, an early Parliamentary assembly that would grow to become a central player in the realm's political development in the generations ahead.

    The Great Armenian dynasty was cut short after only two monarchs in 1483, leading to the Second War of the Assyrian Succession. In a struggle involving Catholic Egypt, Byzantium, the Holy Roman Empire, France and local claimants, King Stefanos of Egypt emerged victorious – forging the Egypto-Assyrian Union. Egyptian rule was never universally loved in Assyria, and the union broke down after Stefanos's daughter Gergana came to the throne and attempted to imprint her Catholic religion on the eastern Christian Churches. This led to the break out of the Marian Revolution in 1513, as the Nestorian masses rebelled against Catholic interference in their religious affairs.

    The Federal Kingdom 1513-1583

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    The sixteenth century saw the birth of the idea of Federalism, which would play a central part in Assyria's political development for centuries to come. The Marian Revolution unleashed in 1513 would lead to a seven year civil war, as the rebels under the leadership of the ethnic Armenian general Vassak Ain Al-Tamur expelled the Egyptians from the Five Kingdoms. The war led to the birth of Federal Kingdom, an ideological concept and political form that would steadily develop over the following decades. It allowed for unprecedented decentralisation of power to the five constituent Kingdoms of the realm and the empowerment of the Majlis as the core source of authority in the land. In the aftermath of the Revolution, Vassak – who had been given the right to claim the Kingship by the Majlis in 1520 – tussled with the assembly for authority. While he secured the succession of his son, Vassak II, after the younger King's death the Majlis enforced its right to elect future monarchs, which it would exercise regularly over the following decades.

    This period saw Assyria's emergence as a colonial power. Through partially independent trading companies, Assyria took control of the largest part of the rich spice island of Sumatra, which began to attract a substantial Middle Eastern settler population – the Alsharqians – while also gaining footholds other parts of the East Indies, most notably Sulawesi. On the other side of the Indian Ocean, Assyrian plantation colonies were established on islands of the coast of East Africa including the Seychelles, Mauritius and Comoros.

    The relatively peaceable era of the Federal Kingdom met a cataclysmic end at the hands of the Byzantine Empire. The Assyrian army, with its decentralised leadership and structure, was annihilated by the Greeks on the field and battle while their armies moved on to occupy much of Armenia, the Levant and Mesopotamia, including the capital in Nineveh. The complete destruction of Assyria was only averted by the rising of Yeshua Amarah at the head of a nationalist and pious army of Nestorians who relieved much of Mesopotamia and forced a peace with the Romans that, while leading to significant territorial losses in Armenia and Georgia, held the majority of the realm together. Subsequently, Yeshua wielded his authority to pressurise the Majlis to depose the last freely elected King and appoint himself as the new monarch.

    The Road to Absolutism 1583-1634

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    Under Yeshua I there was a turn away from the ideals of the Federal Kingdom. The Church of the East, the predominant faith of the Assyrian core of the realm, was more openly favoured than it had been since the Medieval era and power was taken back from the localities to the centre while the Majlis was increasingly sidelined.

    Geopolitically, Assyria was yoked to the powerful Timurids in the east, becoming the junior partner in a military alliance that Yeshua hoped would protect his realm from further Byzantine incursions and avert a potential Persian attack. This alliance proved fruitful, with the Assyrians and Timurids joining together to defeat the Byzantines and both parties making territorial gains. The pact also provided cover for Assyria to exert control over all of Lower Egypt through the vassal Duchy of Damietta. From 1586, Assyrian colonialism reached the South African Cape, giving birth to a second major pole of their Indian Ocean colonial empire with a second settler colony, Al-Opheeria. Elsewhere, Yeshua made a failed attempt to emulate the glory of the Medieval hero Nahir the Bear by launching a Crusade to liberate the Nasrani Christians of the Malabar Coast in southern India.

    At his death in 1627, Yeshua adopted a law of hereditary succession, effectively marking the death knell of the last vestige of the Federal Kingdom. The decision sent the realm hurtling into a terrible civil war that would involve both Byzantium and the Timurids. In the ensuing conflict, the Majlis was stormed,its members slaughtered and the institution abolished. The royalists would emerge victorious from the fray in 1634, with the boy King Yeshua II in power free of limiting institutions.

    King of Kings 1634-1703

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    Yeshua II was the longest reigning monarch in Assyrian history by some distance. After his mother's somewhat liberal regency in the 1630s, he presided over the continued centralisation of power and the eventual establishment of the Assyrian Empire in 1685, taking the ancient Assyrian title Sar Sarrani and abolishing the constituent Kingdoms.

    Yeshua was obsessively focussed on restoring the glory of Assyria, and to that end launched an ill fated invasion of Byzantium in 1659 that quickly met with calamity. Facing the risk of a devastating counter-invasion, Yeshua turned to the Timurids, who rode to his rescue to turn the tide of the war and defeat the Greeks. However, Assyria was left out in the peace treaty that ended the fighting, despite great loss, as the Timurids assumed an increasingly dominant position in their relationship with Nineveh. Two decades later, seeking a second chance at greatness, Yeshua II looked to follow in the footsteps of his grandfather Yeshua I by launching his own expedition to India, the Third Malabar Crusade. This holy mission met with success, and elevated Yeshua to a heroic status among pious Nestorians, for whom Malabar had sacred significance.

    Through the century, the colonial empire continued its rise with most of Sumatra, Sulawesi, Eastern Borneo and a number of outlying islands in the Indies falling under Assyrian control. In Africa, Al-Opheeria extended deep into the South African interior. Both Al-Opheeria and Sumatra would experience significant inward migration while a trade system based on spice, slaves and silks would bring incredible wealth to Assyrian shores. However, both major parts of the colonial empire would come to the boil during the 1670s and 80s, at the time of the Malabar Crusade.

    In South Africa, the power of the Middle Eastern settlers was challenged by the Swazi Tribal Confederation. Eventual victory, largely driven by settler militias, saw the entire Swazi nation enslaved and their name become a byword for slave in the colony, forever shaping South African society. In the Indies, the Alsharqian creoles led a major rebellion inspired by old Federalist ideas of autonomy and representation, having grown alienated by the exploitation of their lands without benefit. While the rebels temporarily took control of much of the island, loyalist forces eventually regained control.

    In the final decade of the century, the long relationship with the Timurids broke down, ending the alliance. Despite this, Assyria had grown in strength and in 1699-1703 scored a great military victory over the Byzantines on its own, recovering lost lands in Armenia. Yeshua II himself did not live long enough to see this victory, as the elderly Emperor died during the early stages of the conflict.

    The Ancien Regime 1703-1737

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    When Yeshua II died in 1699, he left behind a contest succession between his chosen heir, Levon Laboue-Amarah and Lebario. While violent dispute was avoided during the heat of the war with the Greeks, a Lebarian movement that regarded Levon's ascension as illegitimate and tapped into powerful traditionalist and Nestorian religious sentiment would grow to trouble the Assyrian state for decades to come.

    Levon himself was a military expansionist. Forming networks of alliances, he conquered Upper Egypt from the Sunni Caliphate and took land from the Koreans in the East Indies. Economically, Assyria was in a terrible state with huge debts, rampant inflation and an agricultural crisis. In an age of Enlightenment, the Imperial state would experiment with rationalist modernising reforms with mixed results. At the same time new ideas fizzed across the realm. Sarranitism, a Nestorian religious sect, emerged to challenge the existing religious hierarchy and build the foundations of an Abolitionist movement, there was a revival in Federalist sentiment seeking to overturn the centralised Imperial state, while more modern liberal ideas of popular sovereignty and equal rights gained purchase.

    The first of a series of existential challenges hit the Empire under the reign of Niv IV in the First Lebarian War of 1728-1732, as conservative Nestorian clericalism channelled its energies into the simmering succession dispute and a bloody civil war that saw most of Mesopotamia fall before the Emperor was able to rally support and regain his throne. Having relied upon the regional nobility to save him, Niv IV reconvened the Majlis in 1732, resulting in a crippled central state hamstrung by self serving aristocratic interests. Tensions eventually exploded in the 1737 Salt Crisis, when fears of shortages sparked a liberal-led uprising in Nineveh, resulting in the further concessions by the Emperor including the admittance of commoners into the Majlis for the first time. This was the start of the Revolutionary era.

    The Great Assyrian Revolution 1737-1762

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    In the middle of the eighteenth century Assyria changed the world. The salt crisis paved the way for a new political dynamic as liberals, associated with the radical Ishtar club, entered the halls for power for the first time and allied with powerful elements that looked back to the era of the Federal Kingdom. As the political crisis worsened, in 1738 the first popular elections to the Majlis were held and by 1739 the Ishtarian liberals were the leading force in the country as Assyria developed into a constitutional monarchy. The situation was continuing to radicalise and in the early 1740s counter-revolutionary violence hit the country, with Nineveh itself coming under siege by the White Army while the whole Empire fell into a civil war that pulled in outside parties including the French and Byzantines. The capital ultimately held out against the armies of reaction, but not before the Emperor Niv IV had fled the city and allied with the Greeks. In the aftermath of the Siege of Nineveh, the liberal government in the capital proclaimed a Republic and began the most radical phase of the revolution involving attacks on the Church, landed elite, the institution of slavery and a wave of terror. This was only ended in 1747 by the military coup of Malik Abaya, who took power personally as Vizier the following year.

    Abaya formed the enduring Moderate coalition upon which to base his power, bringing together a Republican faction that pulled back from the greatest excesses of the 1740s – limiting the franchise, accepting slavery in the provinces still in rebellion and ending the terror. In the following years he brought an end to the civil war, reunifying the Assyrian state and crushed the Republic's external enemies – notably spearheading the establishment of the Second Roman Republic in Constantinople. The flame of revolution also spread internationally, most importantly to Germany.

    The the most gruesome phase of the revolutionary wars was preserved for last, in the Great Persian War. After a period of icy peace, Assyria and the Timurid Empire – Eurasia's dominant power for generations – went to war. Although coming close to defeat at their lowest point, Abaya led the Republic to an era defining victory at the bloody Battle of Qazaniya and went on to secure an imposing victory – annexing much of Georgia and implanting the Assyrian Federal Republic as the region's leading power.

    The Moderate Ascendancy 1762-1817

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    After the Great Persian War, Malik Abaya possessed near untrammelled power and established himself as Vizier for life. His power was briefly challenged by a final revolutionary spasm in the December Massacres of 1765-66, which saw insurrectionists temporarily take control of Nineveh before they were crushed. Abaya remained in power until his death in 1775.

    After Abaya, his political protégés in the Moderate faction retained a tight grip over power, holding onto their control of government for decades to come. However, the Republic did develop into a more democratic state with divided powers with the introduction of the 1780 constitution. However this revision also saw the integration of the highly populous and reactionary province of Damietta into the Republic. Lower Egypt would act as a cuckoo, nearly bringing down the Republic entirely as its annexation coincided with a resurgence in reactionary politics both within Assyria and internationally – a wave that brought down the neighbouring Roman Republic and saw Assyrian monarchists build an alliance between Catholic Copts and Nestorian conservatives to come close to achieving control over the Majlis.

    The reactionary surge was finally halted by Chozai Petuel, who led the Moderates in a more conservative direction. During his two decades as Vizier, he brought about a reconciliation between Nestorian traditionalists and the the Republic, implemented a more powerful Viziership elected by popular vote rather than the Majlis, reaffirmed the institution of slavery, annexed Malta and embarked on a long and costly campaign to establish control over the Tagalog peninsula in the Indies. His rule was only ended by his assassination in 1810. Much life the post-Abaya period, Petuel's immediate successors sought to reaffirm Assyria's political institutions, introducing a two term limit for Viziers. At the end of the period, Moderate power was beginning to grow fragile one more, but the challenge to their control did not come from the monarchist right but a revived Ishtarian liberalism that had reached levels of strength unseen since the Revolutionary period.
     
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    The Federal Republic of Assyria in 1817
  • The Federal Republic of Assyria in 1817

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    The Federal Republic of Assyria was a land defined by natural geography: three great rivers - the Euphrates, Tigris and Nile, a barrier of mountains in the Tauros, Armenian Highlands, Caucuses and Zagros across its northern and eastern frontiers, the great expanses of deserts in the south and the maritime arteries of the Red Sea, Persian Gulf and Mediterranean that connected it to the outside world.

    As the cradle of world civilisation and home to many of the most important religious sites in the world, it also bore the heavy weight of thousands of years of history. Its peoples were dizzying in their religious and ethnic diversity. No single ethnic group made up more than a quarter of the population, with Arabs, Copts and Assyrians all constituting around a fifth of the total and Armenians only a little less with a dozen further ethnic groups constituting the remainder of the population. While the Republic was overwhelmingly Christian at 87%, it was divided between dozens of Churches and denominations including Nestorians, four further Syriac Churches, Catholics, Oriental Orthodox, two separate Greek Churches and even Protestantism. Meanwhile, a tenth of the population were Muslims while the country was also home to one of the strongest Jewish communities in the world.

    While the nature of this tapestry had been known for centuries, it was not until the first Assyrian census in 1817 that it was fully and accurately quantified for the first time.

    With a total population of 15,388,166, the Middle East no longer had the demographic weight globally that it had once had. Indeed, the population of Assyria had begun to stagnate in the seventeenth century and even declined in the eighteenth while much of the world saw growth, and with the advent of the industrial revolution Europe was in the early stages of a demographic explosion.

    States of Assyria

    1. Lower Egypt

    Majority Ethnicity: Copts

    Majority Religion: Catholicism

    Other Ethnicities: Latins, Blacks, Assyrians, Jews, Misri Arabs

    Other Religions: Protestantism, Old Coptic, Nestorianism, Judaism

    2. Upper Egypt

    Majority Ethnicity: Misri Arabs

    Majority Religion: Sunni Islam

    Other Ethnicities: Copts, Blacks, Sudanese

    Other Religions: Catholicism

    3. Arabia

    Majority Ethnicity: Bedouin Arabs

    Majority Religion: Sunni Islam

    Other Ethnicities: Blacks, Persians, Assyrians

    Other Religions: Shia Islam, Nestorianism

    4. Oman

    Majority Ethnicity: Omani Arabs

    Majority Religion: Sunni Islam

    Other Ethnicities: Blacks, Persians

    5. Philistia

    Majority Ethnicity: Mashriqi Arabs

    Majority Religion: Catholicism

    Other Ethnicities: Latins, Cumans, Assyrians, Bedouin Arabs, Jews, Armenians

    Other Religions: Nestorianism, Protestantism, Judaism, Shia Islam, Sunni Islam, Oriental Orthodoxy, Sassinitism

    6. Syria

    Majority Ethnicity: Mashriqi Arabs

    Plurality Religion: Paulician Orthodoxy

    Other Ethnicities: Assyrians, Armenians, Greeks, Jews, Blacks, Latins

    Other Religions: Old Orthodoxy, Nestorianism, Messalianism, Maronite, Sassinitism, Druze, Judaism, Oriental Orthodoxy, Catholicism, New Nestorianism, Shia Islam, Protestantism

    7. Babylonia

    Majority Ethnicity: Mashriqi Arabs

    Majority Religion: Nestorianism

    Other Ethnicities: Assyrians, Blacks, Kurds, Mandaeans, Jews, Persians, Armenians

    Other Religions: Zikri Islam, Shia Islam, Sassinitism, Mandaeism, Judaism

    8. Assyria-Superior

    Majority Ethnicity: Assyrian

    Majority Religion: Nestorianism

    Other Ethnicities: Armenians, Kurds, Cumans, Mashriqi Arabs, Jews

    Other Religions: sassinitism, Oriental Orthodoxy, Catholicism, Judaism, New Nestorianism

    9. Armenia

    Majority Ethnicity: Armenian

    Plurality Religion: Oriental Orthodoxy

    Other Ethnicities: Assyrians, Greeks

    Other Religions: Old Orthodoxy, Nestorian, Paulician Orthodox, Sassinitism, New Nestorian

    10. Georgia

    Majority Ethnicity: Georgian

    Majority Religion: Old Orthodoxy

    Other Ethnicities: Armenian

    Other Religions: Oriental Orthodoxy, Paulician Orthodoxy

    11. Pontus

    Majority Ethnicity: Cuman

    Majority Religion: Catholicism

    Other Ethnicities: Greeks, Armenians

    Other Religions: Paulician Orthodoxy, Old Orthodoxy

    12. Malta

    Majority Ethnicity: Maltese

    Majority Religion: Catholicism

    13. Socotra

    Majority Ethnicity: Socotran

    Majority Religion: Nestorianism

    Other Ethnicities: Blacks

    Religion in Assyria

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    Orange - Nestorian
    Yellow - Catholic
    Red - Old Orthodoc
    Dark Red - Paulician
    Turqoise - Oriental Orthodox
    Purple - Messalian
    Brown - Maronite
    Green - Sunni
    Dark Green - Shia
    Light Green - Zikri

    Teal - Druze
    Denomination
    %
    Number
    Syriac
    Nestorian​
    29.1​
    4,480,542​
    Sassinite​
    3.4​
    523,198​
    New Nestorian​
    1.8​
    275,401​
    Messalian​
    1.7​
    263,138​
    Maronite​
    0.8​
    120,102​
    Catholic
    Catholic​
    25​
    3,840,301​
    Greek-Rite
    Old Orthodox​
    7.8​
    1,202,211​
    Paulician​
    4.1​
    635,531​
    Other Christian
    Oriental Orthodox​
    7.6​
    1,168,076​
    Protestant​
    5.4​
    832,781​
    Muslim
    Sunni​
    7.6​
    1,164,884​
    Shi’ite​
    1.9​
    296,992​
    Zikri​
    1.2​
    175,425​
    Other
    Jewish​
    2.1​
    322,770​
    Druze​
    0.3​
    52,115​
    Mandaean​
    0.2​
    34,699​
    Total​
    15,388,166​

    Syriac Christianity 36.8% (5,662,381)

    Far more than the ethnic Assyrians themselves, the followers of Syriac Christianity – denominations that used Syriac in their liturgies and for the most part drawn from a shared Nestorian tradition, were the core of the Assyrian Republic. Syriac Christianity was by no means a unified communion. Despite connections of history and to an extent theology, its component Churches were all strictly separate and often mutually hostile to one another. This was especially the case for the most recent splinters from the Church of the East – the Sassinites and New Nestorians. Nonetheless, they inhabited a distinctive shared cultural world in which Mesopotamia, Beth Nahrain, the Syriac language and Assyrian nationhood were central.

    Nestorianism 29.1% (4,480,582)

    The Church of the East was formed in the fifth century as a national Church of the Sasanian Persian Empire. From its early days it came under the influence of the disciples of Nestorius, who had been expelled from the Roman Church, and eventually adopted much of his theology. The important of these distinctive Nestorian ideas regarded the nature of Christ – Nestorians believing that He possessed to distinct and separate natures within a single – and the role of Mary, whose significance was downgraded by Nestorians who rejected her label as the God-bearer.

    For centuries the Church flourished. It became the majority faith in its Mesopotamian heartland, and attracted communities across Asia – including through the rest of Iran, along the Silk Road in Central Asia and even far away China and, famously, among the Malabar Christians of southern India. However, the rise of Islam in the seventh century began a period of decline. Although the Church enjoyed greater toleration than it had under Zoroastrian Persian rule, it saw its heartland ripped from it as Mesopotamia underwent a gradual process of Islamisation and Arabisation, with the Nestorian Christians gradually dwindling into a small minority.

    In the power vacuum brought about by the collapse of Seljuk power west of the Zagros in the early twelfth century, everything changed after a small-time Christian tribal leader named Ta'mhas Qatwa captured the city of Samarra and within a single generation carved out the Kingdom of Assyria. As Ta'mhas invited the Nestorian Patriarch to move from Baghdad to take up residence in the Assyrian capital of Nineveh, the Church of the East became an established Church of state for the first time in its history. Through the next several centuries of the Medieval era under the Qatwa it enjoyed continuous growth, becoming the main religion of Mesopotamia once more and gained worshippers across the Middle East. Influenced by the Latin Crusaders of Palestine and Egypt, the Church even developed a Crusading tradition of its own – with the thirteenth century seeing the First Malabar Crusade sent to liberate the St Thomas Christians of southern India from Hindu rule, creating a Christian Raj that would last for nearly a century and inspire two further Crusades in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

    After its High Medieval rise, the Nestorian Church endured a more difficult period from the fifteenth century. The century began with the short-lived conversion of King Sabrisho to Zikri Islam and shortly thereafter the extinction of the sacred Qatwa bloodline of Saint Ta'mhas. The Qatwa's were succeeded by a foreign monarch, the Armenian Aboulgharib. While the new King converted to Nestorianism, his ecumenical policies – allowing from toleration of other Christian sects and the dispersion of political power to different Churches across the constituent Kingdoms of Assyria – robbed the Church of the East from the high status it held during the Middle Ages, a place it would never fully regain even as its influence spread throughout the Indian Ocean through the Assyrian colonial empire.

    The attempt of Queen Gergana, the second of two Egyptian Catholic monarchs, to bring the Church of the East into the Roman fold and impose Chalcedonian theological doctrines was the spark for the Marian Revolution as Nestorian mobs sparked an uprising against the Egyptians and led to the formation of the Federal Kingdom. Nestorian popular power would rear its head again in the 1580s, to spare Assyria from annihilation at the hands of the Byzantines and begin a period of absolutist rule in the seventeenth century during which the Church's influence rose once more, even as it was challenged by the emerging Sassinite movement. However, following the death of Yeshua II there was a move against the Church once more as his successors in the House Laboue-Amarah proved tantalised by secular modernity at the expense of religious tradition. This would lead to the intertwining of the Church with reactionary conservatism for the next century - the Nestorian clergy being central to the First Lebarian Revolt and the White Army of the Revolutionary Civil War.

    The Revolution would lead to one of the most painful moments in the Church's recent history with the Schism of 1744. With the Patriarch leaving Nineveh and aligning himself openly with the counter-revolutionary cause, liberal clerics in the capital gathered to depose him and elect a replacement at ease with the Revolution. This division endured long after the flames of civil war had gone out, with the Republican Church controlling much of the infrastructure of the Nestorian Church, while the exiled conservative Patriarchate retained the loyalty of the majority of the Syriac flocks' souls. This divide was eventually healed in 1792 after the Vizier Chozai Petuel invited the exiled Patriarch to return to Assyria and pressurised the Republican Church into unification. This resulted in the restoration of the Church of the East under a single leadership, carrying the overwhelming majority of the faithful.

    In 1817, the Church of the East was the largest religious current within the Federal Republic, narrowing outweighing Catholicism. The majority faith in Mesopotamia – with four fifths of Babylonia and somewhat more of Assyria-Superior being followers of the faith. It was also the majority religion among the Bedouin tribes of the Persian Gulf, on the east bank of the Jordan River in Philistia and in eastern Syria. Meanwhile, there were Nestorian minorities scattered across every corner of the Republic, from modestly sized minorities in the large cities of Lower Egypt to significant concentrations in Armenia, southern and western Syria and around Jerusalem and the west bank of Jordan. Its numbers extended far beyond its ethnic Assyrian core, which formed barely half of its total population, to the West Kurds of Assyrian-Superior, Armenians both within and outwith their home state, Arab speakers in Babylonia, the Levant and Gulf, and even many of the Blacks who professed the religion of their masters.

    Sassinitism 3.4% (523,198)

    The Sassinite faith originated in the idiosyncratic teachings of the Syrian preacher Avira Sassine in the late seventeenth century. Raised in the Church of the East but heavily influences be Messalian doctrines, Sassine's religion was infamous for two aspects – its unusual practices and radical philosophies. These practices focussed on putting the physical body through extremes of both hardships through long fasts and self-flagellations and sensation in orgiastic rituals. Meanwhile, it held up a core egalitarian philosophy that all men were equal, seeing slavery in particular as the greatest of all evils. Sassine spent much of his life preaching among the enslaved Blacks, attracting a large following among them. While Sassinites, denounced as illegitimate heretics by the Nestorian Church faced persecution in the late seventeenth century, their fortunes turned in the new century. In this period their adherents would form the first Abolitionist societies – one of the building blocks of the future Ishtarian political movement and, allegedly, gained the ear of Emperor Niv IV himself for a time – contributing to the outbreak of the First Lebarian War in 1728. During the Revolution, many Sassinites played prominent roles at the forefront of Liberal radicalism – one of their own, Nuri Ardalan serving as Vizier during the Revolutionary Terror. After the triumph of Malik Abaya, Sassinites would play an outsized role in keeping the flame of Ishtarianism and Abolitionism alive through its longest and hardest years.

    The Sassinite Church, far more decentralised than the other Christian denominations in Assyria and lacking in a single leadership figure, had variations in its exact practices from place to place. It hard particular strength among the Blacks, in particular the slaves of Babylonia – among whom Sassine himself had preached – and the ghettoised free Blacks of Syria and Assyria-Superior. Away from these concentrations, the faith held sway many communities across the Levant, Mesopotamia and Armenia – with its greatest strength in the cities and among the middling classes. Even at the dawn of the nineteenth century, Sassinites were despised not only by Nestorians but many other denominations as heretics, sinners and alleged supporters of miscegenation, sex between the races.

    New Nestorianism 1.8% (275,401)

    The newest, or according to its adherents one of the oldest, religious denominations in Assyria was the 'New Nestorians'. This was a Church formed by those who rejected the reunification of the Church of the East under conservative Patriarchal leadership in 1793. Rejecting the ecclesiastical council that had facilitated this, they claimed the status as the true, legal and spiritual continuation of the Church of the East. However, given their marginal size relative to the much larger reunified Church, outside of their own circles they were described as the New Church of the East of New Nestorians. Unlike the sassinites, the New Nestorians had few substantive theological differences. Their disputes with the mainline Church were administrative and political. They saw the suspension of the normal practice of electing a new Patriarch in 1792 and the assumption of a cleric from outwith the official Church to the Patriarchal seat as fundamentally illegitimate. Equally, its clergy and parishioners held to generally liberal and republican beliefs – seeing religion as a personal matter with no place in influencing the state or secular world, a feared a resumption of conservative Nestorianism would lead to a corrupting mingling of the spiritual and secular. Geographically, the New Nestorian schismatics drew only a handful of Episcopal Sees with them in their split – concentrated solely in the core Republican territories of Syria, Assyria-Superior and Armenia.

    Messalianism 1.7% (263,138)

    The Messalians had one of the most incredible histories of any community in Assyria. They traced their origins to the second half of the thirteenth century, as the Kingdom of Assyria recovered from the ravages of the Black Plague large sections of the peasantry became attracted to groups of lay preachers known as the Messalians who preached egalitarian ideas against the wealth and corruption of the Church and the landed and commercial elite. Above all the blamed the Jews, identified closely with commerce and corruption, as the source of the people's woes and demanded that they be cast from the land. After the Patriarch and Church hierarchy denounced anti-Semitism, the Messalians took matters into their own hands – stoking pogroms and rebellions. Under the leadership of the preacher Yeshua Dinkha they stormed Nineveh in 1279 and gruesomely executed King Moqli by crowning him with a burning iron crown, leaving them in control of the heart of the Assyrian state and sending the realm into an anarchic civil war. After a decade of fighting King Niv the Hammer reconquered the capital, crucified Dinkha and crushed the Messalians through brutal persecution. The sect only survived after a few believers were able to escape across the Syrian Desert – eventually settling around Damascus.

    This was far from the end for the Messalians. Over the next decades the community formalised their religion around a structured Messalian Church and a powerful Bishop, who ruled as their secular and spiritual master. The Church grew rapidly in its new home – become the largest religion in southern Syria east of Mount Lebanon. At the end of the fourteenth century they intruded on Assyrian history in spectacular fashion for a second time. Rising in rebellion while the Assyrian state sparred with the Timurids in the east, the Messalians captured King Eliya in battle and had him blinded. While they were eventually put down once again, and their dreams of independence permanently ended, there was no second effort to destroy the community once and for all and in the centuries ahead it would only further ingrain itself in southern Syria. There, they developed an unusual society that was far more egalitarian than anywhere else in Assyria, with few great landowners or wealthy merchants.

    As modernity approach, Messalian ideas would be particularly influential in the development of radical ideas – influencing both the Sassinite faith and its Abolitionist sentiments and Liberal Ishtarianism, in particular its most radical elements that stressed material equality. Indeed, the Messalian political leader Ephrem Karim served as Vizier between 1742 and his death in 1744 and took the Revolution towards one of its most radical phases. Like the Sassinites, the Messalian community remained a core component of the Ishtarian electoral coalition even as Liberalism endured a steep decline during the post-revolutionary years.

    Geographically, the Messalians were tightly grouped in their home territory in and around Damascus and the hills and valleys to its west. Although originating among the Assyrian peasantry of Assyria-Superior, the Messalians were Arab-speaking by the nineteenth century, although the Messalian Church used Syriac as its liturgical language and knowledge of Syriac was common. While they dominated the countryside around it, Damascus itself was more diverse, with Messalians a majority among Jews, ethnic Assyrians, Armenians, Greek Christians and Druze.

    Maronite 0.8% (120,102)

    While all the other Syriac Churches had a shared heritage through the Church of the East and Nestorian theology, the Maronites' beliefs and history were quite distinct. Indeed, the western dialect of Syraic they used as a liturgical language different from the eastern version used by the Nestorian-derived Churches. While the Maronite Church looked towards its origins in the third century monk Maron, they became theologically distinct in the eighth century through their adoption of the Christological doctrine of Monothelitism that held that while Christ had two natures, human and devine, he had but one will. With these theological disputes and following the Islamic conquest, the Maronites became isolated from the Roman Church, ingraining themselves as the core community in Mount Lebanon. For centuries the Maronites lived under the influence of outsiders – the Islamic Caliphate, the Seljuk Turks, the Crusaders, the Messalians who wrestled for control of the fertile Beqaa Valley, the Assyrians who conquered the wider Middle East and the Greek Christian elites who for centuries sought to dominate Assyrian Syria. Despite this, the Lebanese Maronites retained their independent religious and cultural identity.

    Catholicism 25% (3,840,301)

    With the annexation of Damietta in 1780, Catholicism went from a modest component of Assyria's religious mix to its second largest tradition, with a full quarter of the population following Rome's teachings. However, Catholicism in Assyria was notably different to its European counterpart. While in the West, the Church acted a monolithic entity that was centrally organised and offered the same Latin liturgy across countries and continents; in the Middle East it was a broader communion. Most Assyrian Catholics belonged to Eastern Catholic Churches, these were in full communion with Rome, accepted the sovereignty of the Pope, all Roman theological dogma and a shared Catholic identity, but retained locally distinct traditions, used separate liturgical languages and had partially autonomous local Church leaderships.

    Coptic Catholic 16.4% (2,506,596)

    The largest component of Assyrian Catholicism was also its most recent addition – the Coptic Catholics, the large majority of whom lived in Lower Egypt with notable minorities to the south in Upper Egypt, including both Copts and Nubians and the bulk of Egypt's modestly sized Black slave population. The Coptic Catholic Church was a major force, having more than half the number of adherents within the metropolitan Republic as the Church of the East itself and far more than any other religious denomination. As the faith of nearly four fifths of Copts, the Church was the dominant religious force in Lower Egypt and shaped the province's conservative outlook. The Church regarded itself as the direct descendant of the ancient Alexandrian Church founded by Mark the Evangelist, that had been the core of the later Coptic Church and Oriental Orthodox communion. It was in the aftermath of the Crusades that Church leaders in Alexandria were brought into full communion with Rome – the Coptic Pope being restyled as a Patriarch and accepting a junior role relative to Rome. This union brought almost the entire Church and Coptic community along with it. Even after the fall of the Crusader Kingdom of Egypt during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and Lower Egypt's domination by Assyria through he Duchy of Damietta, the Church remained a leading force in Lower Egyptian society and played a major role in resisting the region's annexation into Assyria in 1780.

    Melkite Catholic 3.8% (588,300)


    The Melkite Church was a creation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In the years after the initial Crusader conquest of the Holy Land, the new Latin landed elite began to look to Catholicise their new domain. As a first step, the clerics brought from Europe set about bringing the existing Christian communities – mostly adherents of Greek-rite Churches – under the authority of Rome. This marked the creation of the Melkite Church, which preserved the use of certain Greek religious rites and Arab customs while coming wholly under the authority of Rome and Catholic theological dogma. Over the centuries, the existence of the Melkite Church served as an additional distinction between the Latin ruling class and Arab masses of Philistia – while both were Catholic, they did not pray together. The greatest threat to the Melkite Church came with the Protestant Reformation, as preachers, many of whom had transmitted their ideas to the Middle East through Latin connections to Italy, rallied as much as a quarter of the Melkite flock to break away from the Mother Church.

    Roman Catholic 2.5% (390,358)

    Only a small part of Assyria's largest Catholic community adhered to the mainline Roman Catholic Church. The largest religious denomination in the world, with adherents across much of Western and Central Europe, the Middle East and New World, the Catholic Church was a sprawling entity of immense power. Growing out of the Roman Church in the West and at odds with the eastern Churches, Catholicism re-entered the Eastern Mediterranean during the Crusades, at the tip of Frankish, Italian and German swords who conquered large domains in Egypt, Palestine and the Red Sea. While the Crusaders had significant success in bringing many of the indigenous peoples of the East into Rome's light, they predominately did so through co-opting existing eastern Churches and bringing them into communion. Only the Latins themselves worshipped in Churches directly within the Roman Catholic episcopal structure. This divide served to accentuate the ethnic and social elite status of the Latin aristocracy – emphasising both their distinction from the native Copts and Arabs and aiding them in maintaining links to Europe. The other population within Assyria worshipping in mainline Catholic Churches were the people of Malta, who found themselves within the European Catholic mainstream – detached from the peculiarities of the Eastern Catholic Churches.

    Cuman Catholic 2.3% (355,047)

    The Cumans were a Turkic people who's exact origins in the endless lands of the Steppe are shrouded in mystery. They entered history when they supplanted the Jewish Khazars as the dominant force on the West Eurasian Steppe during the eleventh and twelfth centuries – in doing so pushing the Khazars to migrate to the southern shore of the Caspian, destabilising the Seljuk Empire and wider Middle East. Still pagan at this time, in the new Cuman Khaganate based on the Steppelands to the north of the Black and Caspian Sea, they were approached by missionaries from many lands and faiths. A Magyar Catholic named Istvan Tizva, with great knowledge of Turkic cultures and languages, ingratiated himself with their Khan and taught him of the greatness of God and the Roman Church. Tizva would play a large role in Cuman history – developing a written Cuman language for the first time used the Latin script. The Catholic missionaries allowed for some distinctive elements incorporating Turkic traditions and language into the Church they built on the Steppe. So distant from Rome, this degree of distinctiveness was tolerated by the Catholic Church, so long as the Cumans remained loyal to Roman authority, theology and hierarchy.

    Cuman history took a dramatic turn in the thirteenth century with the arrival of the Mongols, who destroyed their Khanate and sought to eliminate Christianity on the Steppe. Those Cumans who resisted the demand to return to Paganism fled south, through the Caucasian Mountains and into the Byzantine and Assyrian Empires. The largest part of the Cuman population settled in Central Anatolia, where they built a Khanate centred on Ankara and pushed out the native Greeks. A smaller community unleashed debilitating raids against the Assyrians until King Nehor II came to terms with the Khan in 1257 and granted them lands on which to settle along his northern and eastern frontier in exchange for military service.

    Thereafter, the Cumans, particularly in the Middle Ages, played a key role in Assyrian politics as the crown used them as a weapon with which to keep the nobility and external enemies in check. However, they were a frequently unreliable ally – most prominently during the Palestinian War of the early fourteenth century when they turned on King Niv II and, uniting with their king from Anatolia, temporarily captured Jerusalem for themselves. When peace was finally agreed, Niv had to surrender yet more land for Cuman settlement, this time in Philistia.

    Through the centuries, they retained a famously militarist culture. All young Cuman men were expected to spend their youth in war bands or military service for the state before adopting the pastoralist lifestyle of their elders – always ready to take up the sword and bow again if need. They remained a key component of Assyria's armies, although this role eroded somewhat in the decades after the Revolution.

    The Cumans within Assyria were divided between three populations: in Pontus they were the narrow majority, dominating the highlands and played a large role in the main city of Trabzon, while the Greeks lived on the coastal lowlands. In Philistia, they were as much as a tenth of the population – living mostly among their fellow Catholics west of the Jordan River. Finally, in Assyria-Superior, Cumans were around 5-10% of the population, with tribes scattered throughout the state, with greater concentrations in the mountains and especially on the shores of Lake Urmia near the Persian frontier.

    Greek Christianity 11.9% (1,837,742)

    The Greek-rite Churches were adherents of Byzantine Christianity its its different forms – traditional Eastern Orthodoxy, most commonly known as Old Orthodoxy, and the reformed Paulician variant that had ruled in Constantinople for centuries. Despite their sharp religious differences and heated relationship within the Byzantine Empire. The two main Greek Churches had traditionally cooperated closely within Assyria, protecting a shared Greek-influenced cultural corner of the nation from domination and encroachment from the Nestorians. Its adherents lived in many intermingled communities along the north-western fringe of the Federal Republic from the Caucasian Mountains to the Mediterranean Sea.

    Old Orthodoxy 7.8% (1,202,211)

    The Old Orthodox were the losers in the aftermath of the thirteenth century schism in Eastern Orthodoxy. Following the emergence of the Paulician reform movement, the Greek Church was irreparably divided between Paulicians and Reforms, sending the Byzantine Empire into nearly a century of endless religious conflict that brought the Empire to its knees and near destruction. This cycle of violence was only ended when Emperor Leo IX, a committed Paulician, defeated his enemies and reunified the Empire. Over the following centuries Old Orthodoxy was rooted out and regularly persecuted as successive Emperors sought to impose a Paulician ascendancy.

    During the Early Modern period, Antioch replaced Constantinople as the central seat of the traditionalist Old Orthodox Communion, that also included autocephalous Churches in Armenia and Georgia that more nimbly catered to local national interests than the monolithic Paulician Church in Constantinople.

    With Assyria, Old Orthodoxy was one of the Republic's largest religious currents and only grew more prominent with the country's territorial expansion in Armenia and the Caucuses during the Revolutionary Wars. Old Orthodoxy was the largest religion in Georgia, Western Armenia and in and around Antioch, while being a large force in Cilicia and to a lesser extent the rest of Syria.

    Paulician Orthodoxy 4.1% (635,531)

    Paulicianism was born in the thirteenth century as a reform movement within Eastern Orthodoxy – seeking a return to a more simplistic Church, modelled on Paul the Apostle. It drew some influences from earlier Iconoclastic movements, rejecting ostentatious displays of Church wealth, although not going so far as to advocate the removal or destruction of religious art and images. After emerging victorious in the ensuing Byzantine religious wars, the Paulician gradually asserted total dominance within the Empire.

    One of the original heartlands of the Paulician movement had been Byzantine Syria, a territory that was lost to Assyria during Rome's period of internal conflict. Here, the Church, with its greatest powerbase around Aleppo – Syria's foremost city – remained strong and influential throughout the long centuries of Assyrian rule, acting as a key powerbroker within Syria. It maintained strong ties to Constantinople, often acting as a conduit for Byzantine influence. Elsewhere, Paulicians were relatively few in number in Western Armenia and Georgia, where Old Orthodoxy was stronger, but had more adherents in Cilcia, where the imprint of historic Byzantine rule had been stronger.

    Islam 10.7% (1,637,301)

    For seven centuries, the territories of the Assyrian Republic were the beating heart of the Islamic world. Damascus, Baghdad and Cairo had all been seats of great Caliphs. Jerusalem and Medina were second only to Mecca itself as Islam's holiest cities. Yet between the beginning of the twelfth and the end of the thirteenth centuries this dominion broke down in the face of the rise of Christian Assyria, a Byzantine resurgence and the Latin Crusades that saw Muslim temporal power retreat from Mesopotamia, the Levant and Egypt, never to return in its totality. This was a part of a wider crisis in Islam that saw it swept from Iberia and North Africa by the European, from the Caspian shore by the Jewish Khazars and from much of Central Asia and the Steppe by the Pagan Mongols while fracturing into different denominations and small states. From then, the Middle East had undergone a process of re-Christianisation that relegated the Muslim faith to a small minority current outside of Arabia, Oman and Upper Egypt. By 1817, the Church of the East alone had three times as many adherents as Islam, while there were almost nine Christians for every Muslim across the Republic.

    Sunni Islam 7.6% (1,164,884)

    Sunnism was the dominant form of Islam from the early days of the first Muslim Caliphates. It was defined through its emphasis of jurisprudence, the Quran and hadith and the authority of its Sharia courts. The Medieval Islamic crisis was an existential one for Sunnism – which saw the rise of major internal rivals in the Fatimid Shia and the Zikri in Persia and Mesopotamia alongside the wider advance of the Christian empires. The decline of Sunnism was halted only by the rise of Timur in the fourteenth century, who re-established Sunni dominance of Persia and the wider Islamic world, halted the long decline and even spread Sunni influence deeper into Central Asia and India.

    Within Assyria, Sunnism was aggressively pursued by Christian proselytisers through the Middle Ages, to the extent that it had been largely pushed from Mesopotamia and the Levant by the beginning of the Renaissance and continued to face persecution, attempts at conversion, and unerring suspicion, often with good reason, that they were in hock with the Sunni Caliph in Arabia or the Timurid Khan in Persia. However, Sunnism's decline within Assyria was finally halted by two key factors. Firstly, many of the Bedouin tribes in Arabian interior proved too difficult and too independent, even for fellow Arabs from the Christian Gulf, for preachers to adequately reach. Secondly, Oman, a solidly Muslim country, grew to become centrally important to Assyria as its gateway to the Indian Ocean with rich connections to the many Muslim communities scattered from East Africa to India and the Indies. As a result, it was spared from any serious attempt at Christianisation in a barter aimed at maintaining the support of local elites. However the large majority of Assyrian Sunnism's demographic weight did not come from these numerically small Bedouin and Omani communities but from the 800,000 Egyptian Muslims whose homeland in Upper Egypt was annexed from the Sunni Caliphate at the beginning of the eighteenth century.

    Shia Islam 1.9% (296,992)

    The second largest branch of Islam both within Assyria and around the world, the Shia trace their origins to a dispute over the succession of the Prophet Muhammed. Always in the shadow of the dominant Sunnis, Shi'ism achieved its greatest influence during the High Middle Ages when the Fatimid Caliphate ruled over much of the heartland of the Islamic world in Egypt and the Levant. The Crusades and the rise of Assyria destroyed Fatimid power. Shi'ism only remained a religion of global significant owing to the remarkably rebirth of the Fatimid Caliphate in Ethiopia and Yemen from the fifteenth century onwards.

    In Assyria, there were Shia communities scattered across a number of different areas. Small nomadic Arab Shia tribes occupied many of the deserts of Syria and Philistia, while the borderlands between Philistia and Arabia were predominantly Shia. In the Gulf, the island of Bahrain stood out as a Muslim spot in a Christian sea – its inhabitants being the only population to have successfully resisted the Christianisation of the region. Finally, and most importantly, there was Babylonia. While the Zikri outnumbered the Shia two to one across the wider province, the Shia were concentrated exclusively in the sacred shrine cities of Najaf and Karbala and the area around them. This area was the only part of Mesopotamia outwith Ilam without a Nestorian Christian majority, right in the heart of the most conservative Christian part of the Republic. Not only were Najaf and Karbala bastions of Islamic culture in the Republic's heartland, they were of incredible religious significance to Shia Muslims around the world – attracting thousands of pilgrims from East Africa and Yemen every year.

    Zikri Islam 1.2% (175,425)

    The smallest Muslim sect in Assyria, and the third largest in the world. Zikrism was significantly younger than the two larger branches of Islam. Originating in the twelfth century, during a period of crisis in the Islamic world that saw the birth of the Kingdom of Assyria, the Jewish Khazar migration to the Caspian and the Latin Crusades, their faith was founded by Hussein Zikrid a messianic and millenarian Islamic Mahdi. Mystical, open to outside philosophical ideas and hostile to the strictures of Sunni courts, the Zikri followed a distinctive version of Islam. Growing rapidly in the High Middle Ages, for a time it appeared destined to become the largest current of Islam – adopted in large numbers by the Kurds, becoming the plurality faith in Iran and also winning many followers in southern Mesopotamia. For a century after the collapse of the Seljuk Empire in the late thirteenth century the faith enjoyed a golden age, with a number of powerful Iranian polities adopting it as a state religion while in Assyria the Zikris enjoyed favourable treatment from the state compared to their fellow Muslims. Famously, or rather infamously, a Zikri even briefly sat upon the Assyrian throne when King Sabrisho converted as a young man under his Muslim mother's influence, before being murdered by his uncle Todos – the last of the sacred Qatwa dynasty.

    Since then, the faith had endured a long and gruelling decline. In the east, the Sunni Timurids unleashed fierce persecution on the once religious diverse Iranian world – setting in place a steep decline of Zikrism in its heartland towards obscurity. In Assyria, the experience of Sabrisho soured Assyrian attitudes towards the Zikri, with efforts at conversion and occasional persecutions continuing for generations.

    Despite this, by the nineteenth century Babylonia was the heartland of the small religious movement. Making up just over a tenth of the total population of the state, and most than half of the non-Christian free population, the Zikri were split between two main communities. In the east, the Ilamite Kurds were the majority population in their border territory and maintained close relations with their ethnic fellows across the border in the Timurid Empire – many of whom had held on to their Zikri religion even as the faith declined among the Persians. To the west, Zikri Arabs formed a large minority of the rural population along the Euphrates and Tigris in the region south of Baghdad and north of Basra.

    Oriental Orthodoxy 7.6% (1,168,076)

    Oriental Orthodoxy traced its origins to the Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon in 451, which marked the beginning of its split with the Roman Church, ironically only two decades after the adherents of its school of thought had been instrumental in the condemnation of Nestorius. Christologically, the Oriental Orthodox were the polar opposite of the Nestorians, believing that Christ was both fully divine and fully human in a single nature and revering Mary as Theotokos, or the God Bearer.

    Internationally, the communion was a shadow of its once great self. At its peak, it was the main religion in Egypt, Armenia and Ethiopia and an important minority faith in the Levant. Yet history had not been kind to the Communion. By the nineteenth century, the Ethiopian Church had been relegated to a small minority by the ruling Shia Fatimid Caliphs while the Syrian branch of the communion had withered and died, largely absorbed into competitor Christian Churches. Indeed, by 1817, its community was largely confined within the borders of the Federal Republic itself where it formed only a small minority.

    Armenian Apostolic 6.1% (934,062)


    The overwhelming majority of Miaphysites were members of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Tracing its heritage to the very birth of Christianity in the first century, the contemporary Church actually had far more recent heritage. The original Church, with its unbroken history, was largely destroyed by the Byzantines during the High Middle Ages, who imposed Eastern Orthodoxy on the Armenian Church. After Armenia was ravaged by Mongol and Timurid invasions, the heroic figure of King Levon, the father of the great Aboulgharib I of Assyria, expelled the invaders and re-established an independent Kingdom of Armenia around Lake Van. A keen religious reformer, Levon re-established an independent Oriental Orthodox Apostolic Church that would quickly become the majority faith in eastern Armenia. For the next two centuries, the Apostolic Church enjoyed a golden age – winning outsized influence across Assyria with the rise of the Armenian Dynasty between 1426 and 1486 and retaining its special status as the ruling faith in the Kingdom of Armenia in the Federal Kingdom during the following century.

    However, the Church never again regained a dominant position among the wider Armenian nation. Among communities that lived in western Armenia and Cilicia, which remained under Byzantine influence for far longer, Greek Christian denominations – both Old Orthodox and Paulician – resisted any advances while the long centuries of Assyrian rule saw a sizeable Nestorian minority emerge among the Armenians. In 1817, less than two fifths of all Armenians followed their purportedly national church.

    Georgian Apostolic 1% (157,386)

    The Georgian Apostolic Church traces its roots to the restoration of its Armenian mother church, with its own claim to apostolic succession being derived from its autocephaly from its more prestigious Armenian counterpart. For most of its history from its adoption of Christianity, Georgia had been an Eastern, rather than Oriental, Orthodox land. After the conquest of Georgia by King Levon at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Armenians attempted to draw the Georgians into their re-founded Miaphysite Church. While these religious impositions resulted in rebellion and the loss of Georgia by the Armenians, an autocephalous Church under Armenian ecclesiastical authority was left behind and proved surprisingly durable. In 1817, more than a sixth of Georgians in Assyria were followers of the Church, most concentrated in the borderlands close to Armenia, even forming a majority in Tblisi itself.

    Old Coptic 0.5% (76,628)

    For most of its history, Egypt had been the heart of Oriental Orthodoxy. It was the Alexandrian school of theologians who first broke with the Roman Church, while Egypt long supplied the tradition's demographic weight and its most senior cleric – the Coptic Pope. It would be the return of Christian power to Egypt during the Medieval Crusades that eventually broke the religion that survived centuries of Muslim rule. In the Crusader Kingdom of Egypt, the ruling Latins co-opted the powerful Coptic Church, eventually bringing it into full communion with Rome. Only a small minority of Miaphysite clergy resisted this union, forming the Old Coptic Church that continued the old traditions with an ever diminishing number of adherents. Despite this, the Coptic Pope in Alexandria retained a special prestige among the wider Oriental Orthodox communion, where his seniority was recognised.

    Protestant 5.4% (832,781)

    Middle Eastern Protestantism was born out of the unique social tensions of Philistia and Egypt, societies created by the Crusades. In both countries, Catholicism was the main faith of both the indigenous masses and Latin elites who controlled much of society and defined the two realms in opposition to external enemies and rivals. Equally, those same elites connected these areas far more closely to European intellectual life than the rest of the Near East. Spiritual frustration within the Catholic world was rising from the end of the Medieval era, and Egypt itself hosted a precursor to later Protestant movements with the Ghalist revolt of the 1490s that saw Coptic Catholic reformers rail against Church hierarchies and Latin domination.

    In the sixteenth century, the Reformation in its modern form arrived in the Middle East through the conduit of Latin Christians with connections to Italian Reformers. However Protestantism gained very limited traction among the Latins, instead finding a ready audience among the natives. The Coptic and Arabic Evangelical Churches, operating in close spiritual and political communion with one another, were formed and preached directly to the common folk in the vernacular. Under the reigns of Yeshua I and II, the Reformation in Philistia and Damietta was granted legal protection against the will of local Catholic powers as Nineveh viewed a means by which to loosen Rome's stranglehold on these realms. Winning over around a fifth of the Catholic population in both Lower Egypt and Philistia, the Protestants became powerful and influential even as they were unable to fully overcome Catholic pre-eminence.

    Protected by the state and possessing a theological and cultural proclivity towards toil and investment, Protestant communities tended to thrive economically – with a distinct divide emerging between the relative prosperity of Protestant traders and peasants over their Catholic neighbours by the dawn of the nineteenth century.

    Judaism 2.1% (322,770)

    Assyria was the homeland of the Mizrahi Jews. They formed a highly urbanised, economically, commercially and politically influential and interconnected community from Egypt, through the Levant and Mesopotamia. Within Assyria, they were most numerous in the Republic's Mesopotamian heartland – more a tenth of the population of Baghdad, making one of the beating hearts of international Jewish culture, and slightly less than a tenth of the population in Nineveh while in most other major cities of Syria and Babylonia their numbers were around 5% or less of the urban population, and somewhat lower still in Egypt. In their spiritual homeland in Philistia, there were notable concentration in Jerusalem and just south of the city at Hebron to the west of the Dead Sea. Here, the community exerted extensive control over Jewish holy sites and pilgrimage.

    The Middle Eastern Jews were distinct from their European counterparts. They had their own religious traditions and centres of scholarship, used a Mizrahi Hebrew dialect in their prayers, and were notably more integrated among their fellows. Indeed, Assyria's Jews spoke a dialect of Syriac and were free of any legal restraints. This followed a long history of relative tolerance for Jews in Assyria dating back to the earliest days of the Kingdom of Assyria. While this tolerance was the norm, it was not absolute. Assyrian Jews had faced their fair share of horrors – from the attempts of Messalian zealots to eliminate them in the thirteenth century to massacres by Lebarians during the Revolutionary Wars and even occasional efforts to impose Christianity upon them by proselytising preachers. Through all of this they had endured and flourished.

    Druze 0.3% (52,115)

    One of the very smallest communities within Assyria, the Druze were an esoteric sect that drew from Muslim, Christian and Ancient Greek philosophy in a genuinely unique religious blend. Originating in Fatimid Egypt in the eleventh century, where they elevated the sixth Fatimid Caliph to messianic status, the Druze were later forced to flee in the face of persecution – eventually settling in southern Syria. There, they formed tight knit communities, mostly in the Jabal al-Druze to the east of Damascus. Through the centuries they often had to fight for their survival in the face of efforts at conversion, both compelled and more peaceful, persecution from state actors and hostility from local rivals, notably the Messalians who lived to their west. Yet, for the most part their role in the history of the wider region was limited.

    That was before the rise of their most famous son was undoubtedly Malik Abaya, the greatest of all Viziers who emerged from the chaos of the Revolutionary terror to stabilise the Federal Republic, end its civil war and conquer its external foes while reigning as Vizier for life for more than a quarter of a century. It was he who forged the Moderate coalition that would dominate the Republic for decades after his death, and his legacy still loomed larger over the Republic in 1817.

    Although having benefited from fame and patronage during Malik Abaya's reign, the Druze remained a marginal community, almost exclusively living in their traditional homeland east of Damascus, with some living within the great city itself.

    Madaeism 0.2% (34,699)

    The smallest and perhaps the most unusual ethno-religious sect within the Republic were the Mandaean. Found largely in the swamps and marshes of Babylonia, with small communities in nearby major cities including Baghdad and Basra, the Mandaeans had scarcely features in the annals of Assyrian history. Revering John the Baptist as their highest prophet and practising regular baptism rituals in the sacred waters of the Tigris, according to their own traditions the Mandaean originated in Palestine and migrated to Mesopotamia at some point in the first of second century. Thereafter they lived in relative peace and isolation, being recognised as a People of the Book by the Muslims during their conquest and enjoying similar toleration under the Assyrians – who, as fellow speakers of a Syriac dialect, viewed them as distant kin. The sect was noted for its pacifism, forbidding members from carrying weapons and supporting obedience to the reigning political authority. With their small numbers and passivity, the Mandaeans had largely avoided great dramas and terrible disasters, all the while maintaining the continuity of their community and religion.

    Ethnicity in Assyria

    1679170708704.png

    Purple - Assyrian
    Light Purple - Assyrian Plurality
    Green - Arab
    Light Green - Arab Plurality
    Yellow - Coptic
    Mustard - Armenian
    Turquoise - Georgian
    Red - Greek
    Pale - Cuman
    Dark Blue - Druze
    Light Blue - Kurd

    Brown - Sudanese

    Ethnicity
    %
    Number
    Arab
    21.9
    3,382,869
    Coptic
    21
    3,200,571
    Assyrian
    18
    2,766,600
    Armenian
    16.2
    2,494,551
    Georgian
    5.8
    894,534
    Black
    3.9
    595,000
    Kurdish
    3.3
    507,210
    Greek
    2.7
    418,064
    Cuman
    2.3
    355,047
    Jewish
    2.1
    322,770
    Latin
    1.7
    267,438
    Druze
    0.3
    52,115
    Persian
    0.3
    48,618
    Sudanese
    0.3
    48,080
    Mandaean
    0.2
    34,699
    Total
    15,388,166

    Arabs 21.9% (3,382,869)

    The largest single linguistic group within the Federal Republic were the Arabs, who made up a little over a fifth of the population. However, this group was incredibly ill-defined and diffuse – divided between distinct Arabic speaking populations with little in common in their geographies, histories, religion, national identities, social forms and levels of development beyond a shared language, albeit one with many different dialects. Indeed, even the distinction between Arab and other ethnicities was far from clear in many cases in which bi-lingual communities and overlapping religious, ethnic and national identifies muddied the waters.

    Mashriqi 12.4% (1,901,241)

    Mashriqi was a term used to refer to the Arabic speaking peoples of Mesopotamia and the Levant – in many ways the core of the wider Arab world. These populations were very close culturally to the Assyrians, and particularly in the case of Nestorians Arabs, identified very strong with the Assyrian state and a shared ethno-cultural heritage with the ethnic Assyrians. This shared Assyrian-Arab nationalism, often called Beth Nahrainism, was most powerful in Mesopotamia where there was little distinction between Arab and Assyrian other than language. Indeed, Syriac was very widely spoken among the Mashriqi as both a lingua franca and liturgical language.

    Forming the majority of the population in Babylonia, Syria and Philistia, the Mashriqi were more distinguished by religion than their Arab language. In Mesopotamia, the Arabs were mostly Nestorians, although there were sizeable Zikri and Shia Arab minorities in Babylonia. In Philistia, the more populous lands west of the Jordan were largely Catholic, while east of the Jordan Nestorianism was the leading Arab faith. Syria was the most diverse Mashriqi region, with Arabs following half a dozen major Christian denominations. These different communities tended to identify most strongly with their particular sect, state and Assyria itself before any collective Arab nation.

    Misri 5.4% (839,202)

    For thousands of years of history, Egypt had operated as a cohesive national unit in a manner unseen almost anywhere else in the world. While the country passed from empire to empire, the Egyptians from the Delta to the Nile were always a distinctive people. The Islamic conquest of the seventh century set in motion the forces that would end that unity. Over six centuries of Muslim rule, the forces of Arabisation gradually undermined Egypt's Christian and Coptic character without ever truly eliminating it. This process was cut short and put into reverse by the Crusades – which ended Muslim rule permanently in the Delta of Lower Egypt and worked to expel any and all Arab influence from the land. While the Crusaders occasionally exerted influence further south into Upper Egypt, their power was always more fleeting and never permanent as Muslim states frequently established effective control over the region. This led to a divergence whereby Upper Egypt continued to Arabise and its majority population developed into the Sunni Muslim, Arab speaking Misri, while in Lower Egypt a Catholic and Coptic nation emerged.

    Upper Egypt only became a part of Assyria at the beginning of the eighteenth century, a conquest of the Emperor Levon. Although initially hostile to Assyrian rule, the region and its people later became strong supporters of the Republic and the Moderate Ascendancy – seeing in Assyria a guard against the malevolent influence of the Copts and even producing the a Vizier from their community, Agbar Israel.

    Bedouin 2.6% (402,376)

    The indigenous populations of the Arabian and Syrian Deserts, the Bedouins occupied far more territory than any other people group within the Republic. Yet the constituted just a small portion of its wider population and an even lesser part of its economic life. Indeed, with the exception of a handful of urban centres – most importantly Medina – the Bedouins were largely desert dwelling nomads, moving with their herds of goats and camels between desolate lands and across vast distances. Much of the lands they inhabited in Arabia were essentially lawless. The state had only the faintest of imprints, with taxation and effective military control weak and inconsistent at best. These were peoples governed by tribal loyalties, continuous raiding, blood feuding and deeply held traditionalist religion – whether Sunni, Shia or Nestorian. Where they did interact with the state, it was largely in a transactional capacity – the government offering bribes to avoid disruption of trade and pilgrimage routes and using political intermediaries elected in the most dubious contests in the Republic, controlled by tribal elders to doll out state finance directly to these elites.

    Maltese 0.8% (122,920)

    Having only been annexed in 1795, in 1817 Malta had been Assyrian for a far shorter period than any other territory in the metropolitan Federal Republic. Its inhabitants spoke a unique language that mixed elements of Sicilian Italian, Greek and Arabic, professed the Roman Catholic faith and were comparatively wealthy relative to the rest of the Republic – having long been a centre of trade and piracy while also benefiting from European influences to adapt more modern economic practices even before the arrival of the Assyrians.

    Omani 0.5% (83,047)

    Although small in number, the Omani Arabs had played a significant role in Assyrian history, with the port of Muscat acting as a key gateway to the Indian Ocean – to the St Thomas Christians of Malabar, the riches of the East Indies, the slave markets of the Swahili Coast and the South African Cape. Its Muscati merchants had amassed incredible wealth, operating one of the largest slave markets in the world, while the city was also home to one of the most important bases of the Federal Navy. Meanwhile, Omanis had played a disproportionately large role in the Assyrian colonial empire from its birth. This wealth and strategic significance had aided the solidly Sunni Omanis in averting interference in their internal affairs, leaving Oman as the only part of metropolitan Assyria without a major Christian population, or any religious minorities of any type and allowing for greater religious involvement in the state locally than in any other province of the Republic.

    Socotran 0.2% (34,093)

    The island of Socotra, off the tip of the Horn of Africa was on the fringe between colonial and metropolitan Assyria. Home to one of the most ancient Nestorian communities in the world, the island came under the control of Assyria in the mid-fourteenth century and had remained a quiet and often forgotten corner of its realm ever since. Its only moments of significance had come during the early colonial period, when it acted as a staging post for expeditions into the Indian Ocean and experimentation in the slave-based colonial model exported to the Seychelles, Comoros and Mauritius. The Socotrans themselves spoke a dialect of Arabic, only outnumbered the Black slaves on their island by two to one and lived a life of insular seclusion.

    Copts 21% (3,200,571)

    The Coptic language is directly descended form the tongue of ancient Egypt, with Greek, Latin and Arabic influences shaping it over the course of the millennia. As such, the Coptic people viewed themselves as directly connected to this ancient past. The Coptic culture crystallised during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, and especially after the advent of Christianity and Egypt and the prestigious see of Alexandria emerged as one of the world's foremost Christian centres. The Coptic culture survived the Muslim conquest, even as the effects of Arabisation and Islamisation began to slowly take hold in Egypt over the next several centuries. This process was halted and reversed after the Crusades, as Egypt's Christian identity was reaffirmed and the Crusader elites consciously sought to drive out Arab and Muslim influence from their new Kingdom and brought the Coptic Church into full communion with Rome.

    This period saw the emergence of the divide between the mostly Coptic and Christian north and Muslim and Arabic south of Egypt. The final demise of the Kingdom of Egypt in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries widened this cleavage further as Upper Egypt, under the rule of the Sunni Caliphs fell further into the Arab and Muslim orbit, while the Assyrian vassal of Damietta preserved a solidly Christian culture and anchored Lower Egypt to the wider Assyrian Empire.

    The Copts formed a huge population that was far more cohesive and geographically concentrated than the diffuse and divided Arabic speaking peoples. In both Lower Egypt, where they were the large majority of the population, and Upper Egypt, where a Coptic minority still resisted total Arabisation, the Copts were predominantly lower class, mostly living as peasant farmers along the banks of the Nile and in the Delta. The exception to this trend were the large Protestant Coptic minority, who joined Jews and Assyrians as the basis of the Lower Egyptian middle classes. Given the dominance of the Latin upper class, the Coptic language itself had little prestige in Egypt and even less through the rest of Assyria, where Arabic and Syriac carried far more sway.

    The interweaving of religious and ethnic conflicts and identities within Egypt led to a tension among Copts between two cultural axes: a Catholic Coptic identity, under heavy influence from Latin elites and hostile to the Protestants and other urban middle classes, and a broader Coptic ethnic identity that includes the Protestants and excluded the Latins. These alternate cultural axes were inescapable within

    Assyrians 18% (2,766,600)

    The core ethnic group of the state, around whose identity the Assyrian Kingdom, Empire and finally Federal Republic had been forged, the Assyrians had influence throughout the Middle East and world that defied their comparatively modest numbers. Although outnumbered by both Arabs and Copts, they carried tremendous cultural weight. The anchor of the Republic's leading faith – Nestorianism, possessing great historic prestige, disproportionately represented among the upper caste of many parts of the country, living in the most influential centres of culture and being the native speakers of the Republic's lingua franca – Syriac.

    Ethnic definitions in the Middle East were notably porous and unclear. Many Arabs and Assyrians in particular consciously viewed one another as members of a shared Semitic race. Indeed, prior to the Muslim Conquest, the Middle East had been predominantly Syriac speaking while before the rise of Medieval Assyria, Arabic was much more widely spoken. Racially, the two populations were closely linked. The divides were further muddied by the intermixing of religion and language. Hundreds of thousands of Arabs, as adherents of Syraic-rite Churches, prayed in Syriac, many more had some degree of bi-bilingualism, even as they used Arabic in day-to-day life and were therefore defined as such in the census.

    Nonetheless, this core Assyrian nation – Syriac speaking, exclusively Nestorian or members of splinter Churches – formed a majority in just a single state. This was the historic heartland of both Ancient Assyria and the Medieval Kingdom, Assyria-Superior in northern Mesopotamia, buttressed by the Zagros to the east, Euphrates to the west, Babylonia to the south and the Armenian highlands in the north. Even there, the Assyrians were only two thirds of the population, living among a cosmopolitan kaleidoscope.

    Beyond this core state, Assyrian minorities were scattered across every corner of the Middle East. While making up a plurality in diverse Baghdad, across Babylonia as a whole, Armenia and Syria, Assyrians constituted 10-20% of the populations. Their portion was somewhat lower in Philistia and Arabia and lower still in Lower Egypt.

    Armenians 16.2% (2,494,551)

    One of the four pre-eminent national groups within the Republic, who combined made up three quarters of the population, the Armenians were among the most layered and storied groups. Their relationship with Assyria went back to the very beginning of Medieval Assyria, with Saint Ta'mhas the Great spending the last years of his life making war with Armenia over the religiously important city of Edessa. Thereafter, there was always a significant Armenian component to the Assyrian state, with Armenian polities serving as occasional friends and rivals in the following centuries. At the same time, with Armenia suffering brutal Byzantine, Mongol and Timurid conquests over the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Assyria offered safe harbour to Christians fleeing into the Middle East, where they formed a thriving diaspora community in the cities of Mesopotamia and the Levant.

    The interlocking of Armenia and Assyria only grew after the two nations entered into a union in 1438 under King Aboulgharib. The Armenian dynasty, established by the great King after the demise of the Qatwa in 1426, ruled Assyria until 1486 while two further ethnic Armenian Kings – Vassak I and II – ruled as a second short lived dynasty between 1520 and 1548. This era, a golden age for Assyria as a whole, saw ethnic Armenians establish a prominent place at the heart of Assyria that endured for decades. Indeed, the Kingdom of Armenia, dominated by the Oriental Orthodox elites of Van and Yerevan, enjoyed particularly great levels of centralisation. This extended to minting its own currency, the silver Drum, that was not lost until the eighteenth century.

    While the prominence of Armenia declined somewhat from the end of the sixteenth century with parts of the country to the Byzantines, and its comparative economic decline owing to its inability to profit from trade and colonialism in the Indian Ocean; it would have a resurgence in the eighteenth century. Indeed, the city of Mus produced one of the most important minds of his or any other age – Yanai Babai, the founder of modern Liberalism whose disciples would form the Ishtar Club in 1725 and form the motor behind the Assyrian Revolution. During the Revolution, Armenia was the most radical of all provinces, a test bed for radical ideas – the first area to abolish slavery, institute mass suffrage and seek to establish a secular state. Thereafter, the country remained a bastion of left leaning liberal ideology. Importantly, the Revolutionary era also saw the entirety of the Armenian homeland from Cilicia to the Caucasian Mountains fall under exclusive Assyrian rule for the first time, leaving the large majority of the world's Armenians within the boundaries of the Federal Republic.

    The Armenian ethnos was split between a number of key religious and geographic subdivisions. Eastern Armenia, based around Lake Van and Yerevan, with the longest unbroken lineage of Assyrian rule had been the traditional heartland and centre of power within Armenia. Its population was majority Oriental Orthodox, with a sizeable Nestorian minority of both Assyrians and ethnic Armenian Nestorians.

    Western Armenia stretched across the historic borderlands between Assyria and Byzantium. While there were Oriental Orthodox and a, smaller, Nestorian presence here, the majority followed the Old Orthodox branch of the Armenian Church. Indeed, with Greek and Assyrian influence colliding and a long history of relatively weak government structures owing to perennial raiding by the Cumans of Central Anatolia, Western Armenia had effectively provided a safe haven for a religious community seeking shelter from Constantinople, Van and Nineveh alike.

    On western fringe of the state of Armenia was Cilicia, where Byzantine influence was strongest. There were few Nestorians or Assyrians and a mixed population of Greeks and Armenians, Paulicians and Old Orthodox. At the same time, all three sectors of the Armenian state bled into Syria and Assyria-Superior to the south – with large Armenian minorities found across the borderlands with large presences around cities including Edessa, Amid, Aleppo and Antioch.

    Further afield, an Armenian diaspora could be found as a largely middle class, affluent and urbanised minority across the cities of Mesopotamia and the Levant, with particular strength among artisanal manufacturing guilds.

    Georgians 5.8% (894,534)

    The intertwining of Assyrian and Georgian history began during the reign of Levon of Armenia, the father of Aboulgharib. While he conquered Georgia and later lost control of it, he retained a claim to its Kingship the was passed on to his son when he united Armenia and Assyria in 1438. Under the resulting Armenian dynasty, Assyria attempted to exert control over parts of Georgia – notably around Kars and Kartil. Most of these lands were lost at the end of the sixteenth century in the midst of the fall of the Federal Kingdom. Assyrian power remained absent from all but a tiny enclave of Georgia until the end of the Great Persian War two centuries later, which saw a larger part of the country fall under Nineveh's control than ever before in history. Assyrian Georgia included the largest Georgian city in Tblisis and stretched westward to Kars and then the Black Sea coast Batumi, featuring all the most important cities of the Georgian nation.

    While ethnically homogeneous, the region was fairly religiously diverse. Tblisi and the eastern part of the country was heavily influence by Armenia and Oriental Orthodoxy held sway as the largest faith, but only by a small majority. Through the rest of the country, Greek-rite Churches were stronger, with a significant Paulician minority that was especially strong along the coast, being outnumbered by adherents to Old Orthodoxy.

    Blacks 3.9% (595,000)


    There was no people in all of Assyria so wretched, abused and downtrodden as the Blacks. With no single ethnic identity or origin, the Blacks were the descendants of slaves brought to the Middle East from the Swahili Coast of East Africa, or Zanj as the Arab's called it. However many traced their origins from all over Africa, with Swahili slavers driving deep into the interior and often raiding the island of Madagascar to fuel demand. In the Middle East, these distinctive identities were largely destroyed under the weight of the whip hands of their masters – defined solely as Blacks and largely regarded as sub-humans by their Middle Eastern masters.

    Only a small minority, legally obliged to reside within impoverished, decaying and crime-ridden ghettos in the cities of Syria and Assyria-Superior, were not bound by slavery. Most lived in the southern portion of the Republic, where slavery had survived the Revolution and remained firmly in place. They made up their largest portion of the population in Muscat – alongside Basra, among the largest slave markets in the world – and Socotra where they formed a third of the population. Through the rest of Oman, Black slaves were around 20% of the population, 10-20% in Arabia with larger concentrations around Medina and the Gulf Coast, with their numerically largest concentration in Babylonia where they were around 15% and worked in intensive plantation agriculture - more than a quarter million souls. In Egypt, the last of slave states, they were a far smaller portion of the population and a much less important part of the wider economic structure, yet they still numbered in the hundreds of thousands there. Their numbers had ebbed and flowed over the centuries, and by 1817 were somewhat lower than they had been at their peak a century. Nonetheless, even at the dawn of the nineteenth century, thousands of slaves were imported into the metropolitan Republic every year – adding to the Blacks' numbers.

    Kurds 3.3% (507,210)

    The Kurdish nation was cleaved into two quite distinct populations – the West Kurds and the East Kurds, broadly divided geographically by the Zagros Mountains and culturally by dialect, religion and history.

    The majority of Kurds living in Assyria were West Kurds, who inhabited the northern and eastern fringes of Assyria-Superior, where they ranged from a quarter to a third of the population, while also having Kurdish Quarters in major Mesopotamian cities including Nineveh, Samarra and Baghdad. While having major urban centres in Amid, Arbil and Kirkuk, the West Kurds were predominantly pastoralists and many lived a tribal lifestyle in the highlands. Having been a major antagonist of Saint Ta'mhas the Great during the formation of the Kingdom of Assyria in the twelfth century, the West Kurds had been largely under Nineveh's rule since the early days of the Assyrian state and endured centuries of Christianisation and Assyrianisation. As such, they were exclusively Nestorian Christians and over the generations many had abandoned the Kurdish language and identity and assimilated into the Assyrian ethnos while those that remained spoke a dialect with significant Syriac influences. While at times wild, the West Kurds were seen as a core part of Assyrian society.

    The East Kurds were quite different. Much more numerous than the West Kurds, they formed the majority across a stretch of territory east of the Zagros that lay predominantly within the Timurid Empire but also stretched to Ilam in eastern Babylonia. Their dialect and culture was more Persianised and they had held firm to their Islamic faith – with Zikri Islam remaining popular, in particular with Assyria's Ilamite Kurds.

    Greeks 2.7% (418,064)

    Greek language and culture had significant sway in Assyria. The Greek-rite Orthodox faiths were the predominant religion of the north-western fringe of the Republic stretching from Georgia to Latakia and had traditionally been the dominant element in Syrian political life while Greek was also used regularly among the Levantine Catholic Melkite Church in Philistia. Further to this, the language held international prestige as a major language of diplomacy, science, culture and history. Indeed, Greek challenged Syriac, Arabic, Coptic and Armenian as one of the most commonly used throughout the Republic.

    However, the ethnic Greek, or as they preferred to describe themselves – Roman, was much smaller, standing at just over 400,000. The centre of both the ethnic Greek community and the wider culture was the sacred city of Antioch – one of the Roman pentarchic patriarchal seats and influential centre of religious scholarship and leadership. There, the Greeks formed a plurality in a highly diverse city that was also home to many Arabs, Assyrians, Armenians and Jews. Elsewhere, the Greeks were around a third of the population in Cilicia, as much as two fifths in Pontus – where they farmed the coastal plains while the Cumans lived in the highlands, and formed a smaller portion of the population across northern and western Syria. Religiously, the Greeks were a mix of Paulicians – especially in Pontus and Cilicia, and Old Orthodox. Antioch in particular, that had been under Assyrian rule since the Middle Ages, retained a tempestuous relationship with Byzantium to the west, often a gateway for pro-Byzantine elements within Assyria while also harbouring many dissidents escaping Roman persecution, which was why it had attracted such a large Old Orthodox community.

    Cumans 2.3% (355,047)

    See religion section.

    Jews 2.1% (322,770)

    See religion section.

    Latins 1.7% (267,438)

    The Latins were an ethnically distinct ruling class inhabiting Philistia west of the Jordan River, Lower Egypt, parts of Lebanon in Syria and the north west of Arabia around Tabuk. As the descendants of the Crusaders who had come to Outremer to establish a series of Latin Catholic polities in the Middle Ages, they formed the aristocratic elite throughout these territories and as such had played a very prominent role in the histories of these lands for several centuries. Ethnically, they were drawn from across Europe, with particularly large Italian, German and French components but had evolved, quite uniquely, to use Latin as their primary language after centuries of employing it as a lingua franca within their comminity.

    Despite achieving significant success in bringing Arabs and Copts in Philistia and Egypt respectively into the Catholic Church, the Latins retained a clear social and ethnic distinction from the wider populace in the lands in which they lived, often turning towards Europe for marriages with fellow noble lineages, and to a lesser extent the wider Middle Eastern aristocracy. Despite the ructions of the Revolution, the Latins had maintained their social standing, lands, and in Egypt their slaves, to a much greater extent that their fellows in Syria, Assyria-Superior and Armenia, even as the advent of an electoral franchise that extended significantly beyond their numbers challenged their leadership of the Catholic communities of Assyria.

    Druze 0.3% (52,115)

    See religion section.

    Persians 0.3% (48,618)

    The Persians were one of the smallest ethnic communities in Assyria. They lived scattered along the coast of the Persian Gulf, with their main concentrations in Muscat, Basra, Bahrain, the Trucial Coast and by the Strait of Hormuz. Universally, they occupied a niche as merchants focussed on trade with the Timurid Empire, where they enjoyed a slight advantage of their Arab, Assyrian and Jewish competitors owing to their kinsmen's preference for dealing with fellow Persians over foreigners. Religiously, they were a solidly Muslim community, mostly Sunni but with some Zikri and Shia minorities.

    Nubians 0.3% (48,080)

    Although black Africans themselves, the Nubians were considered to be distinct from the Blacks within Assyria. Unlike the Blacks, they were not of foreign slave origin but had lived for centuries to the south of Egypt and as such enjoyed a higher social standing. Like the Copts, they were a Christian people who worshipped under the Coptic Catholic Church, although increasingly under pressure from the Islamising influence of the Fatimids to the south. Within Assyria they were found only in very small numbers on the southern fringe of Upper Egypt, even forming a majority in the south eastern corner of the region.

    Mandaean 0.2% (34,699)

    See religion section.
     
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    Assyria and Her Possessions in 1817
  • Assyria and Her Possessions in 1817

    1679348680971.png

    Beyond metropolitan Assyria in the Middle East, Nineveh also ruled a large colonial empire stretching across the Indian Ocean world including lands in Africa, India and the Indies. While the metropolitan Republic had a population of 15.4 million, a further 7,681,145 lived in the colonies. Of these, around a fifth were Nestorian Christians – making up a quarter of the total Nestorian population under Assyrian rule – while the absolute majority, 4.2 million in all, were Muslim. The entire empire was largely controlled by a small minority of a little under 600,000 settler creoles of Middle Eastern origin who lorded over the various indigenous peoples as masters.

    This empire could be divided into four distinctive sections: Al-Opheeria and the East African Littoral, Malabar, Sumatra and the Indies.

    There were distinctive forms of government in each of these colonies. Al-Opheeria and Sumatra, both home to powerful creole populations with distinctive political inclinations, had significant self government through elected assembles and wider autonomy on most domestic issues. Malabar had somewhat weaker control over its own affairs while the Indies were ruled directly as colonies by Nineveh.

    Al-Opheeria

    Ethnicity
    %
    Number
    Al-Opheerian​
    19.7​
    166,055​
    Bantu​
    36.9​
    311,037​
    Swazi​
    31.7​
    267,205​
    Khoisan​
    11.4​
    96,092​
    Mzungu​
    0.3​
    2,529​
    Total​
    842,918​

    Denomination
    %
    Number
    Nestorian​
    38.1​
    321,152​
    Pagan​
    29.7​
    250,347​
    Sunni​
    20.5​
    172,798​
    Catholic​
    3.7​
    31,188​
    Greek Christian​
    2.6​
    21,916​
    Other Christian​
    2​
    16,858​
    Zikri​
    1.2​
    10,115​
    Protestant​
    1​
    8,429​
    Jewish​
    0.9​
    7,586​
    Shia​
    0.3​
    2,529​
    Total​
    842,918​

    Al-Opheerian 19.7% (166,055)

    The Al-Opheerians were the descendants of the Middle Eastern settlers who had been migrating to Southern Africa since the end of the sixteenth century. Initially predominantly Nestorian with a substantial Muslim component – largely derived from Babylonia and Arabia – a variety of Christian and Jewish minorities had joined this multi-confessional and multi-ethnic creole population over the generations. Although religiously diffuse and with mixed backgrounds, the settlers had formed a cohesive common culture, identity and language based on a mixture of Syriac and Arabic known as Al-Opheerian.

    They had been drawn to the country by the promise of land and riches, particularly gold that had been plentiful aroun the South African Cape in the two centuries after their arrival. As they later began to push inland, their true ethnogenesis as a nation occurred during the Swazi War when they fought in absence of serious support from the Assyrian army to defeat the Swazi Confederation that sought to push them from Africa and enslave their enemies. Since then, they had developed into an infamously reactionary bulwark within the Assyrian world – aligning closely with counter-revolutionaries during the Revolutionary Civil War and being the last holdout against the Federal Republic.

    Within Al-Opheeria, the creoles were most concentrated around the Cape, where their oldest communities lay. There, they formed around a third of the population, but could be found throughout the colony as a ruling caste.

    The Al-Opheerian population was also inclusive of the settlers of the East African Littoral islands of the Seychelles, Comoros, Mauritius and the Mascarene Islands. These islands had been settled at the end of the fifteenth century, a full century before the Cape, and had been uninhabited before the arrival of the Assyrians. All developed similar societies based on plantation agriculture and slavery, with Black slaves making up 30-40% of the population on each island. Unlike the mainland Cape, the settlers of these islands were far more homogeneous. During their initial colonisation, the right to settle had been limited to Nestorians and restrictions on migration from those outwith the religion remained in place for generations, leaving them largely empty of religious minorities.

    Bantu 36.9% (311,037)

    The Bantus were a large collection of ethnicities and nations living across Southern Africa who spoke related Bantu languages. Their greatest tribes included the Zulu, the Xhosa and the Sotho. These tribes were all distinguished in that they were free from slavery, and largely lived distinct from the areas of Al-Opheerian settlement. They were the clearly majority of the population across the colony outside of the area around the Cape itself, and a minority there.

    Religiously, the Bantu tribes were split between those who adopted Christianity, particularly common in the south, the numerous Muslim communities in the north and along the coast who had come under Swahili influence over the centuries and Pagan tribes in the interior who held on to traditional African beliefs.

    Their relationship with the settlers was traditionally tense and typified by occasional violence, varying levels of exploitation and friction with both local elites and the Assyrian state.

    Swazi 31.7% (267,205)

    The designation 'Swazi' originated in the aftermath of the Swazi War of the late seventeenth century when the AL-Opheerian creoles crushed the Swazi Confederation and enslaved their entire nation. Such were the numbers of the enslaved, that 'Swazi' came to be used as a byword for any black slave throughout Southern Africa. The nineteenth century Swazis included people drawn from dozens of different peoples across Africa, who had all been brought to the colony to live as the slaves of the creoles. Al-Opheeria possessed one of the largest slave populations of any part of the Assyrian empire, with the enslaved forming close to a majority in some parts of the country, especially in the south around the Cape were settler control was at its greatest. Indeed, while Al-Opheeria had a smaller population than Philistia, it contained a third of all the slaves in the Assyrian Empire. They formed the central component of the Al-Opheerian economy – working in the mines, fields, in workshops and as domestic servants.

    Khoisan 11.4% (96,092)

    The Khoisan were the indigenous people of the South African Cape, who had lived in the region prior to the migration of Bantu-speaking people into the area. They held a distinctive position within the racial hierarchy of Al-Opheeria. Lighter skinned than the Bantu, generally more placid and less warlike and less technologically advanced, the Khoisan maintained happier relations with the creoles than their fellow native Africans. Indeed, as the historic population around the Cape, many Khoisan tribes had negotiated treaties and privileges with the Middle Eastern settlers in the first decades after their arrival in Africa, rights that remained largely respected so long as they did not interfere with creole demands for access to the most valuable land and resources.

    Mzungu 0.3% (2,529)

    Mzungu was derived from a Swahili term for foreigner. In Al-Opheeria it was used to refer to communities of white Europeans, mostly Scots, Italians and Greeks, who had settled in the eponymous city of Al-Opheeria on the Cape. There they formed an influential and distinct community of trades, often looked upon suspiciously for their wealth and as a source of foreign influence.

    Malabar

    Culture
    %
    Number
    Nasrani​
    56.7​
    757,581​
    Hindu​
    25.3​
    338,038​
    Moors​
    17.6​
    235,157​
    Assyrians​
    0.4​
    5,344​
    Total​
    1,336,120​

    Nasrani 56.7% (757,581)

    The Nasrani, as the knew themselves, or the St Thomas Christians were the faced Nestorian Christians of India. With ancient roots reaching back Thomas the Apostle's travels to India, and connections to the Church of the East from the earliest years of its existence they had spent many centuries as a distant and exotic connection to the Syriac world. From the Middle Ages, they emerged as the subject of intense spiritual important among Nestorians – who saw in them a link to the Apostles and a defiantly Christian community on the edge of Pagan barbarism. This fascination was truly born under the legendary King Nahir the Bear who led the First Malabar Crusade at the beginning of the thirteenth century, establishing the Malabar Raj that would last until the end of the century before being reconquered by native Hindu Tamil powers. The area was later subjected to the unsuccessful Second Malabar Crusade in the sixteenth and the victorious Third Malabar Crusade in the Seventeenth century – which led to the territory's present borders.

    The centuries of Assyrian involved in the region had allowed the Nasrani community to grow significantly since the High Middle Ages. While only a majority within the borders of Assyrian Malabar, there were significant numbers of Christians in northern Malabar – which remained under Tamil rule – and smaller communities scattered around India, especially in the south.

    Unlike other parts of the colonial empire, the ruling class of Malabar was largely made up of native Nasrani – who were respected as an equals by pious Nestorians in particular. As a community, the Nasrani had historically been somewhat detached from the internal struggles of Assyrian political life, even as they enthusiastically supported their presence in India as the guarantor of their power and security. Religiously, they were noted for their conservatism within the Church of the East and had been staunch supporters of the Old Nestorian Patriarchate during its exile following the eighteenth century schism.

    Hindus 25.3% (338,038)

    The ancient faith of India that remained dominant across the subcontinent in the early nineteenth century. Although speaking a shared Tamil language, the Hindus saw their community as highly distinct from the Christians and Muslims of Malabar – being more truly Indian and Tamil. For centuries they had engaged in ethnic rivalries with the Christians, persecuting them with great regularity during the Medieval and Early Modern period prior to the Assyrian re-conquest of Malabar. After the restoration of Christian Malabar, the tables were turned and the Hindus came under significant suspicion for their real and imagined sympathies and connections to the Tamil empires beyond Assyria's borders. In 1817 they were an unhappy and restive people who dreemed of driving the Assyrians out and restoring Hindu rule to Malabar.

    Moors 17.6% (235,157)

    Islam had been present in southern India since the seventh century, brought to the region by Arab traders. Like the Hindus and Nasrani, the Malabar Moors were of largely indigenous Indian ethnic stock, speaking the same Tamil language as their neighbours. However there mix did include an Arab element that had merged into the wider Indian population over time. Within Malabar, the Moors had faced historic hostility from both Hindu and Christian regimes over the centuries, often caught between them in their struggles for power – at times aligning with the Hindus against the Christians and at others joining with the Nasrani against external Hindu Tamil empires.

    Assyrians 0.4% (5,344)

    A small population of ethnic Assyrians lived in Malabar. Many belonged to religious communities, with dozens of monastic communities and shrines doting the area while others served as economic and administrative elites seeking to secure wealth and the power of the Assyrian empire in its Indian foothold.

    Sumatra
    Ethnicity
    %
    Number
    Alsharqian​
    12.2​
    373,115​
    Malay​
    61.3​
    1,874,750​
    Pribumi​
    22.1​
    675,889​
    Asians​
    2.5​
    76,458​
    Black​
    1.9​
    58,108​
    Total​
    3,058,320​

    Denomination
    %
    Number
    Sunni​
    65.9​
    2,015,433​
    Hindu​
    19.8​
    605,547​
    Nestorian​
    9.9​
    302,774​
    Buddhist​
    2.2​
    67,283​
    Other Christian​
    1​
    30,582​
    Other Muslim​
    0.9​
    27,601​
    Jewish​
    0.3​
    9,100​
    Total​
    3,058,320​

    Alsharqian 12.2% (373,115)

    Like the Al-Opheerians, the Alsharqians were a creole population consisting largely of a blend of Semitic settlers from the Middle East – Christian, Muslim and Jews. This community was as much as a century older, having emerged from the elites of the Malaccan Trading Company who had first established forts, plantations and mines on the island. Over time, more and more Middle Easterners made the island of Sumatra their permanent home, building a self confident and highly developed society.

    The Alsharqians had a number of key differences with the Al-Opheerians. They were notably wealthier, with the immense riches of Sumatra and the Indies outweighing those of South Africa. They were also generally more urbanised, had never developed a similarly intensive slave holding tradition, had much healthier relations with the indigenous population and were a somewhat less pious society. The Sumatran creoles were also far more liberal. Indeed, the failed Sumatran Revolution in the late seventeenth century acting as something of a precursor to the later Assyrian Revolution, while in that great conflagration Sumatra firmly supported the Republicans, even freeing its own slaves.

    Within the colony, the Alsharqians were most numerous in northern and western Sumatra, being much weaker in the south and east of the island and on the Assyrian enclave of peninsular Malaya.

    Malay 61.3% (1,874,750)

    The Malays were the majority population of Sumatra and Malaya and exerted significant cultural sway across Maritime South East Asia. Indeed, the Malay language operated as a lingua franca throughout the region, while ethnic Malay communities peppered the islands to the east, in particular Borneo. Having adopted Islam during the Middle Ages, the Malays spread their faith eastward to the islands of Borneo, Sulawesi and the Tagalog Peninsula, outcompeting the traditional dominance of Indic Hindu religion in the region, even as Hinduism retained its grip over the populous island of Java as well as the southern quarter of Sumatra itself.

    Within Sumatra, the Malays were largely a peasant class with creoles and Asians serving the colony's upper and middle strata. Nonetheless, the Malays were regarded as more civilised than most of the other peoples of the region by the Assyrian elite and were more closely integrated into modern society.

    Pribumi 22.1% (675,889)

    The 'first to the soil', the Pribumi was a collective term for the constellation of indigenous peoples of the Indies regarded as less civilised by the Assyrian ruling class. On Sumatra these varied from tribal communities living primitive lives deep in the jungle and mountain of the interior to peasant communities from minority groups. With such a broad range of groups, there was no single experience among the Pribumi but they generally had a looser relationship with the state and the creole caste than the Malays, tending to live in less accessible and isolated parts of the colony. Religiously, they were disproportionately Hindu – having resisted the waves of proselytising that had swept the East Indies in the preceding centuries. However their numbers also included many Muslims and smaller groups of Christians.

    Asians 2.5% (76,458)

    The Middle Easterners were not the only settler community in the colony, but were joined by a number of Asian communities – principally Buddhist Koreans, but also Hindu Bengalis and Chinese. These groups had arrived during the rule of rival colonial powers, forced out of Sumatra by Assyrian arms but remained in place – acting as the upper caste in parts of eastern Sumatra and Assyrian Malaya.

    Blacks 1.9% (58,108)

    The Sumatran Blacks were among the first significant slave population to be freed in Assyria. With the plentiful nature of low cost indigenous labour, African slavery had played only a minor part in the history of Sumatra and the Indies. Unlike their fellows in metropolitan Assyria, the Sumatran Blacks had avoided the fate of ghettoisation but instead lived similar difficult lives tied to labour in mines and plantation by all-controlling employer masters.

    The Indies

    Ethnicity
    %
    Number
    Pribumi​
    93​
    2,272,722​
    Malay​
    4.6​
    112,414​
    Alsharqian​
    1.5​
    36,657​
    Asians​
    0.5​
    12,219​
    Blacks​
    0.4​
    9,775​
    Total​
    2,443,787​

    Denomination
    %
    Number
    Sunni​
    71.6​
    1,749,751​
    Pagan​
    19.4​
    474,095​
    Nestorian​
    7.7​
    188,172​
    Other​
    0.8​
    19,550​
    Buddhist​
    0.5​
    12,219​
    Total​
    2,443,787​

    Pribumi 93% (2,272,722)

    The rest of the Indies had never been subjected to the same level of settlement as Sumatra – with efforts at doing so attracting scant success. Equally, there was no single dominant or even leader ethnic group like the Malays among a scattering of islands that was home to dozens of smaller indigenous ethnicities. All broadly of a shared Austronesian culture and heritage, these communities varied across island and region, including hunter gathers in the jungle interiors and peasant masses cultivated advance export-orientated spice economies. Religiously, Islam was the dominant force across the Indies, but there were sizeable numbers of Pagan believers in traditional religions.

    Malays 4.6% (112,414)

    Beyond their homeland in Sumatra and Malaya, there were Malay communities scattered across the Indies – particularly on the island of Brunei where they occupied many coastal regions. Throughout the region they tended to have stronger relations with the Assyrian state than other native populations – with the creoles often being more familiar with Malay speech and regarding them as being more civilised and therefore more willing to employ them commercial and administrative roles. As such they were a cornerstone of Assyrian rule in the Indies.

    Alsharqian 1.5% (36,657)

    There had been very little creole settlement in the Indies, and what there had been was focussed on the island of Sulawesi, which had spent the longest period under Assyrian rule and was the centre of the regional spice trade. The island had been the base of the Moluccan Company, the less successful rival to the Malaccan Company of Sumatra and had been the subject of largely unsuccessful attempts to stimulate a settler colony on the Sumatran model. Its creoles were culturally heavily influenced by the larger population to the west and shared.

    Asians 0.5% (12,219)

    As was the case in Sumatra, there were small communities of Asians operating largely as commercial and property owning classes throughout the Indies. These included groups of Chinese, Japanese and some Koreans.

    Blacks 0.4% (9,775)

    The Blacks played an even lesser role in the life of the Indies than they did on Sumatra. There was only a very small population living mostly on the island of Sulawesi close to the Alsharqian settler communities who had brought their ancestors to the region. Like their fellows in Sumatra, they were freed from slavery during the Revolution although had enjoyed little advanced in social status since.
     
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    The World in 1817
  • The World in 1817

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    Western Europe

    The great narrative of the Early Modern period was the gradual ascent of the West. For much of history, the Eastern Mediterranean and Asia had been the heart of the world economy, civilisation, culture and wealth. Between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries, there was a rebalancing of this patter as Europe enjoyed the fruits of cultural renewal that was sparked by the importation of elements of the Assyrian Renaissance and eventually saw Western Europe grow into a global centre of intellectual life and the birthplace of the Enlightenment. Europe also spread its influence West, to conquer the new world, and south into Africa. In the eighteenth century the continent would reach new heights with the advent of the industrial revolution that, by the early nineteenth century would see the West overtake the East as the motor of the world economy.

    At the heart of Western Europe were a series of powerful nation states, notably different to the sprawling, diverse, multi ethnic, empires common in the East. The largest and richest was the Thuringian Republic of Germany – the last bastion of the Revolutionary wave unleashed by Assyria in the mid-eighteenth century. It was the largest western European state with no overseas empire of its own, but nonetheless was home to a large and highly educated population, a flourishing economy – the first in the world to begin the process of industrialisation, and the continent's most democratic state with a broader franchise even that Assyria.

    The next truly great power was Scotland, who controlled the majority of the British Isles, a small enclave across the Channel and the largest oversees colonial empire the world had ever seen. Second only to Germany as a centre of industry, benefiting like their Republican counterpart from an educated populace and massive reserves of easily accessible coal, and the dominant maritime power in the Atlantic world with increasing influence in the Indian and Pacific Oceans as well. Scotland was a constitutional monarchy with an elected parliament but was very hostile to republicanism and revolution, and was noted for the presence of an influential abolitionist movement that had already banned the Transatlantic slave trade.

    Western Europe's third key player was Italy. A constitutional monarchy with a growing industrial base of its own, focussed around its rich northern cities, Italy had significant interests throughout the Mediterranean. To the west, France held firm to old fashioned absolutism and, while experiencing some industrial development, lagged somewhat behind the Germans, Scots and Italians.

    In south west Europe, there were two states relatively minor states with international reach. The first of these was the Kingdom of Aquitaine, which controlled a narrow stretch of territory from Bordeaux to Marseilles that divided the French from the Mediterranean, alongside parts of Iberia. The second was Navarre, the predominant indigenous Spanish Kingdom, concentrated on the Atlantic seaboard of Iberia. Both realms retained traditional feudal monarchies.

    Finally, in the north, Scandinavia was divided between a powerful Swedish and modestly sized Danish Kingdoms, the former stretching across the sea to the Baltic and Finland. Both had seen the beginnings of industrial development spill over from Germany and allowed for the modest development of parliamentary systems.

    Eastern Europe

    Eastern Europe had not experienced the same ascent as the West. These lands remained largely backward and fallen behind the West in recent centuries.

    The Byzantine Empire had been heavily diminished over the past century. Through its thousands of years of history, the different incarnations of the Roman state had gone through countless moments of existential peril – from the Fall of the Western Empire to the Islamic Conquest and the Paulician Orthodox Schism – but always survived. During the Early Modern it had experiences a golden period, experting power across Anatolia, the Balkans and Italy and spreading influence oversees. However from the turn of the seventeenth to the eighteenth centuries war and revolution had seen a punishing territorial contraction – much of Italy, including Rome, was lost, the lands beyond the Danube fell, Albania and Bacau had emerged as pro-Assyrian independent Republics, it had been forced entirely from the Caucuses and Armenia. The Empire had also gone through terrible political instability. In 1751, after a long and fateful involvement in the Assyrian Revolutionary Wars, Republican revolutionaries overthrew the Empire and established the Second Roman Republic. A generation later, this state was swept away in the imperial restoration of 1779. The revived Byzantium was not merely absolutist but reactionary in ever sense – enacting draconian censorship and authoritarian rule to stamp out any hint of foreign, revolutionary or liberal ideas. The society that had developed was highly inward looking and suspicious of the outside world.

    The other behemoth of Eastern Europe was Chernigov. The Russian state ruled all the lands from the Ukrainian Steppe, a wild land of mixed Slavic, Turkic and Mongolic peoples, through the Russian heartland to the Arctic. An archaic realm in many ways, it was neither Christian nor Muslim but Pagan in its religion of state. By 1817 its rapidly rising population made it among the most populous countries in Europe, with a patchwork of ethnicities and religions within its borders.

    To the west, the great power of the Danubian region was Croatia. Having had a Republican regime imposed upon it by the Germans during the Revolutionary years of the mid-eighteenth century. Croatia, itself a multi-ethnic state stretched across dozens of people groups, had been highly unstable, prone to persistent rebellion and conflict over its institutions. At the turn of the century, like Byzantium, its Republican regime had failed, with an austere monarchy capable of keeping its constituent parts in check installed. Poland was the last major state of the wider region, nestled to between the Germans, Swedes, Russians and Croats. Despite its fearsome neighbours, Poland had emerged as a stable constitutional monarchy with the freest people of Eastern Europe and close fraternal ties to Germany.

    The Middle East & India

    To the south of the Assyrian Federal Republic, the Arabian peninsula was home to a collection of relatively small Muslim theocracies. In the Hedjaz, the Emire of Jeddah controlled the holy city of Mecca, to the east, the Sulaymans Sunni Caliphs clung to a largely empty stretched desert while in the Yemen the Shia Fatimid Caliphs held their own corner of Arabia. Throughout the area, traditional clerical elites held sway.

    Ever since the rise of Timur in the fourteenth century, the Timurids had been one of the great powers of the world. Indeed, at their peak in the seventeenth century they were undoubtedly the single most powerful state on earth – controlling not only an endless empire in their own right but also dominating Assyria, Russia, Arabia and much of the Indies. However, they had never recovered from their defeat in the Great Persian War in the mid-eighteenth century, which had seen their international reach retreat, infected the empire with chronic political instability, devastated much of the imperial core in Persia and cost the military the pride of its leadership. Technological change and poor governance in the half century since had only seen the Timurids sink further. By the early nineteenth century the empire had started to come under Scottish influence, with Edinburgh offering aid in modernising the creaking state.

    To the north of the Timurids lay the Mongol Khanate. This was a polity formed around the turn of the century by Mongol tribal leaders in the Urals and Caspian Steppe who had rebelled against Persian influence to establish their own state – a throwback to the age when horselords ruled the Eurasian Steppe.

    India was split fairly evenly between three large empires, each with tens of millions of inhabitants. In the east the Bengalis, in the south the Tamils and in the west the Rajputs led culturally distinct empires united by a shared Hindu civilisation and their hostility to the influence of Muslim Persia and Christian Assyria on the subcontinent.

    The Far East and South East Asia

    Beyond the barrier of a collection of small Burmese states lay the powerful law the powerful empires of the far east. The largest of these was the largest and most populous nation on earth – Ming Dynasty China. From the Tarim Basin in the west to the wilds of Siberia in the north, and its holdings in North America, China ruled far beyond the ethnic Han heartland. Nonetheless, China had grown ever more isolationist over the past two centuries, and largely shunned commerce with outsiders aside from a few trusted Asian neighbours – particularly Korea. Across the East China Sea, the Japanese Shogunate mirrored Chinese isolationism and took it even further, with even less interest in external trade or geopolitics.

    The great outlier in the Far East was Korea – a power highly engaged in international trade and politics, with a sprawling colonial empire of its own in Malaya, Taiwan, Amur, Sakhalin and on the richest lands on the west coast of North America, home to a Korean settler society of hundreds of thousands. Historically, the Korean empire had been even larger, with its territories in Sumatra having only been recently lost to Assyria. Korean traders acted a bridge between the outside world and the vast close economies of China and Japan.

    To the south, mainland South East Asia was controlled by the Thais – who had had strong relations with Assyria for several generations, at times cooperating with them in war. Meanwhile, the East Indies or Maritime South East Asia had been the focus of several centuries of Asiatic colonialism. Powers from both the Middle East and Far East had preyed on the region, with the Assyrians taking the lion's share. However, there were a spate of other players in the region. The Timurids had lands on western Borneo and New Guinea and claimed huge stretches of North Western Australia, although their actual control didn't extend beyond a few small coastal forts. The Arab Sulaymans held the south east of New Guinea and the Solomon islands while the Thais and Rajputs also had territories on the island. Brunei on the northern portion of Borneo stood out as one of the few independent states in the region. The region as a whole was predominantly Muslim, with the major exception being the island of Java with remained strongly Hindu and was divided between two powerful Kingdoms.

    Africa

    Africa, the poorest of all continents was split between east and west. The west was largely within the orbit of the Europeans. From North Africa under the Italians, who had taken over the remnants of the Crusader Kingdom of Egypt after its relocation to Tunis, the Aquitainians and Navarrese in the western Maghreb, the French in Guinea, Byzantines in Ghana and Navarre around the Niger Delta. A spate of European empires held de jure claims deep into the African interior, while their actual control beyond the coasts was far more fleeting and incomplete.

    The most penetrating European power was Scotland – who's lands around the Congo Basin offered an entry point for power that stretched right into the Dark Heart of the continent. Part of the reason for such deep conquest had been missionary-led efforts by anti-slavery Scots to root out the slave trade by establishing control over one of Africa's key slaver hunting grounds. The Congolese interior was a paradise for slavers, with incessant tribal warfare, large populations and pagan people whom the Muslim Swahili in particular saw as justifiable victims for their trade. With the growing influence of the Scots in the region, this trade was facing an unprecedented threat.

    While West Africa was in Europe's orbit, and had been for some centuries, the East had traditionally been under Middle Eastern influence. From Assyrian Egypt in the north, Ethiopia and Nubia were the heartlands of the Fatimid Caliphate, Somalia and the Swahili Coast were solidly Sunni while the southern Cape was under Assyrian rule. Throughout the area, Middle Eastern powers had vied for influence, territory and economic control for hundreds of years. However, by the early nineteenth century the Europeans, and Scotland in particular, were beginning to stretch their tentacles into the region.

    The Americas

    The discovery and colonisation of the Americas had brought wealth and glory to Europe, expanded the World and turned Scotland from a backwater to a global power.

    The Scots were unquestioned masters of this New World. In the North, they had built an advanced settler society, as developed as the homeland, in New Scotland on the eastern seaboard of North America. They controlled the entirety of the Caribbean, whose plantations had been the source of incredible riches. Attached to these Caribbean territories administratively were large holdings in the north of South America and Central America, Darien. To the west, much of Mexico and territories west of the Mississippi were also under Scottish colonial rule. These were surrounded by a patchwork of indigenous states, particularly in Mexico where the Aztec Empire had never been fully extinguished despite being forced from its core territory at Tenochtitlan. Finally, in the south there was Brazil, a rich land of fertile soil and great resources.

    All these colonies possessed large slave populations which the local elites held on to fiercely, despite the abolition of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade and growing abolitionist sentiment in the British Isles.

    A number of other European powers had more modest holdings in the Americas. Aquitaine, although a minor force in Europe controlled the icy lands around the Hudson Bay in the far north and a more valuable band around from coast to coast in South America – stretching from the Pacific, through the Andies to the rich lands around the Riviere D'Argent, Argentina, filled with Francophone colonists. Immediately to the south lay Navarrese Patagonia, a comparatively barren and lightly populated territory of desert and mountain. At the other end of the continent, lay Swedish Vinland, one of the oldest settler societies in the Americas with the first permanent Nordic towns along the Saint Lawrence dating to the first decades of European colonialism in the New World. The last of the European colonial powers of the Americas was the odd one out, the Byzantines. Poorer, more backward and far more distant from the Americas than the other European colonisers, the Byzantines had made use of their Early Modern era heft to secure holdings on the Mississippi in North America and in Guyana and Peru in South America.

    The Europeans were not the only ones in the Americas, Oriental powers claimed around half of North America and had established prosperous colonies along its western shoreline. The Chinese held lands in the north, concentrated around the Nootka Sound. Korean interests much larger and richer in California with a population close to a million, large and developed society, second only to the Scottish colonies in the Americas.
     
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    1817-1826 A New Wind Blows
  • 1817-1826 A New Wind Blows

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    Majlis Election Results, 1817

    At the preceding elections in 1814, the Ishtarians had come closer to power than they had been since the Revolution. 1817 would see a modest retreat from this high, with the Liberals losing several dozen seats. Both the Moderates and Conservatives benefited. The Conservatives saw their vote strengthen, but were poorly placed to make substantial seat gains. Meanwhile, the governing Moderates achieved sizeable parliamentary gains as a result of the swing to them from the Liberals. After a close result in 1814, a comfortable Moderate majority in the Majlis had been restored.

    1679774026037.png

    One of Vizier Idan Seta's key policies, since coming to office in 1814 was to attempt to open Assyria up to the world while maintaining its established social order. As such, the Republic would see an influx of foreign goods, ideas, technologies and influence throughout Seta's time in office that would greatly change the country. Among these was the establishment of the German military mission in 1817. Assyria and Germany had maintained tight and friendly relations since the time of the Revolution, and the Germans were only too happy to deploy an attaché of military advisers to Nineveh at the Vizier's request. Over the next several years these advisers would implement a series of significant reforms to the Assyrian army, improving its professionalism, drilling it in the latest tactics and importing the modern arms from their homeland.

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    Another power with growing influence in Assyria was Italy. As a major player in North Africa and the Mediterranean, the Italians had long had interests in Assyria. But by the early nineteenth century their involvement in the Republic was growing rapidly as a result of one commodity – cotton. While Italy lacked a competitive edge over Britain and Germany in heavy industries, with its lack of locally available coal, its industrial growth was largely based around textiles. These factories were hungry for cotton, and in Assyria a rich supply was awaiting exploitation. Cotton had been grown commercially in Egypt from the seventeenth century and earned a reputation for its high quality and affordable price. From the 1810s, Italian industrialists would look to invest to boost this production and securing it for their own interests – making use of the connections between Egypt's Latin aristocracy and Rome. In order to secure these investments, Italy pursued closer relations with Nineveh, leading to the Treaty of Farafra in 1819, which officially delineated the borders in North Africa – extended Assyrian sovereignty over a stretched of desert and recognising the independence of the Libyan tribes to the south east of Tripoli.

    1679774063152.png

    While the Germans and Italians competed from influence in Assyria by friendly means, Scotland would intrude on Nineveh's world in a far more abrupt and immediate fashion. Between 1817 and 1822 the Scots conquered the entirety of the Swahili Coast. Travelling overland and they were driven by a mixture of missionary powered hostility to the barbarism of the Swahili slave trade, aggressive expansionist impulse and the geo-strategic and economic imperative of spreading Scottish influence onto the East African coast and into the Indian Ocean. They accomplished this feet by cooperating with the tribes of Congo and Great Lakes who feared and hated the Muslims of the coast and their cruel slave raiding expeditions and through the superiority of their own military technologies and tactics.

    This conquest, for the first time pushing a European power into the forefront of the Indian Ocean world, would have tremendous consequences, many of which would take years to be fully felt. Immediately, the Scots disestablished the millennia old East African slave trade, banning the export of slaves or forced enslavement of any persons within their territories. East Africa had been one of the most important sources of slaves in the world, and the primary market from where Assyrian importers drew theirs. With increasing restrictions on the Atlantic trade through Scottish pressure, there were very few alternate sources for slaves left. The Muslims of Ethiopia and Somalia, while both being slave holding powers themselves, forbade the enslavement of fellow believers, while Al-Opheeria itself had long been an importer rather than exporter of slaves. Indeed, only Madagascar remained a viable major source for Assyrian markets, although with the Swahili middlemen now removed from the equation, the Assyrians themselves would henceforth take on the burden of launching slave raids onto the island.

    The conquest had impacts beyond the question of slavery as well. Indeed, East Africa was a valuable part of the wider Indian Ocean economy that Assyria had long been central to. Yet the area's trade would soon begin to reorientate towards its new colonial master. Indeed, Assyrian ships came under additional scrutiny, with Scottish officials forcing inspections to ensure that they were not attempted to illicitly smuggle slaves from the region's ports.

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    Fifth Vizieral Election Results, 1820

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    Majlis Election Results, 1820

    The Vizieral election of 1820 was largely a re-run of 1814, with Idan Seta once again lining up against the same Liberal candidate, Bagour Al-Arbela, who had put up the strongest Ishtarian challenge to date in that year. However, this time Seta secured victory by an even wider margin, achieving a majority of the popular vote and pushing Al-Arbela below a third of the vote. In the Majlis, the Liberals similarly suffered modest parliamentary losses. However, although the Moderates picked up parliamentary gains, the Conservatives emerged from the election in the strongest shape as they pushed they pushed above a fifth of the vote and notably strengthened their parliamentary cohort on the backs of a backlash against foreign interference in Assyrian affairs.

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    For much of its history Assyria and the Middle East more generally had been an economic juggernaut with prosperous domestic agriculture, tremendous commercial wealth from trade and a significant domestic manufacturing base of traditional artisanal workshops. All of this was in flux. With Seta, at the behest of the Germans and Italians, offering few restrictions on foreign trade, Assyria had shifted from being a net exporting nation to a major importer, with a flood of cheap products made by industrial means arriving on the Assyrian market. These goods could out compete locally manufactured equivalents. Having already been in decline earlier in the 1810s, artisanal output slumped dramatically after 1817. Textile production feel to two thirds of its 1817 level between 1817 and 1821, recovering by the middle of the decade to around four fifths of its 1817 rate. Home goods, including furniture and ceramics, would collapse to a nadir of just 40% of its 1817 level in 1825 before recovering to around three quarters of its previous level. The drinks industry would similarly reach deep lows at the beginning of the new decade before recovering to modestly above its 1817 level by mid-decade. These changes had a direct impact of impoverishing thousands of workers in the traditional guilds, leaving many previously relatively secure professions insecure and shrinking.

    Not only were producers hit but commercial elites too, with the Scots muscling into the Indian Ocean trade, Assyria's traditional role as the middle man between Asian goods and European markets was being challenged and many merchants struggled to keep up with this more competitive world. The dramatic contraction of the availability of slaves also had impacts of its own, leading to massive declines in levels of importation in the 1820s and shrinking profits for the slave-based agriculturalists. While many areas struggled, there were clear success stories – with some commodities such as Egyptian cotton and Lebanese cedar meeting skyrocketing European demand.

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    As Assyrian society changes, political division and reaction loomed. A backlash that was hostile to foreign influence, defensive of slavery and angrily demanded restrictions on trade to protect domestic production was growing steadily stronger. This feeling found its expression among the Conservatives, for whom these concerns aligned with a wider fear of moral decay, but also among sizeable parts of the Moderate governing class. Indeed, the Moderates were growing increasingly divided along a variety of axes. While the Vizier sought to balance conservative principles on the Assyrian social order with his continued commitment to opening up to the West and modernising, others within his own faction pulled towards protectionism. Equally, alongside the rightist agitation, the question of slavery was once again growing in prominence, in particular since the Scottish conquests in East Africa. Many Moderates were increasingly beginning to question Assyrian commitment to the institution on pragmatic grounds, deeming it disruptive to the economy through its role in antagonising trade with the Scots and at risk of developing into an unprofitable economic anachronism that would hold Assyrian society back.

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    Majlis Election Result, 1823

    While these changes were afoot, the 1823 midterms appeared to show almost complete stasis, with near identical results to three years previously, the Ishtarians enduring minor slippage and the Conservatives continuing to consolidate their revival while the Moderates defended their two third Majlis majority. However, there were notable changes under the surface. In Egypt, the Conservatives were beginning to lose ground in a traditional heartland that was benefiting from international trade while gaining ground to the east. Meanwhile, the Moderates were continuing to polarise over the issue of trade, with candidates in different parts of the Republic drifting in different directions.

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    The experience of the Timurids in the first two decades had a number of parallels to Assyria. Under the reign of Khan Jahangir the empire had opened itself to the West in the hopes of arresting its relative decline. This had led to all manner of economic pain and social anxiety among elites and commoners alike. The modernising programme faced its ultimate test in the Multan War of 1819-1821 when the Timurids went to war against the Rajputs of north western India. The Persians faced a heavy military loss that saw a large part of the Punjab, one of the empire's most populous and valuable provinces, surrendered. In the aftermath of the defeat, there was significant unrest in Central Asia aimed against efforts to encourage the settlement of nomadic tribes – a reform suggested to the Great Khan by his Scottish advisers. However, with defeat to the Rajputs, Jahangir's mission was badly discredited and in 1822 his brother Husayn murdered him and seized power for himself. Husayn unleashed the fury of anti-modernist reaction on his empire, expelling the Europeans, ripping up their reforms, even destroying machinery including a small basic railway constructed in Isfahan that had been brought to Persian and turning to the Chinese model of cutting the Timurid Empire out from the global economy – almost completely restricting foreign exports into the empire and allowing only a limited number of foreign merchants to enter designated ports to purchase Persian goods.

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    In this instability, Assyria sensed weakness. In 1824, after skirmishes broke out in the mountains of the Caucuses over grazing rights among Georgian border villages, Assyria chose its moment to strike and declared war on the Timurids. While the previously conflict between these two powers had been an era defining war of epic proportions, the 1824 Persian War was a far more straight forward affair. With their modern European guns and German drilling, the Assyrian army drove through the Timurids with relative ease, further strengthening their position by cooperating with dissatisfied communities within the western border regions. With their armies in disarray, the Timurids could do little to prevent the Assyrians from swarming across the Persian heartland, capturing Isfahan, Tehran and Tabriz. The power of European technology was painfully clear for all the see.

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    Badly beaten, the Timurids surrendered in the February 1826 Treaty of Tehran. The truce saw Assyria annex the remnants of Timuirid Georgia and cede independence to two strategically placed Republics – Alania, on the western shore of the Caspian, and East Kurdistan in the Zagros. On top of these territorial changes, Isfahan made economic concessions – ending the closing of its economy to the outside world and giving special rights for the exploitation of coal and mineral resources in north western Persia to a joint German-Assyrian corporation. This was especially crucial as Assyria itself had vanishingly little access to coal within its own borders, while there were large deposits across the border in Persia.

    Not long after the triumphant end to the Persian War, Assyria approached its next set of Vizieral elections. With Seta having served two terms, he was not forced to step aside for a successor – the first Vizier to reach the post-Petuel term limit. While the glow of military victory might have been expected to have boosted a continuity candidate to an easy victory, Assyria entered one of its the most hotly contested elections of its history. The country was afflicted by a series of interlocking issues: abolitionism, free trade and foreign interference. The election would be defined by two key forces – Conservative backlash to all three of these forces and division within the Moderates in their response.

    The retiring Vizier granted his endorsement to Berge Nubar, an octogenarian Armenian parliamentarian who offered a compromise position of defending slavery while the modernising approach of his predecessor while introducing some limited tariffs to protect domestic producers. The unity of the Moderates could not be maintained as the charismatic governor of Syria, Nasib Naimy gathered the left wing of the ruling party around a platform of free trade, even deeper involvement with the west and legislation against the slave trade, partly to restore economic links to East Africa and partly for moral reasons. Reacting to this division, Conservatives channelled reactionary backlash and fears that the Moderates would betray them to the Liberals. Equally, the Ishtarians put forward a strong campaign demanding immediate action over slavery and unfettered free trade.

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    Sixth Vizieral Election Results, 1826

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    Majlis Election Results, 1826

    The results of the election were remarkable and tantalisingly close. The establishment candidate Berge Nubar was elected on by far the least support of any previous candidate, with barely more than a third of the vote. The three challengers all put in impressive showings, each winning near identical vote shares at just over a fifth of the vote. It was striking that the left-leaning Syrian Moderate Naimy not only dominated voting in his home state but reached a broad electoral, including many who had voted for Ishtarian candidates for the Majlis on the same day. The Conservatives, meanwhile, for the first time since the introduction of directly elected Viziers, saw limited slippage between their parliamentary and Vizieral support – Nubar failing to win the trust of right wing voters in the way in which Petuel and Seta had.

    That Majlis election was equally dramatic. Although the two rival Moderate candidates secured well over half the Vizieral vote, they endured a steep decline in the parliamentary contest. Indeed, the Moderates shed over a hundred seats and lost their Majlis majority for the first time since 1802. The Ishtarians made significant gains, while the Conservatives further strengthened their 1820s revival with their highest of the popular vote and Majlis seats in a quarter century. The new Vizier had stumbled through towards his own election, and was now hamstrung by a divided Majlis – needing not only to hold his own divided alliance together but reach out beyond it.

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    Nubar would not have a happy start to his time in office as by the end of the year terrible reports of rebellion and massacres in Al-Opheeria were reaching the metropolitan Republic.
     
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    1826-1834 The South African Crisis
  • 1826-1834 The South African Crisis

    The South African crisis that shook Al-Opheeria to its core in the 1820s and 1830s was decades in the making. The colony had endured harsh economic headwinds for more than a generation. Once at the centre of the global slave trade stretching between the Atlantic and Indian Ocean worlds, the colony had been hit by the collapse of the Atlantic trade in the 1780s and then the Indian Ocean trade in the 1810s in the face of Scottish power. The most heavily settled and developed part of the colony, around the Cape, had also seen many of its gold mines – for so long central to its prosperity – exploited to exhaustion. In response, increasing numbers of creoles had left the Cape for an inland trek into the South African interior. There they disrupted the balance between the comparatively small creole populations of the north and the powerful, semi-independent, Bantu tribes. As the early nineteenth century wore on, there was increasingly heated and angry competition over land, resources and political authority overlain with racialised animosity between the Middle Eastern creoles and the Africans.

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    In the midst of the destabilisation of the region, a great war chief arose among the Zulus – a Bantu ethnic group living in the north eastern corner of the colony. The Zulus had historically been divided between many different tribes, but came together to elect the great warrior Mpande as their King in the hopes that he would protect their homeland from the encouragement of the settlers. In the summer 1826, Mpande would lead his warbands to oppose the creation of a new creole settlement on traditionally Zulu land – surrounding the villages and slaughtering its three hundred inhabitants, man, woman and child. Disgusted by this barbarism, the Assyrian military garrison rushed 9,000 men to confront the Zulus with force. At the Battle of Ulundi, 60,000 Zulus would come down upon this Assyrian force and despite possessing only a few outdated rifles and no horses or artillery, would utterly destroy this force. In the aftermath of this bloody victory, Mpande proclaimed Zulu independence from Assyria and called upon all blacks – the other Bantu tribes and in particular South Africa's quarter of a million slaves – to rise up together to overthrow the creoles.

    With the Zulus launching bloody raids against settler communities throughout the northern part of Al-Opheeria during which they would massacre all the creoles they could find, free their slaves and press-gang them to join their army, their revolutionary message would spread quickly throughout Southern Africa. Indeed, the Scots, ever eager to push forward their own geopolitical agenda, would deliberately fan the flames of revolt by providing firearms to the Zulus and spreading the anti-slavery message in the Cape. It was in the southern part of Al-Opheeria, around the Cape – with its teeming Swazi slave population, that the Zulu agenda proved particularly explosive as a largescale slave revolt broke out – seeing Swazis turn on their masters with machetes, ploughs and pickaxes and swear their loyalty to the liberator King Mpande in the north.

    The situation was growing gravely out of hand. After their losses at Ulundi, the Assyrian garrison in Al-Opheeria lacked the resources to adequately defend the colony – focussing its strength in the Cape and largely leaving the creole militias of the northern interior to fend for themselves. The leaders of Al-Opheeria's colonial assembly were forced to sent a desperate plea to the north for assistance in regaining control.

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    Events in South Africa were hugely controversial in metropolitan Assyria. While there were significant pools of sympathy for the Al-Opheerians on the Right and through the public more generally, where many saw their own kith and kin suffering at the hands of the Zulus and rebel slaves, the Liberals saw the belligerence of the Al-Opheerians as the source of the bloody violence and demanded that the provision of military assistance be condition on reform in the colony. However, with Vizier Nubar leaning on the Conservatives to support his majority in the Majlis, anything other than unreserved support was out of the question. Some 50,000 soldiers would be deployed from Assyria to Al-Opheeria in 1827 to restore order to the colony.

    Working closely alongside the colony's longstanding garrison and large network of experienced creole militias, these troops would prove decisive in crushing the rebellions by the middle of 1828 under the weight of overwhelming fire power and expert military force. Acting under the pressure of the Al-Opheerian assembly, the victorious Assyrian army would shockingly allow the creole slaveholders to compensate themselves for the loss of slaves and destruction of property during the rebellion by taking a portion of the defeated rebel population into slavery – an act that echoed the earlier crushing of the Swazi Confederation a century and a half before, but drew angry condemnation both within Assyria and around the world.

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    The political consequences of the Zulu Rebellion were significant and long lasting. The brutality of the war saw a surge of abolitionist activism on the Left and a split within the Moderate Majlis caucus. The Moderate majority had been lost in the 1826 election and Vizier Nubar had become increasingly dependent on the Conservatives rather than the Liberals to maintain his grip on the Majlis. This alliance had been pushed by influential rightwingers on the Moderate benches who were staunchly pro-slavery and pro-Al-Opheerian. As such, the left wing of the Moderates were increasingly alienated from power.

    This left wing could only be pushed so far. Sidelined and ignored, a group of several dozen Moderate Majlis members under the leadership of Nasib Naimy, the runner-up in the 1826 Vizieral election, drifted away from the government. Ahead of the 1829 mid term elections, these members, many of them with governing experience and networks of influence and patronage of their own, would stun the Assyrian political realm. Uniting with the Ishtarians, they would announce the creation of the Liberal Republican Party – the first formal political party of its kind in Assyrian history, that would run on a joint manifesto of free trade, modernisation and abolitionism. The face of the new alliance would by Naimy himself, identified as the future Liberal Republican Vizieral candidate in an attempt to appeal beyond the traditional Liberal vote.

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    Majlis Election Results, 1829

    The split would pay quickly pay dividends in the following mid term elections. The Liberal Republicans surged to achieve a plurality in the Majlis. In truth, they largely defended existing Ishtarian seats and those of the Moderate defectors, with modest gains. But in the popular vote, a notable chunk of Moderate voters were detached from the governing party, following Naimy into the new Liberal block. It was the first time Liberals had been the largest block within the Majlis since Malik Abaya's coup eight decades before and only the second time since then, the other occasion being during the Conservative ascendancy of 1781-1787, that the Moderates had not been the largest faction. The combined forces of the right still had a majority in the assembly, but the left had not been so close to power in generations.

    In the aftermath of the vote, much of the Republic – and indeed many in Al-Opheeria – were gripped by terror of an imminent future Liberal victory, with fears of an upturned social order and destabilised society. With the Moderates and Conservatives pushed yet further together to maintain control of the Majlis, lines between the two groupings became increasingly blurred as the old divides over the Republic and Monarchy appeared less significant than the unifying desire to keep the Liberals out.

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    The late 1820s and early 1830s marked the moment when the first sprouts of the industrial revolution truly began to take hold in Assyria in a number of different locations. In Egypt, the large scale Italian investment in the cotton industry spilled over into the setting up of a number of textile workshops making use of industrial methods in Alexandria, Cairo and Damietta. With easy access to locally produced cotton, these mills would quickly establish themselves and by the early 1830s drive Assyrian textile production above its 1817 level despite the continued decline of traditional producers across the Republic. In Syria, the Lebanon saw notable growth in logging and processing of prized cedar trees for export to the west and a rebound in the local shipbuilding industry while in the interior wineries in particular enjoyed a period of rapid growth with the benefit of Italian investment.

    Perhaps most impressive was the construction of the first major railway in Assyria. Actually beginning in Tabriz in the Timurid Empire, it stretched westward through the valleys and passes of the Armenian Highlands to the city of Amid. This transportation artery connected the coal mines of north western Persia with the large stocks of iron ore that could be found in the Armenian highlands – allowing for growth in the domestic iron industry and the emergence of the birth of a modern steel industry. The steel and iron of Amid would then be transported down the Tigris to the great Mesopotamian cities of Nineveh, Samarra and Baghdad to fuel their own emerging industries. Assyria was embarking on a path that would change the Middle East forever.

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    Seventh Vizieral Election Results, 1832

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    Majlis Election Results, 1832

    Few elections in Assyrian history had been so hotly anticipated as 1832. After the extraordinary results of 1829 that had seen the Liberal Republicans secure a plurality in the Majlis, the prospect of an alteration of power and with it a direct threat to the existing social system was alive throughout the land. There was significant tension in the lead up to the vote, physical violence in major cities, almost jubilant riots in the Black ghettos of the North, unrest in many slave-holding states of the Republic. Tensions were deliberately emphasised by the leadership of the Moderates, who appealed strongly the the Conservative right in an effort to unite the opposition the Liberals. Ejecting the geriatric figure of Nubar in favour of a fiery rightist candidate from the Jordan Valley, Omar El-Issa, the Moderates attracted significant numbers of sitting Conservative deputies to run under their own banner. As such, the most prominent theme of the election would be the diminishing of Conservatism as an independent third force in Assyrian politics.

    The Vizieral vote was extraordinarily tight. El-Issa overcame his opponent – Nasib Naimy, the runner up six years before and the leader of the Left-Moderate faction that had rebelled to join with the Ishtarians in 1829. The Conservative third place finisher fell to by far the worst ever performance of a monarchist Vizier candidate with just 6% of the vote. In the Majlis, things were similarly tight. The Liberal Republicans actually bettered their strong mid-term result three years previously, rising to a lofty 281 seats. However, they were outweighed by the gains made by the Moderates – largely achieved by co-opting former Conservatives into their own coalition. The remaining Conservatives themselves, while continuing to hold the balance of power in the Majlis, were reduced to a rump of a few dozen members.

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    From the 1810s, Italy and Germany had been in close competition for influence in Assyria – with both nations taking significant economic and diplomatic interest in the country. These foreign interests seeped into domestic Assyrian politics. Italy had significant support in the Levant and especially in Egypt, where its investments were crucial to the growing cotton trade, while the Germans had the greatest sway in Armenia. It was partly in an attempt to shore up Moderate support in Egypt ahead of the 1832 elections that Assyria had entered into a formal alliance with Italy in 1830. By doing so, Nineveh entangled the Federal Republic in the power struggles of Europe. Just three years later, in October 1833, the alliance would be activated with the outbreak the Ragusan War, started after Italy and Byzantium came to blows over the Adriatic city of Ragusa and called upon their respective allies.

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    Events in the Ragusan War would move very fast. Despite its recent victory over the Timurids, the Assyrian military would find itself ill-equipped for war against two major European powers at once. While the Italians invaded the Byzantine Balkans through Assyrian-aligned Albania and moved to establish naval supremacy in the Eastern Mediterranean alongside the Assyrian fleet, both the Byzantines and Chernigovians would march on the Republic's territory. To the west, the Greeks quickly occupied Cilicia and moved to bring Antioch itself under siege. While overwhelming numbers, and heavy losses, would allow the Assyrians to break this siege with victory of at the Battle of Marash, their enemies remained entrenched in Cilicia. To the north, the situation was notably more dire. Badly out-gunned and out-manned, the Assyrian army in Georgia was almost totally destroyed in a lightening Russian advance through the state. Indeed, there were few parts of the Republic were Assyrian rule was as shallow and unpopular as in Georgia, and the invading Russians were surprised at the breath of sympathy they found among the indigenous peoples of the country – drawing upon many to support their forces with guides and irregular troops. The Russians were only halted in a bloody engagement around Tbilisi in the Spring of 1834, with the situation on the front appearing troubling.

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    As news of Assyria's troubles spread around her dependencies and troops were redirected towards the Middle East, colonial unrest rose to the surface. Over December and January 1834 there were a series of uprisings by Malay nationalists across Sumatra and the Indies – seeking to restore the rule of traditional Muslim aristocracies at the expense of creoles and colonial administrations. Most of these rising were small scale affairs and easily quashed, however on peninsular Malaya the rebels were able to occupy the city of Malacca itself. Seeking the capitalise on this weakness and restore its own lost territories in the region, the Koreans would enter into an alliance with the rebels in Malacca and declare war on Assyria in February 1834.

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    With her armies on the defensive on the home front and war in the Indies, Assyria would be faced by one more great calamity in the flaring up of tensions once more in Al-Opheeria. Despite the crucial aid that the Republican government in Nineveh had given to the colony during its time of great need in the midst of the Zulu Rebellions, the creoles had been growing increasingly restive. The rise of the Republican Liberal Party and its steadfast opposition to slavery and the Al-Opheerians had caused severe anxiety in the colony. El-Issa's narrow election victory in 1832 had done little to quell these fears, with a future Liberal majority appearing a certainty in the future. With the Federal Republic under such strain in early 1834, the Al-Opheerians sought to seize their moment. The colonial assembly produced a petition in April with near universal backing from Al-Opheeria's native political groups, and importantly also possessing the endorsement of the commander of the local Assyrian military garrison, that demanded that Nineveh cede complete control over domestic affairs to the colonists.

    Although the Liberal benches cried of traitors and demanded war to maintain the status quo, the Vizier's own supporters, and those of his Conservative allies in the Majlis, were filled with creole sympathisers who could not bear the thought of war against their colonial kinsmen. Instead, representatives of the government travelled to the Cape to negotiate. By the summer, they had agreed to a deal. Al-Opheeria, alongside the islands of the East African Littoral, would gain their nominal independence as a sister Republic, with complete authority over their own domestic affairs. However, Assyria would remain responsible for their defence, have control over their foreign affairs, manage their international customs and trade and possessing exclusive economic rights. Furthermore, the new Republic would be required to provide Nineveh with a portion of all gold exported from Al-Opheeria – ensuring a lucrative source of state income was not lost. The South African Republic was born with the final flurry of the decade-long South African Crisis.
     
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    1834-1840 The Road to Freedom
  • 1834-1840 The Road to Freedom

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    In the Ragusan War, Assyria's frontlines with the Byzantines and Russians stabilised over the spring and summer of 1834 – with the invaders limited to their footholds in Georgia and Cilicia. Later in the year, the Greeks launched another major excursion into Syria – this time avoiding fortifications around Antioch to strike at Aleppo. However they were fought back once more. Assyria troops regains some honour by pursuing the Greeks and recapturing Adana in Cilicia in October. However, while Assyria had struggled so greatly in the east, the war in the Balkans had proceeded very differently. From the outset of the war the Italians had used Albania as a launching pad for an invasion of Byzantine territory. From the first they met with significant success, capturing Thessalonica, Athens and Sofia as they occupied large swathes of the Empire. The performance of the Italians, rather than Assyria's struggles, ultimately decided the outcome of the war – with a peace treaty being agreed in February 1835 that saw Italy annex the city of Ragusa. Much blood had been spilt for little gain.

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    At the conclusion of peace in 1835, Georgia had been under Chernigovian occupation for well over a year. Large numbers of Georgians had welcomed the Russians and collaborated with their occupation, hoping to separate themselves from the Federal Republic. As the Russians withdrew their forces in line with the peace treaty, they left behind weaponry in the hands of former collaborators who took to the mountains to begin an insurgent rebellion against the Assyrian. Even after Republican authority was restored, these Georgian insurgents would necessitate a sizeable military presence in the country for the next decade to keep them in check.

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    While Assyrian forces had struggled to assert themselves in the Near East, in East Asia the were far more successful. The Koreans had clearly miscalculated in their surprise attack in early 1834. Colonial troops already based in the Indies easily repelled incursions into Sumatra, with the local ethnic Korean minority offering little practical support, before these troops crossed over the Malacca Strait to overwhelm Korean Malaya. As naval forces arrived to bolster the Far Eastern Fleet, a daring operation was launched from Manyila to invade and occupy the Korean-ruled island of Taiwan, off the coast of China at the end of the year. As the Ragusan War concluded in the west, the Koreans proved intransigent in negotiations, refusing to offer any concessions in their defeat. As such, in late 1835 the Assyrian fleet, travelling far from its normal area of operation, made its way to the Korean Peninsula itself. There, they inflicted heavy defeats on the remains of the Korean navy, blockaded the nations ports and even facilitated a number of raids onto the mainland by marine troops. With the war brought so close to home, Korea surrendered in November 1835 – ceding the entirety of the Malaya peninsula as well as a heavy indemnity.

    The new colonial holding in Malaya was a grand prize indeed. Its riches in gold alone were an immense financial boon to the state while the colony was also rich in a variety of other commodities and possessed sizeable and industrious Korean and Chinese ethnic minorities. Korea's defeat also saw the last serious external challenger to Assyrian domination of the East Indies pushed from the region.

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    Majlis Election Results, 1835​

    Unfortunately for El-Issa and his government, the peace with the Koreans and the annexation of Malaya was not agreed until after the 1835 mid term elections had already been held. In this vote, the Liberal Republicans furiously denounced the government for its conduct in the war with Byzantium and Chernigov, its handling of the South African Crisis and its economic stewardship. The results illustrated a continuation of pre-existing trends. The Liberals, although once again falling agonisingly short of a majority, regained their status as the largest force in the Majlis with gains in both seats and votes. The most striking change was among the Conservatives, whose sharp decline in the face of a polarisation between Moderates and Liberals continued – the grouping declining to just two dozen members and its electoral support plumbing unprecedented depths, incredibly less than half the support it had managed as recently as 1829.

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    Part of the explanation for Assyria's changing political landscape lay in economics. Through the 1810s and 1820s, Assyria had remained largely open to international trade as it attracted the influence of European partners. Trade with these external parties had aided it in its modernisation, but also badly impacted local producers who could not keep up with cheaper and superior foreign imports. As the Moderate government moved to the right, depending on both the Conservatives and Conservative-leaning backbench factions, its commitment to free trade was abandoned. Under El-Issa, the Moderates introduced new tariffs and restrictions on foreign trade. This succeeded in stabilising the market for many domestic producers but caused great consternation among those dependent on foreign trade. Most importantly, the turn towards protectionism alienated a key segment of the Egyptian electorate – who had grown rich from the emerging cotton industry and a close economic connection to Italy. While for the half century since annexation, Egypt had largely been a battleground between Moderates and Conservatives, the witheringly of traditionalist reaction, the growing attractiveness of free trade and Moderate alienation of urban minorities including Jews, Assyrians and Protestants in Egypt's cities had provided an opening to the Liberal Republicans – who had slowly began to interject into Egyptian politics. This opening would soon bare its ultimate rewards.

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    Eighth Vizieral Election Results, 1838

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    Majlis Election Results, 1838

    The past decade of anticipation since the formation of the Liberal Republican Party ahead of the 1829 elections reached its climax in 1838 as Assyria faced its first ever alteration of power. With the Conservatives increasingly close to the government and disciplined by fear of Liberal advance, the Vizieral election was a straight contest between the incumbent El-Issa and two-time runner-up Naimy. Despite the disadvantage of facing a unified right-of-centre platform, Naimy managed to overshoot Liberal Republican support in the Majlis to secure a clear victory over El-Issa and win the Viziership. It was the first Vizieral election since 1820, and only the second since 1808, in which a candidate had won with the majority of the vote. In the Majlis, the Liberals made a similarly historic breakthrough, as they picked up three dozen seats to achieve a parliamentary majority for the first time in almost a century.

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    Naimy's election, with a Liberal Republican Majlis majority to boot, was a genuinely revolutionary moment in Assyrian history. While the Moderates had from time to time lost their parliamentary, they had not once relinquished their hold on power since Malik Abaya first became Vizier in 1748, nearly a century previously. Although the Liberal Republican Party represented a dilution of the purity of historic Ishtarian Liberalism – with its unshakable commitments to the 1742 Constitution and the Revolutionary legacy – it remained a party of non-conformists, Sassinites and rebels. Many of its grievances were generations old and one of the first and most easily addressed were a series of laws that dated back the the 1760s. In the aftermath of the December Massacres of 1765-1766, Malik Abaya had passed the Laws of Sedition, that gave the state the right to censor publications, placed limits on free assembly and outright banned the organisation of unauthorised political groups. While the Laws had been unevenly enforced in the decades since, they had remained a sore for Liberals. Upon their long awaited assumption of power, these were swept away and replaced by constitutional rights to free speech and freedom of association. Alongside these changes, new reforms were introduced to improve the security of voting in Assyria with the introduction of completely secret ballots.

    While these reforms were welcome changes, they did little to address the far grander issue of slavery. Assyrian Liberals had been fighting for the abolition of the institution for more than a century, for Sassinites – who made up a disproportionately large part of the parliamentary party – the end of slavery was a religious as well as political mission. Although he had accepted the end of slavery in principle, the Vizier, a former Moderate, was not an ideological devotee of the issue and wished to proceed slowly and in a manner that would avoid unnecessary tension and conflict within the Republic. In 1839, as a first step, new laws were introduced that banned the international importation of slaves anywhere in the Assyrian empire. With South Africa's customs arrangements under Nineveh's control, this would pertain to Al-Opheeria too. This was a momentous step. While the international trade had been in decline for decades, the end of the Assyrian trade effectively ended the slave trade as a major global economic concern.

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    The second half of the 1830s were a time of growing Assyrian self confidence on the international stage, with the Republic exerting its external influence over a number of neighbouring states. Albania and Bacau had been under the Republic's wing since the Revolutionary era, while the new states of East Kurdistan and Alania had been cleaved from the Timurids at the beginning of the previous decade and were highly dependent on Nineveh from birth. In the late 1830s, Assyria would extend its influence southwards. The Muslim Arabian states of Jeddah and Sulaymans had traditionally been close to their co-religionists in Persia, but with the continued decline of Isfahan, Assyria had found itself able to fill this gap. More significant were the treaties agreed with the Fatimids. As recently as the mid-eighteenth century, the Fatimids had been a major power in their own right. However, even then their East African empire had been comparatively economically backward, and that gap had grown immensely in the decades since. As such in 1839, the Fatimids entered into a treaty of alliance with Nineveh and agreed to a series of concessions on the proviso that Assyria would shield it from the meddling of European powers and in particular protect it from the menacing presence of the Scots on the Swahili Coast, who were already threatened to disrupt the Caliphate's delicate internal social and religious structures.

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    Domestically, the banning of the slave trade had done little to ease Liberal impatience over the abolition. Naimy himself was an advocate of a patient path, well aware of the strength of feeling in favour of the institution in parts of the Republic. Yet for the fervent backbenchers of the Liberal left, any delay was not only morally unacceptable but risked seeing the Liberal Republicans grip on power, sought after for so long, slip away before its most fundamentally important mission was complete. The Vizier could not hope to hold his party together without acquiescing to abolitionist legislation coming before the Majlis.

    Undoubtedly, the strength of slave power in Assyrian politics had relaxed in recent years. Slavery had never been central to the Egyptian economy, and had been rendered ever more marginal by the ascent of the cotton trade and rise of other political issues on the Nile. Equally, Al-Opheeria's provocative actions during the South African Crisis had weakened the pro-slave faction's moral authority and its voice within the wider Assyrian empire. Only in Babylonia, Arabia, Oman and Socotra did the institution remain a major facet of life, and even in these states its profitability had shrunk rapidly with the collapse of the international trade and rise of modern agricultural techniques.

    Nonetheless, the great Emancipation Debate on the floor of the Majlis in June 1840 was one of fire and fury. An organised wing of dozens of Conservative and Moderate members adopted an aggressive and obstructionist strategy to frustrate Liberal Republican efforts to push through legislation ending slavery across the Republic. Liberal politicians were drowned out by intimidating chants of “Zulu, Zulu, Zulu” from the right of the chamber in reference to the fate of the South African Zule Rebellion. Naimy was denounced as a new Nuri Ardalan – a tyrant who would upend the social order, reject private property and lead Assyria on to a new terror. The debate eventually devolved into physical altercations and eventually an all our brawl between rival Majlis representatives. When order was eventually returned to the chamber, the hardline slaver faction of the Majlis chose not to formally vote on the Liberal motion but rose as one and filed out of the Majlis in a coordinated rejection of Emancipation. Despite this, the law passed and slavery was legally abolished in Assyria.

    The jubilation at this news was naturally greatest among the Blacks, and thousands ignored the legal restrictions that demanded they remained in their designated ghettos to flood into the centre of Nineveh in raucous celebrations that last for days until armed police forced them out. In the states across the southern periphery of the Republic, the passing of the new Emancipation law was a dark and divisive moment that many were reluctant to leave unchallenged.
     
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    1840-1847 The Pursuit of Liberty
  • 1840-1847 The Pursuit of Liberty

    While slavery had been legally abolished by the Assyrian Federal government in 1840, this did not lead to the immediate end of the institution. While slavery, passed with no dispute in Philistia, home to vanishingly few slaves in the first place, and was abolished with surprisingly little protest in traditionally conservative Egypt, the states around the Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea proved more recalcitrant. For Babylonia, Arabia and Oman, slavery was the core foundation of the social and economic structure; its end could scarcely be imagined. The resistance to emancipation would be led by the state government of Babylonia. While the Conservatives, with their sabre rattling attitude towards abolition, were still a major force in Babylonia, the state government was under the control of the Moderates – who retained a foundation of respect for the laws and institutions of the Republic. They therefore sought to dispute emancipation on constitutional grounds – drawing on the centuries' old Federalist tradition of provincial autonomy to argue that Nineveh had no right to impose abolition on the states. With this defiant pose, the Babylonian Moderates succeeded in delaying the imposition of emancipation – hoping to overturn the Liberal majority in the upcoming midterm elections and in doing so put an end to their enemies abolitionist schemes.

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    Majlis Election Results, 1841

    With emancipation still not fully implemented heading into the 1841 midterm elections, the election was dominated by this single issue. On the right, there was a resurgence of Conservative support, principally in Babylonia, which yielded modest parliamentary gains. At the same time the Liberals, denouncing the obfuscation and frustration of the will of the Majlis displayed by the Moderates, made crucial gains – increasing their parliamentary majority yet further and achieving the third highest raw vote total ever seen in a Majlis election. Bleeding support on both sides, the Moderates lost a significant share of their vote and only narrowly averted a more drastic drop in the seat tally. Naimy and the Liberals were triumphant.

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    The decisive Liberal Republican victory in the 1841 elections effectively ended the hopes of a legalistic root to resisting emancipation. Naimy, with the radicals in his own party at his back, threatened to deploy the Federal Army to free the slaves. With the Moderate-controlled government of Babylonia obfuscating over this threat, a cabal of reactionary latifundia rose the grand old flag of anti-Republican monarchist rebellion – raising ten thousand fighters and marching on Basra. With the provincial government unwilling to surrender power to the rebels, the monarchists struggled to gain traction. Lacking the support of defectors from the military, failing to capture Basra – the greatest of slave cities – owing to fire power of battleships off shore, and soon locked into battles with Muslim militias in the countryside – the rebellion was a fiasco from the start. With the arrival of Federal troops, within six months the rebels had been crushed and order restored in Babylonia.

    In the period that followed, Babylonia would endure a two year military occupation during which the end of slavery was enforced upon the province – although the freed Blacks would largely remain in the countryside as farm labourers of their former masters. Beyond Babylonia, the picture was rather different. Fearing military intervention, the administrations of Oman, Socotra and Arabia all accepted the legal end of slavery. In Oman and Socotra, the Blacks moved almost seamlessly from one form of peonage to another – with administrations placing significant legal restrictions on former slaves that would force them to remain in the employ of their former masters and restrict their freedoms. In Arabia, much of the state was virtually a law unto itself where the reach of the state had little impact. There, the clans of the desert were free to largely ignore the proclamations of Nineveh and even the provincial administration in Medina.

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    While Assyria faced its own period of internal unrest, the Balkans were aflame in a far bloodier conflict. The Byzantine Empire was home to a great many peoples who chafed under Constantinople authoritarian absolutism. In 1839, a series of uprisings had broken out across the Balkans – involving Serbs, Vlachs and Bulgarians. Seizing control over the Danube and great swathes of land to its south, the rebels were a serious threat to Imperial authority, and the Greek military would strike back with a gruesome campaign of massacre and destruction in the early 1840s. Seeing an opportunity to needle an ancient foe and bolster Assyria's international standing, in 1841 the Vizier began to openly proclaim Assyrian support for the rebels – and smuggle weapons to support them through Albania. In 1842, the situation would escalate further after the Byzantines blockaded the small Balkan Republic and Assyria responded by sending its warships to escort convoys of arms heading for Vlore.

    With both the Italians and Chernigovians open to a resumption of the Ragusan War that had only concluded seven years previously, conflict seemed inevitable. However, the Scots and Germans were very much opposed. The Scots had grown increasingly close to Constantinople over the past decade – seeing in them an important check on Assyrian power that could deny them a free hand in the Indian Ocean, where their own influence was growing, while barring them from stretching their tentacles into Europe. Meanwhile, the Germans, although long friendly with their fellow Republicans in Nineveh, had no desire to throw fuel on the fire of nationalism in their own Balkan backyard. Edinburgh and Frankfurt therefore undertook an intervention – organising a conference in Rome that saw the competing parties resolve their differences diplomatically. The Byzantines offered largely ceremonial concessions to offer a less bloodthirsty response to their restive rebels, while also agreeing to cooperation with Assyria in managing cross-border Cuman raiding. Overall, the affair did little more than save face for Assyria as the Republic was forced to back down rather than risk retribution from the Scots and alienation from Germany.

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    Assyria's shirking of international conflict was in part based upon the fragility of its own economic position as the early 1840s saw it slump into a deep recession. The forces that battered the Assyrian economy were multifaceted – based on harvests, the vagaries of capitalist over expansion and international markets. In a society that remained a predominantly agricultural and subsistence based, a succession of relatively poor harvests in these years had devastating impacts – leading to sporadic food and raw material shortages, price rises and an outward migration from the cities to the countryside as many sought greater food security in rural areas, thereby leaving behind labour shortages in the cities. The agricultural crisis was only worsened by the dislocation associated with the end of slavery and the violence that had accompanied it in Babylonia – home to some of the most productive lands in the Republic, with its plantation-style economy.

    Industries that had enjoyed strong growth in the 1830s, during which time they had been the motors of the first stages of Assyria's industrialisation, were badly hit. Steel and iron saw drops in production in the region of 10%, while the arms industry saw output fall by half between 1840 and 1843 following the resolution of the Bulgarian crisis.

    Perhaps most significant was the demise of the textiles. Egypt had emerged as a key player in the Mediterranean economy with the development of its vibrant cotton production. While predominantly an exporters, to largely Italian buyers, in the 1830s Egypt had emerged as the fastest growing part of the Assyrian economy on the back of a growing domestic textiles industry. In an economy that had grown ever more open to foreign imports under the Liberal Republicans, these emerging Egyptian mills had enjoyed only very thin profit margins at the best of times and were swept away by the recession of the early 1840s, with Assyria's total textile production dropping to less than two thirds of its 1830 level at its low point in 1842 before recovering somewhat – albeit to a far lower base than it had enjoyed at the start of the decade.

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    Ninth Vizieral Election Results, 1844

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    Majlis Election Results, 1844

    The weak economic picture provided the backdrop for a difficult re-election campaign for the incumbent Liberal Republican Vizier, Naimy, entering his fourth consecutive Vizieral contest. Despite the ructions of abolition and the Babylonian revolt, the Moderates had emerged from the crisis united and stronger than ever – credited for their resistance to the Liberals, but also their legal approach. This aided them in cannibalising Conservative support – sending their once mighty rivals towards a handful of holdouts – while at the same time holding to the centre ground and benefiting from exhaustion with Naimy's government. This recipe was enough to bring the Moderates to the very cusp of victory – falling short by scarcely believable margins. In the Vizieral contest, the Moderate candidate, an energetic Syriac industrialist Ephrem Midyat, came within six and a half thousand votes of unseating the first ever Liberal Vizier. In the Majlis, the Moderates saw a heavy swing in their favour, powered by the collapsing Conservative vote, that saw them reach within five seats of an outright majority and one behind the Liberal Republicans – thereby bringing an end to six years of Liberal control in the Majlis. The Conservatives, alienated from the masses by their violent and failed response to emancipation, were an increasingly defensive and embittered rump of their former glory.

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    In the years since the victory in the abolitionist struggle, Assyrian Liberalism had been changing. While many, particularly around the Vizier, saw their core reformist mission largely at an end, the militant backbencher faction who had held Naimy's feet to the fire over slavery remained unsatisfied. These hardline Liberals called themselves the Dawronoye – taking the name of the insurrectionist cells that had fought against Malik Abaya's power during the December Massacres. They saw themselves as the true carriers of the flame of the Assyrian Revolution and the radical constitution of 1742 – supporting universal manhood suffrage, equal treatment for the Blacks, land reform and a strictly secular state.

    One of the key axes upon which liberal hardliners would define themselves on would be religion. Although the eighteenth century Assyrian Republic had been fairly secular state, the role of religion had steadily risen since the 1780s with the annexation of devout Lower Egypt and the reconciliation with the traditionalist Church of the East. Under the leadership of self-confident and assertive leaderships, religiously conservative clerical leaderships in Catholic Lower Egypt and Philistia, Nestorian Mesopotamia and Islamic Upper Egypt, Arabia and Oman had intertwined themselves closely with the state – placing their symbols, ideology and political influence into the heart of government, courts and administration. Only in Syria, Armenia and the Caucuses was religious influence kept in check. For many Liberals, this represented another element of Moderate-led rightwing backsliding away from the ideal of the Revolution, even as few in the leadership of the Liberal Republicans dared involve themselves in a direct confrontation with the Churches and Mosques.

    However, the central feature of the radical liberals agenda was the question of suffrage. Since 1752, Assyria had possessed a very stable and limited franchise based on men of property. For nine decades of Moderate ascendancy, this status quo had never been seriously challenges. Yet throughout this time the 1742 constitution, with its mass franchise, had been a touchstone for generations of Liberals who now saw that their time had come to restore it. Naimy, coming from a Moderate tradition, was very wary of a revolutionary shift towards a mass electorate and sought to resist it as best he could. Nonetheless, with divides within the Liberal Republicans growing, a compromise position was sought. The party would stand on a programme calling for a significant extension of the electorate in the up coming midterm elections, although the right to vote would remain restricted by a wealth-qualification.

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    After a low point earlier in the decade, the mid-1840s saw the beginning of a dramatic upswing in Assyrian economic fortunes. Central to this were bountiful cotton harvests on the Nile, which produced a glut of cheap cotton and facilitated both a revival of Egyptian mills that had fallen away in previous years and a scattering of new textile workshops in the Levant – principally in the great Syrian cities. Between 1845 and 1847, Assyrian textile production doubled – reaching its highest ever level. Elsewhere, the steel and iron production that was the cornerstone of the other major centre of Assyrian industry in Armenia and northern Assyria-Superior witnessed even more imposing growth as steel production rose two and a half fold in the same period between 1845 and 1847. While other manufacturing sectors performed much less spectacularly, there was a wider stabilisation of agriculture – with Babylonia in particular recovering from the worst of its crisis at the start of the decade, even if it remained much weakened by the end of slavery.

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    Majlis Election Results, 1847

    Standing on its most clear and radical political programme since the abolitionist debates a decades before, the Liberal Republican Party restored its parliamentary majority with an exceptional performance that saw its Majlis vote soar to an absolute majority for the first time. Although the Conservatives remained a shadow of their former selves, they nonetheless experienced a very modest recovery. Despite now dominating the traditionally ascendant centre and right wing of Assyrian politics, the Moderates lost a great many of the seats they had gained three years previously. Entering his final Majlis term as Vizier, nine years into his premiership, Naimy now had a mandate to transform the static landscape of Assyrian politics for good.
     
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