Pax Britannica – A Great Britain AAR

[Koweth]

 

[Koweth]

Hi there! I've seen a few mega-campaign AARs be done in the past, and was inspired to make an account, and do my own. I started as the Count of Rouen in 867, as a custom Norse ruler under the vassalage of the Duke of Neustria. Eventually, I converted to Catholicism, and it all went from there. I'll try and make the AAR as interesting as possible to read (hopefully). As of this post, I'm a few hundred years from the start date, so we shall see how good my story-telling abilities are.

• I'll try my best to post weekly on the thread(s), so be prepared for an epic tale of chivalry, war and empire.

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[Koweth]

Anglo-Saxon Settlement (410 – 865)

The British Isles following the collapse of the Roman Empire’s control within England in 410, became a highly volatile and unpredictable battleground; one which cultures and kingdoms vied for control over the island. Prior to the early fifth century, Celts were the predominant people throughout the entirety of Britain and Ireland – and formerly being the dominant culture throughout the majority of western Europe. However, this changed following Rome’s evacuation of Britain. A collection of Germanic tribes, commonly known as the Anglo-Saxons began to migrate from North-western Europe, significantly changing the demographics of England. Through conquest and displacement of the Romano-Briton culture of southwest England, Saxons soon became the principal culture within England – unable to displace the Celtic Britons from Cornwall, Wales and Scotland.

Through the domination of the Anglo-Saxons throughout Britain, the various tribes which covered the landscape of England eventually organised into seven separate kingdoms; forming a Heptarchy of Saxon monarchies which would control England for centuries. The governance of a realm throughout the heptarchy was rather unique for its time, being less feudal in nature. The monarch for most Saxon realms were chosen by the Witanagemot, with most Kings needing approval to rule from these feudal magnates.

Such monarchies, however, were Pagan. Upon the evacuation of Rome, England had returned to traditional polytheism with the migration of Saxons. This would, however, change in the late sixth century. A mission to the Kingdom of Kent by the monk Augustine quickly appealed to the Saxon peoples. Missionaries scattered throughout England had eventually proselytised the entire region – with Saxon polytheism being a minor English religion by the seventh century. This was largely thanks to the efforts of Augustine, who became the first Archbishop of Canterbury; and was revered as a saint upon his death in 604.

 

[Koweth]

Great Heathen Army (865 – 913)

The Anglo-Saxons of England and their domination of Britain was not to last. A new threat in the dawn of 865 faced both the Celts and Saxons; with Norse Vikings pillaging and plundering their way through realms and tribes, conveying an unforeseen level of belligerence and ruthlessness toward their adversaries. A coalition of Norsemen led by Halfdan 'Whiteshirt' Ragnarsson sought to create their own domain within these virgin lands; waging a deadly conflict against the Heptarchy of England to forge their own destiny. Decisive victories against the armies of Northumbria and Mercia provided an opportunity for these conquerors to forge a uniquely Norse kingdom in the heart of Saxon England – the Kingdom of Jórvík. The Viking kingdom of Jórvík, centred around the trading city of York, facilitated the expansion and dominance of both paganism and Norse culture throughout the entirety of the British Isles.

Scotland, however, was the most affected by the advances of Ragnarsson’s Great Heathen Army. Upon the ascension of Ivar ‘the Boneless’ as Scottish monarch, the domination of Norse polytheism and culture created massive cultural and political consequences for the Brythonic monarchy – be it positive or negative. Nonetheless, the southern kingdoms of England suffered near constant Viking harassment and pillaging, stunting England’s development for decades until a unifying authority intervened. For most of the 9th and 10th centuries, Vikings reaped the fruits of Anglo-Saxon labour.

 

[Koweth]

An Unexpected Occurrence (914 – 933)

The Great Heathen Army’s invasion of Anglo-Saxon England had dire consequences for West Germanic political dominance of Britain; with the peasantry’s grievances of increased taxation and tithes collected by church officials from the years of skirmishing presenting itself in 914. The Great Peasant Revolt of 914 destabilised the seven kingdoms of England – and hampered the effective sway of monarchs. This resulted in not only Norse Vikings exploiting such an event, but the Saxons’ neighbours south of the Channel. Norse-Frankish Normandy, under the vassalage of the Frankish king, saw ample opportunity to expand their effective domain. Under the leadership of their Duchess, Freyja, a full-scale invasion was conducted to subjugate West Saxon holdings around the Thames river, with their armies consisting of Frisian and Frankish mercenaries to bolster their numbers.

Freyja and her army of twelve-thousand landed in Surrey to face the West Saxon armies – led by the ageing King of Wessex Edward the Elder. The Normans faced an undersupplied, yet plucky foe, well versed in combat methods of Late Antiquity; however ill-equipped and demoralised from decades of fighting amongst themselves, and the Vikings. Despite the numerical advantage the Saxons had, they were unable to dislodge the Norman armies from the Thames – despite numerous attempts made by Edward the Elder.

As the Norman armies marched to the West Saxon capital of Winchester, the King of Wessex desperately scrambled to organise a defence of his southern holdings. Unfortunately for the Saxons, his desperate scramble for a proper defence against their southern foe proved to be in vain. The Battle of Basingstoke, which mortally wounded Edward, allowed the Duchess’ armies to threaten the capital of Wessex in Winchester. The death of Edward the Elder and the ascension of King Sigehelm concluded the conflict, with the young monarch suing for peace in late 925. The following treaty granted the Normans the majority of West Saxon holdings along the Thames, crippling Wessex’s influence on trade throughout the Channel.

Upon the Duchess of Normandy’s death in 933, the Normans, although a vassal of West Francia, was a new formidable force within England, being able to punch above its weight and defeat the Saxon juggernaut of Wessex in battle.

 

[Koweth]

William 'the Foolish' (933 – 953)

The death of the Duchess of Normandy in 933 saw the ascension of an unprepared, ineffective monarch – one who was prone to violent outbursts and binge drinking. Being the fourth son of Duchess Freyja, Duke William was not the obvious choice for such an important Ducal title within the Frankish realm. The Duke led a lavish lifestyle, embezzling funds for the redevelopment of Saxon lands within England for elaborate and luxurious parties held within his court in Rouen. In addition to his ostentatious lifestyle, the various feudal obligations provided to William were used to fuel his alcoholism. His dependence on alcohol exacerbated the Duke’s irritable nature; often physically harming his retainers for minor infractions.

Duke William’s ineptitude did not end with embezzlement and physical abuse; but the disrespect of treaties signed by his late mother concluding the Norman invasion of the early 10th century. William waged an inconclusive and unconscionably expensive war against the Saxons to his west – under the impression that the Anglo-Saxons would once more buckle under the pressure of the Norman advance. Notwithstanding the assumptions of Duke William, Wessex had recovered from the Great Peasant Revolt, and had aligned themselves with Mercia; a strategic alliance to repel the foreign conquerors to their north and south.

William’s embezzlement of much-needed tax revenue consequently left the Norman armies of 940 embarrassingly undersupplied and underequipped, with the Saxons handing William’s armies crippling defeats at Gloucester and Berkhamsted. The arrogant nature of William prevented a petition to his liege for additional funding for his armies until 944, when the Normans had retreated to a small slither of holdings along the north of the Thames.

Thanks to the efforts of William’s council, Normandy’s men-at-arms were once more competent on the battlefield. A major victory at the Second Battle of Gloucester provided William a chance to repel the Saxon advance, with the Mercian monarch Ælfred ‘the Impaler’ being captured in the rout. The Duke’s Marshal, exploiting this advantage, ravaged the Saxon countryside, crippling the economies of Wessex and Mercia, causing a treaty which would grant Normandy Kent, and East Anglia. This war, although successful for William, was rather pyrrhic – with large amounts of blood spilled over supposed ‘minor’ concessions from the Saxon kingdoms.

In addition to his perceived incompetence on both the battlefield and administration, his uncouth and uncourtly attitude in the face of his liege Adelchis II ostracised him from Frankish politics; and granting the Duke an unsavory nickname of ‘the Foolish’. This, in addition to his public perception, further drove him into the bottle. His lavish parties and imprudent spending brought the ducal treasury to the brink of bankruptcy, only saved by the successful ransom of the Mercian king.

However, it would appear to many that his sins had eventually caught up with him. In 947, his second daughter, Cecilia was brutally murdered in a Viking raid in Colchester. Subsequently, the Duke would be diagnosed by his court physicians with tuberculosis in 950. This pushed the Duke into further isolation from his family and close confidants, blaming his deteriorating state on his wife. His duties were further delegated to his heir and an organised regency council. The Duke, three years later, died alone in his bed – granting an unfavourable reputation to his kinsmen of his dynasty for decades to come.

 

[Koweth]

Founding of a Kingdom (953 – 974)

Charles I 'the Norman', 939 - 991
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Upon the death of Duke William I, his eldest son inherited the throne. Well liked by his nobility and peasantry for being the polar opposite of his father, the young Duke was admired for his prowess in combat and strategic mind in terms of mediaeval warfare, however his shortcomings came in terms of proper administration. Charles, understanding his shortcomings, delegated much administrative authority to his Counts which he relied to effectively collect tax and administrate the realm. Thankfully for the Duke, his popularity amongst the Norman lords effectively allowed trust to be correctly placed in his subordinates. His Steward, the Count of Anjou, emphasised a policy of trade and commerce; attempting to attract merchants from the Hansa and Mediterranean into Norman trade cities of London, Colchester and Rouen.

Charles’ aims were clear: restore the prestige of his House, and expand his authority and influence into Saxon England. Both goals were intersecting – with the prestige of his House linked directly to finding glory in combat. What Charles worked effectively with were military reforms – more notably increasing the standards which his men-at-arms and levies were to operate. His reforms to the Norman military structure whipped his armies into one of the most proficient throughout the Frankish realm; with his liege, Arnaud I praising the Duke’s defence of his northern territories in Flanders.

His ambition would not end there – seeking retribution for the humiliating defeats of the 6-year war fought prior to his reign. Once more, Norman armies crossed the Channel to face their Saxon adversaries. But, Charles would not face the divided foe his father had struggled with in the decade prior, for a succession war concerning the Kingdom of Mercia following Ælfred’s death in 965. The King of Wessex, Ælfweard marched into Mercian lands, tenuously claiming he was the rightful heir to the Mercian throne; contending with Mercian nobility for the crown.

Charles’ march to the new Saxon capital of Winchester saw a deadly strategy implemented that would deprive the enemies of precious tax and resources, while enriching his army in his devastating advance. Waging a destructive Chevauchée within southern Wessex, this crippled West Saxon revenue, starving the realm of much-needed funding.

However, Charles’ distractions within Wessex’s southern territories granted ample opportunity for the Saxons to make their way to the nucleus of Norman control throughout England: London. The city, conquered four decades prior to Charles’ war in 965, had eventually evolved to be the centre of commerce and trade throughout southern England – providing innumerable amounts of revenue for the crown. Ælfweard sought to exploit such a reliance on the city’s revenue, and subsequently sacked the settlement in 967. Charles, although too late to intercept Ælfweard’s armies, handed a crushing defeat to the Saxons months later at Brampton Wood. This prompted the King of Wessex to petition to his Lancastrian allies for aid – which the King, Cynehelm, obliged.

The battle of Nottingham in 967 was a decisive victory for Charles and his forces, capturing the Lancastrian King. Charles subsequently besieged Nottingham – and in doing so struck down the King of Wessex.

The late King Ælfweard’s son, Æthelwulf, along with a contingent of Lancastrian knights, fled to the capital of Wessex’s ally in Lancaster. A desperate defence of the Lancastrian capital led by the Earl of Somerset at Salford halted Norman forces for a short period, but was ultimately for naught. With Norman forces encroaching on the holding of Lancaster, King Æthelwulf sued for peace. In an oddly similar fashion to the treaty of 922, King Æthelwulf was forced to sign a humiliating treaty which handed lands south of the Greater Ouse and Thames river to Duke Charles in exchange for another truce of 10 years between Wessex and Normandy.

On the 31st of January, 974, Duke Charles crowned himself King of the English. In a lavish ceremony, Charles was crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury in Westminster Abbey. This resounding victory had restored the House of Normandy's prestige prior to Duke William’s reign – and made Charles’ realm separate from West Francia – although paradoxically would still be a vassal of France due to Charles maintaining lands in Normandy and Anjou.

 

[Koweth]

Northern Conquests (974 – 978)

36-year-old Charles, despite titling himself ‘King of the English’, in effect, only had sway over the south of England – with his authority ending north of the Rivers Avon and Nene. The north of England had descended into anarchy as early as 937, with the Viking Kingdom of Jórvík collapsing upon the death of Úlfkell I. The once-mighty Norse kings of Jórvík had been reduced to coastal holdings along the North Sea by 974. Conversely, the realm of Scotland had expanded beyond its traditional borders. King of the Scots Hróðgeirr clashed with the Norse kings of Jórvík over Northumbria – with Hróðgeirr eventually defeating his rivals at the Battle of Darlington in early 961, securing the region for Scotland. Upon such a crushing defeat, the Anglo-Saxon inhabitants in the east of Jórvík’s realm declared the Kingdom of Lancaster following a popular revolt in 963.

Ever since the Great Heathen Army conquered large swathes of the north, they had reintroduced Paganism, more specifically the Norse religion of Ásatrú. Charles saw this as an opportunity to not only expand his realm – but to declare a war which was divine and just. To convert the infidels of the northern Kingdom, and reintroduce Christianity. 975 saw a declaration of war handed to the King of Jórvík, Hýsingr. The sad state of affairs befalling the Norse monarchy after the wars over Northumbria provided no hope of defiance against the English war machine. A desperate defence at Scarborough with King Hýsingr’s 1,230 men against the numerically superior English army failed to stop Charles’ advance into Jórvík’s lands. By the 26th of September 976, Hýsingr and the nobility of the Kingdom were forced to flee further northward to Durham – eventually conceding his kingly title to Charles by March 976.

For Charles, the Kingdom of Lancaster was the next in his sights. The bustling port of Lancaster, the Kingdom’s capital holding, was a strategically important coastal city, and was too vital to remain in the hands of a foreign ruler. In November of the same year, Charles’ forces waged a war of subjugation against King Cynehelm of Lancaster. Without their Wessexian, now Mercian allies, the Lancastrians were unable to defend their holdings. King Cynehelm’s army was repeatedly crushed by his adversary’s forces, with the Lancastrian army being routed at the battle of Lancaster, leaving the city vulnerable to a siege.

Multiple efforts to relieve Lancaster proved to be ineffective at dislodging Charles and his besieging army, causing the city to fall on the 20th of April 977. Skirmishes in the hinterland of Lancaster continued until 978, when King Cynehelm renounced his claim to the Lancastrian throne, and swore allegiance to Charles as the Earl of Lancaster. King Charles’ swift and brutal conquest of the northern realms had unintentionally surrounded the Mercian kingdom, and had almost prevented their merchants from reaching the sea.

 

[Koweth]

A Deadly Dispute (978 – 980)

Despite the opportunity Charles had created, the King did not press home his advantage. Instead, he chose to let the Mercians make the first move. The independent Earldom of Cheshire had been hotly contested following Earl Cearl Cuthrædson’s decision to break away from the crumbling Kingdom of Lancaster in 976. Both England and Mercia had been vying for Cuthrædson’s lands, with Charles aiming to deprive Mercia of any connection by sea. Both recognised the value of Cheshire, and fought hard over it diplomatically. The two Kings vied over control of the Earldom, sending tributes, diplomatic envoys and personally visiting Earl Cuthrædson’s court in Chester. Eventually, Charles convinced Cuthrædson of the benefits of his realm, upon which the Earl made an oath of allegiance to the Norman King in London.

This, as expected, made the King of Mercia, Æthelwulf II furious. Charles had deprived Mercia of coastal lands that his realm was entitled to. Æthelwulf issued a diplomatic protest, claiming that he was the sole, rightful King of the English, and Charles’ claim was completely illegitimate, being a foreigner from the lands of West Francia. Æthelwulf claimed that his father, Ælfweard had been considered as “King of the English” decades before the crowning of Charles in London, and the house of Wessex was ancestrally linked to the lands upon which they ruled. Charles claimed that he had been crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and had officially derived his authority from God, unlike Æthelwulf. This put both monarchs’ legitimacy in question, a question which could only be answered through war.

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[Koweth]

“Wyrd Bið Wended Hearde" (981 – 991)

The question of who should dominate the landscape of England for the upcoming centuries would culminate in a war in 980 which would shape the nation’s future, and the British Isles’ – Either causing the expulsion of the Normans, or continued Anglo-Saxon submission to a foreign invader. The first to strike was the Mercians, paving a way to London with fire and steel – with the largest army Britain had ever seen, bolstered by Gaelic and West Francian mercenaries. During Æthelwulf II’s march to London, Charles was attending a banquet in Angers, far removed from the conflict of his English lands. Generally, Charles was an absentee ruler, with his court being held in Rouen – despite the official “capital” being within London. Communication between London and Rouen was essential, and took time for letters to reach both settlements. Æthelwulf’s march to London did not reach Charles for days, providing his adversary much-needed time to prepare and pillage his realm.

Once news reached Normandy, Charles was taken aback, with an invasion of his realm being an unexpected development. During spring of 980, Charles frantically mustered his armies to defend England, unable to fight the enemy from across the channel – waiting for the winds to blow in his favour. During Charles’ desperate call-to-arms in Rouen, Æthelwulf II besieged the Normans’ centre of administration in London, attempting to remove any semblance of order within Charles’ English realm.

By January of 981, the winds had finally blown in the Normans’ favour, with various armies landing in Eastbourne, Sussex. Æthelwulf’s triumphant invasion of Norman England was soon to be short-lived. Charles’ army entered London on the 14th of March, 981 – witnessing the sight of an inferno engulfing northern London. The Mercians had set northern London alight in defiance of Charles’ claim to England – intending to incinerate any sign of the Norman ‘occupation’. This event was dubbed the “Great Fire of London”, with most buildings north of the Thames ravaged by the conflagration. Amidst the chaos of the Great Fire, the King’s eldest son and heir, Edward, was captured. Charles sought unvirtuous amounts of retribution for the boldness of Æthelwulf.

The two clashed in mid-to-late 981, with major battles in Luton and Northampton ending in pyrrhic victories for Charles, with his army suffering innumerable losses in comparison to Æthelwulf II. The Normans struggled to defend their frontier from the overwhelming Mercian army, with direct confrontation no longer a possibility for Charles. Although the Mercians had a significant numbers advantage, the employment of mercenaries within their ranks was crippling the Mercian treasury, soon unable to pay the avaricious soldiers of fortune at their disposal. Conversely, the Norman armies Charles was fielding were almost exclusively men-at-arms, consisting largely of heavy infantry, with very few levies being raised for war.

The Mercians’ maintenance of their mercenary horde was not to last. After Æthelwulf II refused to pay a set of West Francian mercenaries in mid-983, the rapacious soldiers sacked the Mercian city of Warwick to compensate for their lack of payment – which caused a massive defection of Mercian soldiers-for-hire to take payment into their own hands. With the mercenaries under the employ of Æthelwulf becoming increasingly rebellious, Charles dared to exploit this weakness within the Mercian army. The Norman forces watched with careful eyes as their prey abandoned their garrison at Leicester, providing an unobstructed path to their foe’s capital of Nottingham.

Toward the end of 984, Leicester was under Norman control. This threatened Æthelwulf’s capital holding, with the Anglo-Saxon king frustrated at the course of events which put him on the backfoot. Outraged at the lack of respect for the mercenaries sacking his cities, the Mercian monarch blamed the betrayal of his men squarely on the shoulders of Charles, condemning him and his accursed dynasty for the downfall of the House of Wessex, and spent many days outraged under the fact that Charles’ men murdered his father in cold blood. Æthelwulf believed he needed to take his frustration out on his prisoner, Edward. From this hatred of Charles, Edward was beheaded, with his head sent to Charles in Leicester as revenge for the grievances the Norman King had caused him. This deeply disheartened Charles, shocked at the brutality and brashness of Æthelwulf II’s actions to murder his son. This prompted the march to Nottingham, where the Mercian King and his Witenagemot resided. The remainder of Æthelwulf’s men-at-arms provided a desperate defence of the King’s capital – however, were very few in numbers as a consequence of the Battle of Northampton.

The Mercian men-at-arms and levies numbering in the hundreds managed to hold in the face of a much larger adversary, with the Norman force of 6,000 laying siege to the capital for six months. By January of 985, Charles and his men managed to break through to the inner bailey, and massacred the few that remained within the walls – including the Witenagemot and Æthelwulf II. The late king’s last words were supposedly “Wyrd Bið Wended Hearde,” Old English for ‘fate is difficult to change’.

Æthelwulf II became the third monarch of the House of Wessex to be struck down by invading Norman armies. Upon his death, the nobles of the realm swore fealty to Charles, and proclaimed that his England was the sole legal governing entity. With the age of the Anglo-Saxon kings over, and the domination of the Anglo-Saxons within England ending, Charles officially dissolved the Kingdoms of Lancaster, York, Northumbria, Wessex, Mercia, Kent and East Anglia. The sole authority within the region of England was Charles’ realm by the Winter of 985.

However, this great victory came at a great personal cost for Charles. Toward the end of the conflict, Charles began hallucinating, witnessing people and events which he believed were real. More notably, the 52-year-old monarch saw his son hobbling around the halls of his residence in Rouen. Many within his court viewed Charles as a lunatic, a once-great man who could now not tell what was real and what was not. This reputation haunted the King during his final years, and in May of 991, Charles suddenly died of heart failure – during a walk to his courtyard. He, like his father, was buried in Saint-Ouen Abbey, in Rouen.

 

[Koweth]

Northern Anarchy (974 – 997)

Although anarchy had gripped England’s north following Charles’ Northern War of 974, the origins of the total breakdown of order and civility began during the death throes of the Kingdom of Jórvík, as early as 936. The passing of King Úlfkell I became the catalyst of a series of premature deaths – and often inept rulers who administered the House of Sigurd’s domain. Norse kings would often rule for less than a decade, namely Úlfkell II, whose reign lasted a meagre two years. Unremitting Scottish offensives into Jórvík’s Northumbrian frontier continued to destabilise the moribund monarchy. Anglo-Saxon Catholics within the kingdom’s eastern holdings, unwilling to remain tied to their Norse overlords, declared the Kingdom of Lancaster in 963. The declaration of a Lancastrian monarchy caused the total breakdown of order throughout the remains of the withering Kingdom of Jórvík – with the native Anglo-Saxon population taking up arms against their Norse conquerors.

King Hýsingur the Last of Jórvík, inheriting the throne upon the death of his father in 968 – was granted a doomed monarchy. Although proclaimed King of Northumbria, the dwarf king's realm solely consisted of the city of York. This largely contributed to the downfall of the Norse monarchy at the hands of Charles of Normandy, with Hýsingur’s army almost entirely consisting of a detachment of Jomsvikings. Although conquered by a rival power, anarchy maintained a tight grip over England’s northern reaches – with the exemption of the city of Lancaster.

Despite the fact the Norse population of Jórvík received unduly persecution from their Anglo-Saxon peasantry, none were as violently exterminated as the Anglo-Norse. The Anglo-Norse culture formed during the golden age of King Úlfkell I, a result of the increased intermingling between the Norse nobility and their Anglo-Saxon counterparts. However, the Peasant Revolt of 963 had soon associated the culture with Heathenry – and as a consequence, resulted in the persecution of thousands. Violent carnage filled the streets of town centres, mainly targeting the Anglo-Nordic lower nobility. A decade of continued non-intervention by Norman barons inadvertently snuffed out the last vestiges of this unique community – with the last of the culture lynched in 986.

A lack of order and justice within the northern realms were exacerbated during the Unification War between Mercia and Normandy, with Mercian armies inflicting deadly raids and pillages against northern villages. The north, as a result, remained largely undeveloped and a backwater for much of Late Antiquity – despite the best efforts of monarchs to restore the region to its pre-Anarchy development.

 

[Koweth]

Inner Workings of a Realm (991 – 1002)

Right Picture: King William 'the Norman' of England​

Although King Charles had conquered much of England during his thirty-eight-year reign – the late monarch hadn’t consolidated his conquests, nor expanded the bureaucracy which held the delicate feudal society of the Dark Ages together. As such, the King’s sway over England was limited to the southern regions – with vassals north of the Chiltern Hills receiving unprecedented degrees of autonomy. Upon the crowning of King William I within Westminster Abbey, the young monarch was burdened with innumerable issues concerning the hinterlands of his realm. The system of taxation which was in place within mediaeval England was rather implied than law – hamstringing the Anglo-Norman economy, which hampered the effective authority of the monarch.

Young William was in a difficult situation. The administrative elements of his realm were in shambles, and his effective dominion over the northern feudal lords remained tenuous. An intervention from a central authority was required to restore order to these lawless lands, ruled by nobles who had absolute control. Norman men-at-arms were scattered throughout the Mercian and Northumbrian territories – in an attempt to impose William’s carte blanche over his kingdom.

When it came to the administration of a realm, the Anglo-Saxon governmental systems were more sophisticated than their Norman counterparts – with the land of the Anglo-Saxon realms being divided into Shires, and subdivisions under them; with each Shire being administered by officials known as shire-reeves. The Anglo-Saxons maintained a justice system to protect the rights of all free men. Furthermore, Wessex in particular held a permanent treasury in Winchester, unlike most feudal courts.

This sophisticated system was brought back to life by William I, which re-introduced the land division and system of courts which existed from the 9th and late-10th centuries. In addition to the reorganisation of land under the Anglo-Saxon system, King William maintained a royal monopoly on the ability to mint coins – with permission being granted to very few moneyers on the condition that it be scrutinised under the standards of King William’s writ issued in late 992. Very few Anglo-Saxons were employed within the central government, with Normans dominating the political landscape of a foreign kingdom.

The re-introduction of Anglo-Saxon administrative systems was not limited to the division of the realm. The Anglo-Saxon tithes collected from the nobility were also restored. Various taxes were levied upon the shires of England, with the more significant ones being the ‘heregeld’, the army tax; and the ‘geld’, a land tax. Collection of tax under William, and future Anglo-Norman monarchs were the Anglo-Saxon ‘hide’, originally a unit of measurement – then tax assessment. All royal tax collectors following the ascension of William were provided with an escort of men-at-arms, particularly in the north, with the King attempting to restore order to the northern territories through this practice. As a result of increased control by the crown, William involved himself in a struggle between his northern feudal lords and himself – with the question under debate being a matter of centralization or autonomy.

The first ten years of William’s reign also marked a period of cultural blending, with the Normans being vastly outnumbered by the Anglo-Saxons in terms of population. The upper nobility of England instead attempted to adopt certain Anglo-Saxon customs and few traditions – to provide a familiar face to the peasantry and lower nobility. The intention was to prevent any of their conquered subjects to garner sympathy for the old House of Wessex, and be more inclined to support their Norman conquerors. Additionally, as the Normans gradually entered Saxon society within England, continental culture was carried to England. Particularly, sophisticated architectural designs for castles. Castles, under the reign of William were constructed throughout the many shires of England as a way to both pacify and control their foreign subjects through projections of power. Despite the reforms William had made to the Kingdom he ruled over, he would not have the military prestige nor prowess his father once had. This was something William intended to fix through righteous conquest.

 

[Koweth]

Westward Expansion (1002 – 1013)

Although William had reformed the bureaucratic elements of his realm by the turn of the century, much was to be desired in terms of military prowess. Young William didn’t have the reputation of his late father – nor was as adept at warfare – but sought after the same respect and loyalty others had for Charles. Therefore, the monarch looked to the Celtic kingdoms of the west, and saw an opportunity for conquest and glory.

The southwest became the first target of William’s subjugation of the western realms, with Cornwall receiving an ultimatum, demanding the abdication and allegiance of the Cornish nobility. The south-western Celtic monarchy refused the outrageous demands of King William – emboldened by their alliance with their Celtic brethren to the south in Brittany. Such a response, to the Normans, warranted war. Armies of the King marched into the Cornish hinterland in November of 1003, with aims to incorporate the small kingdom into the behemoth of the British Isles. The English armies of King William swept away the Cornish-Breton armies awaiting their adversary in Crediton, with the war culminating in a swift seven-month conquest of the southwestern Celts.

Emboldened by the rapid conquest of Cornwall, William looked upon his western neighbours with covetous, and perhaps zealous eyes. The majority of Wales had been united under the Principality of Gwynedd during the botched Unification War of 981–85 between Normandy and Mercia – with the Prince, Llywelyn the Great yearning to be crowned “King of Wales”. However, upon the death of Æthelwulf II in 985, the English crown inherited the vassalage of various southern Welsh lords – with the nucleus of Anglo-Norman control centred around the lordship of Glamorgan. King William sought to expand his dominion over Wales through conquest. The Welsh as a people were not Roman Catholic. Instead, they were a branch of Christendom which had been far removed from the Roman Catholic Church over centuries of isolation. This, in a similar fashion to the northern conquests of 974-78, whipped the peasantry and nobility of England into a religious frenzy – intending to convert the heretical lords of Wales and introduce responsible Anglo-Norman rule.

Gwynedd, compared to the Cornish – were a much more capable foe for King William – with Llywelyn marrying his daughter to the High King of Ireland, thus providing an unyielding and capable alliance for the two monarchies. On the hills of Ruthin, England’s armies were repeatedly routed by Irish High King Cóelbald II, with the Welsh domain left unscathed by the English onslaught. The tactical genius of Prince Llywelyn provided the Celtic alliance with a significant advantage. By the end of 1005, most of Wales – with the exemption of Cardiff were under Llywelyn’s rule. However, through either luck or misfortune, the Prince of Gwynedd suffered a life-threatening brain haemorrhage, passing away two weeks after the recapture of southern Wales. This turned the misfortune of England into opportunity. Subsequently, the following months saw the most significant English offensives of the war, with the new Prince of Gwynedd, Cadwallon II lacking the tactical genius of his late father. High King Cóelbald managed to dampen the onslaught with a humiliating English loss at Cardigan, but was unable to prevent the downfall of the principality. By the end of 1006, Cadwallon II sued for peace. This resulted in the entrenchment of English rule within southern Wales, and the seizure of the Lordship of Powys.

The Treaty of Newport in 1006 reduced Gwynedd to a small rump state in northwestern Wales – dependent on the continued support of the High King of Ireland. However, the death of High King Cóelbald II in July of 1009 resulted in a renewed war – with the aim to subjugate the remainder of Gwynedd. The Principality buckled under the overwhelming pressure of the English army, and the discontinued support of Ireland, with the Treaty of Penarth resulting in the abdication of Cadwallon II, and the dissolution of Gwynedd. King William then organised the Welsh territories into one Princedom – the Principality of Wales – under the restored House of Aberffraw, removing the House of Wessex from power throughout the entirety of Britain. The Principality of Wales remained nominally independent, under the condition of conversion to Roman Catholicism and an oath of allegiance to the English crown. Wales during the next 40 years would undergo drastic religious change, with the conversion to Catholicism being swift and brutal.

 

[Koweth]

The Bull Laudabiliter (1009 – 1015)

The invasion of Wales during the dawn of the 11th Century marked a clear distinction between the Celtic and mainstream European churches – with the Anglo-Normans to the east of the Emerald Isle tacitly perceiving the insular christians as pagans. This perspective became more accepted following the end of the English Conquest of Wales by William I – as forced conversions to Catholicism became increasingly commonplace upon the ascension of Prince Amlwyd, in an attempt to keep in good graces with the Norman king. Additionally, the death of a revered Irish Bishop in Tours prompted the creation of a hagiography – which would proclaim the life of the Saint as a struggle to proselytise the barbaric and blasphemous Gaelic populace. The hagiography created in 1009 would shape the general view of the Irish Insular Christians – with Europe’s perspective of Ireland being one of sacrilege and impiety.

Pope John IX found understanding among the English desire to restore Roman Catholic presence in Hibernia – with various monetary offerings to Rome influencing the Holy See’s decision to support William’s aspirations of sacred dominion. In August of 1010, the Bull Laudabiliter was issued to King William I, acknowledging and endorsing the intention of the English monarchy to evangelise and crush paganism in Ireland. King William I had explicit permission from Pope John IX, and by extension – the Heavenly Father to see an end to Irish barbarism and immorality. The conclusion of the conquest of Wales and the fervent nature of his subjects implicitly provided William with the support he needed to wage righteous conquest.

The city of Dublin was a settlement which the Anglo-Normans deeply coveted. The once meagre and fledgling port was subjugated under the rule of King Ivar ‘the Boneless’ of Scotland, and soon expanded into a centre of commerce and cultural values – a city which was dominated by a unique Norse-Gael blend. It had come to dominate trade throughout the Isles, rivalling the great cities of Winchester, York and London. William, thanks to the recent Papal Bull provided by John IX in Rome had finally realised his ambition. The siege of Dublin in March of 1012 marked the beginning of a struggle for power and influence within Ireland, with the Norse-Scots and Anglo-Normans competing for land and loyalty amongst the Irish nobility.

The English armies, although skilled and more advanced in terms of equipment compared to their northern counterparts – struggled to drive the Scottish north of Hadrian’s Wall. A result of the relatively primitive and tribal system which Scotland relied upon made it incredibly difficult to organise an invasion – with roads being unnavigable and astonishingly undersupplied. England’s losses during the 1012 invasion were not a result of Scottish ingenuity – but instead the lack of supplies and the attrition faced by Norman armies. English forces would see a similar strategy employed by the Scottish throughout the 11th and 12th centuries – guerilla forces which would drain the reserves and deprive the Anglo-Norman armies of precious supply and morale. Despite the odds, a decisive victory at Innerleithen secured the conflict for King William. The following treaty of Armagh granted William Dublin – with additional concessions to the north, restoring English dominion over Durham and Northumberland.

For Ireland, the death of High King Cóelbald II marked a period of rapid decline, with his sons engaging in a ferocious and destructive succession war – causing frequent bouts of famine and disease throughout the island. This decline was intensified by Anglo-Scottish interference – then occupation. Ireland was forced to watch as slices of its eastern realm were carved up by outsiders, further diminishing Hibernia’s strength.

 

[Koweth]

Scramble for Ireland (1015 – 1022)

The catalyst for the Anglo-Scottish presence within Ireland was a direct result of not only a desire for expansion – but religious fervour. Scotland, a kingdom adhering to principles of Norse paganism, directly opposed christian domination over the British Isles, seeing themselves as the sole bastion of the Norse faith within Britain – both petrified and angered at the destruction of Jórvík in 974. Comparatively, the Anglo-Normans had similar views to their position as the only Roman Catholic domain within Great Britain, surrounded by heathens. This religious zealotry fueled the expansion of both Scottish and English domains within Ireland, seeking to out-compete one another in terms of control and religious expansion.

The Norse-Scots sought control over the north of Hibernia. Although the Mormaer of Ulster was officially a vassal of King Máel-Coluim, the Mormaer Beccán maintained autonomy for the most part, being far removed from the politics of St. Johnstoun. As such, the main goal of Scottish monarchs was to consolidate, feudalise and maintain their existing holdings within Ireland, already suffering blows to their rule with the loss of Dublin.

In contrast, the English sought expansion more than consolidation. While Dublin was brought into England’s feudal domain, William campaigned south – in an attempt to conquer the region through laudabiliter. However, the Normans faced increasing resistance from the Irish – as the high kingdom recovered from their brutal succession war. By the fall of 1017, a High King was elected by an assembly of Irish clans, which sought to repel their Anglo-Scottish invaders. High King Fingen II was elected by the clans, the third son of Cóelbald II – with expectations that the monarch would lead the Irish to victory. The conclusion of the Leinster Campaign by William I swiftly saw an ultimatum delivered by an Irish envoy, which caused the Norman king to be taken aback , as he was uninformed that the Irish clans had once more united.

Emboldened by his victories in Wales and Scotland, the King dismissed the message-bearers, confident in his army’s abilities to defend against tribalistic pagans. William, unfortunately for the Irish – was largely correct in his assumption. As Fingen II and his army of a united Ireland barreled into the English levies, it quickly became apparent that the Normans had a significant advantage in terms of military organisation and technology. The English that faced Fingen II’s coalition in the picturesque countryside of Kilkenny had the most up-to-date equipment and military strategy of the eleventh century. Comparatively, the Irish – malnourished, plucky and relatively antiquated in terms of technology and tactics, were slaughtered by their English adversaries. Allegedly, King William I participated in the slaughter of the routing Irish army – cutting down his foes with an arming sword on horseback.

Despite the opportunistic outlook of the Irish, their King suffered a crushing defeat during the Battle of Riverquarter. Regardless of the “royal” Irish army's defeat at the hand of King William – the Irish discontent with English rule, fiercely resisted their new overlords. However, William’s problems weren’t solely the Irish pagans to the west, but a renewed Viking effort to conquer vast swathes of eastern England. August of 1022 saw a Viking landing in Northumberland, with the feared Frej Ulfssen leading an army of 8,000 to pillage and ransack his way to York. William met the Viking invaders with the same tenacity and belligerence as his foe, swiftly defeating his Norse enemy at Durham.

 

[Koweth]

Facing the Enemy (1022 – 1028)

King William, during his tenure as English monarch had subjugated much of the Celtic realms to his west, and had managed, to an extent, to rein in the disgruntled northern lords through military might. However, Norman domination over the British Isles was challenged by his heathen rival – the Scottish. Although narrowly defeated in a conflict over Dublin a decade prior, Scotland was not prepared to become subservient subjects of their Anglo-Norman foe. Regardless of the truce made with the English concluding the Treaty of Armagh in 1015, Scottish forces nevertheless conducted raids throughout England’s northern reaches – pillaging and burning settlements not in close proximity to an English garrison. Scottish defiance to English domination of Britain was not limited to raids on inland towns, but extended to limited forms of piracy; with English merchants returning from the Baltics and Flanders intercepted by Scottish privateers. Such issues became increasingly problematic for the English crown, with large amounts of revenue coming from the sale of goods across England’s many coastal ports.

With matters of trade and commerce disrupted by his Scottish foe, William sought to fight in a renewed campaign into Caledonia – having aims to pacify and proselytise his heathen foe through any means necessary. England issued a formal declaration of war in February of 1022, levying an army akin to the size of Æthelwulf II’s during his father’s subjugation of Mercia in the 10th century. The fifty-two year-old King William once more mounted his horse to face the Scottish in the lowlands of Caledonia.

The Scottish, following the Treaty of Armagh in 1015, had not sat idle. Upon the ascension of King Natfrech, preparations were made to dampen the onslaught of their numerically superior and more technologically advanced foe. Embracing the lowlands’ underdeveloped nature, the Scottish implemented a scorched-earth strategy, further depriving the English of much-needed supply for their large armies. From this glaring supply issue, William was forced to split his armies into multiple, smaller contingents. This allowed the Scottish to defeat the English in detail, in comparison to facing the full might of the Anglo-Norman onslaught.

Such strategies implemented by Natfrech proved highly effective, with English armies left unsupported in their advance through Scotland’s unpredictable and in comparison to the English, underdeveloped regions. The English advance crumbled under the effective guerilla strategy employed by Scotland and their Jomsviking allies – with a total breakdown of order amongst English forces by the fall of September of 1024.

Thankfully, for the Normans, Ireland had been a successful battleground for English military strategy, with relatively flat land and well-supplied fields granting decisive victories against their adversary. late-November of 1023 saw the evacuation of Scottish armies from Ireland following the capture and execution of the Mormaer of Ulster, securing English supremacy over northern Ireland.

Despite their initial successes within Ireland, the collapse of the Norman advance in the Scottish lowlands prompted an amphibious invasion of Ireland by Scotland – with King Natfrech I personally commanding the armies of Hibernia in order to smash through Anglo-Norman lines. Using the terrain they could to their advantage, the Scottish had eventually repulsed the Norman occupation of northern Ireland. The struggle for their colonial holdings on the island eventually reached equilibrium around Kingscourt, with the relatively hilly terrain of the town preventing further Scottish advance.

Ireland would soon come to be the bloodiest and most gruesome stage of the war – with neither wishing to concede an inch of land; thousands died in battles which ultimately ended inconclusively. A major turning point of the war was the untimely death of the 25-year-old heir to the throne, Prince William during the battle of Dunleer against the Jomsvikings. This significantly dropped armies’ morale in the English encampments. If the Prince himself could not be saved from this conflict, what would happen to them?

William, both saddened and frustrated at his only son’s death, took command of an army to find his son's body. Maybe, the reports reaching Dublin were false? Maybe his son is still alive? The size of his army and well-mapped roads King William travelled on left him prone to a Scottish ambush. Unbeknownst to the Norman King, while in Dundalk, his army was encircled by a combined force of Scots and Jomsvikings. After repeated attempts, and the wounding of William himself in the aforementioned desperate attempts, he was forced to sue for peace. The Scottish restored many of their conquests taken by the English during 1015, and crippled the English army – seemingly unable to recover for the foreseeable future.

William returned to Dublin, his wounds aggravated from a lack of treatment by his Scottish captors. The King eventually died, awaiting a departure to London, broken at the loss of his son. Such an untimely death passed the mantle to his grandson, five-year-old Henry, as a regency council was formed.

 

[Koweth]

First Barons’ War (1028 – 1034)

Left: Earl Philippe of Mercia. Right: Earl Anselm of Lancaster​

The death of both the King and Prince of the Kingdom of England, combined with their devastating loss at the hands of the Scottish in the fields of Ireland wrought massive consequences for the Anglo-Norman realm. Prince William’s first child, Henry, was the next in line for succession. A five-year-old child, Henry was merely beginning to learn Norman French. As London’s authority over England crumbled, Henry remained within the city – shielded from the effects of a crumbling kingdom.

Hastily formed, a regency council headed by the King’s uncle, the Earl of Lancaster, Anselm, undertook many duties of young Henry. Albeit, balanced by the outspoken Earl of Mercia, Philippe. Although obligated to maintain the order and stability of the English realm, the regency council quickly split into distinct factions, with each seeking opposing goals. As the crown’s control slowly slipped away from various earldoms, with the presence of King William unable to maintain the status quo – both camps of the regency sought conflict. The Earl of Mercia had gathered support amongst various northern and neglected earls of the English realm to depose young Henry in favour of the King’s younger brother, Charles; one who was just over a year old. The term ‘Carolite’ was coined by Philippe’s opponents, one which his supporters embraced. Conversely, the Lancastrian Earl, Anselm, had convinced many barons of southern England to maintain the status quo. Naming themselves the ‘Legitimists’, Anselm stressed the importance of the maintenance of King Henry’s position, lest the country plunges itself into a crisis.

An amicable agreement couldn’t be reached amongst the two opposing camps. With either side poised for conflict, a disagreement amongst the nobility turned into civil war. The 29th of June, 1028 saw both bear their teeth. A conflict outside of Northampton between the Barons of the north and south presented itself. It soon became a conflict concerning the ability to legitimise their jockey for the throne, alongside defeating their foe in combat. The north, although having a greater advantage in terms of land, was offset by the more populous and urbanised south. Conflict was waged across the southern reaches of Mercia, with battle becoming ever-present throughout settlements such as Northampton, Worcester and Bedford. Bristol soon became a highly contested port, with trade and commerce a vital part of the southern economy, and the Carolites seeking to deprive the Legitimists of their advantageous commercial hubs.

England, c. 1030​

A large contributor of legitimist military effectiveness was due to a skilled military commander within the ranks of Earl Anselm’s faction; John of Warwick. Once, a peasant commanding a revolt against King William’s unjust taxation levied upon the people of Warwick, he implemented unconventional – yet effective military strategy. As such, the King offered the peasant John a simple offer: Join the King’s army as a military commander and knight; or suffer a fate entailing the removal of his hands and feet. John accepted the former, and soon became a famed military commander amongst the armies of England during the Scramble for Ireland.

John of Warwick soon garnered a deep respect for William and his kinsmen, offering the once-lowly peasant a chance of redemption and prestige. John of Warwick battled the Carolites in the fields of Mercia, gathering fame and popularity within the legitimist camp. From 1032 – 1034, John of Warwick conducted a campaign throughout the Mercian countryside, crippling the most wealthy regions of his Carolite foes.

Sir John ‘the Bold’ of Warwick​

The northern Carolites were unable to dislodge the Legitimist stronghold of southern England – combined with John of Warwick’s military genius against his Mercian foe guaranteed a southern victory. The subsequent capture of Earl Philippe of Mercia during the Battle of Bedford secured the Barons’ War for Earl Anselm. Without the largest contributor to the Carolite war effort present, the unity the faction once had quickly crumbled. Although the Earldom of York and its surrounding regions maintained loyalty to the Carolite cause, the civil war decisively concluded in a Legitimist victory.

Earl Anselm of Lancaster then proclaimed himself the sole ‘Regent of England’, surrounding his council with supporters of his Legitimist cause. One, namely John of Warwick, and soon became the Kingdom’s Marshal in the fall of 1034.

Although the civil war politically divided England, it began to create further rifts culturally, as the north became more separated than their more integrated southern counterparts, blending with the Norman culture. Northern Anglo-Normans largely retained their Saxon roots, preventing effective assimilation until the end of the 13th century. Powerful earls and shire-reeves remained throughout the north, with the Legitimists unable to dislodge their seats of power following the war’s end.

 

[Koweth]

A Stain upon the Crown (1035 - 1040)

The conclusion of the First Barons’ War firmly planted the House of Normandy’s boots within the fields of England. However, their influence and domination over England were contested by many who saw the Normans as illegitimate rulers of the realm. The north, in particular, maintained sympathies toward the old House of Wessex. Although dwindling in numbers, the unlanded Saxon dynasty remained highly popular amongst the rural population of the kingdom – especially in the more populous Earldom of Mercia. England was divided into three distinct groups which remained highly regional.

Those who supported the House of Normandy maintained a strong presence within southern England, especially throughout coastal holdings. Merchants, in particular, enjoyed large amounts of freedom under the protection of Norman shire-reeves and levies – largely thanks to the reforms of King Charles in the late 10th century. Supporters of the old House of Wessex were focused around ex-Mercian strongholds of Warwick and Nottingham, never truly integrating into southern English society since their subjugation in 985. Those north of the river Humber, however, cared little of who would remove the Normans from power – supporting any opposition to Norman control over England.

Anselm, Regent of England, Earl of Lancaster and Count of Lisieux saw these divisive factions as threats to his family’s domination over Britain. He saw only one solution: brutal repression. The Regent, with the support of his council, raised an army consisting of mercenaries and Norman men-at-arms to ruthlessly and indiscriminately crush those who opposed Norman control. Anselm and his contemporaries hadn’t an army to effectively control rebellious Earls north of the Humber – constructing castles throughout the northern countryside would be too costly, and would tie up much of the realm’s crucial manpower. And so, if Anselm couldn’t control it; no one would.

The Regent launched a campaign of indiscriminate and widespread destruction – laying waste to entire villages and destroying food stores. It was a highly effective scorched-earth strategy employed by the Normans, with the north soon being unable to support any army raised for close to a decade. A famine ensued with the lack of food, starving tens of thousands. Many went as far as to eat dog, cat and human flesh from the desperation that set in. The brutality of Anselm’s Harrying of the North did much to scare his rivals, with many also perishing under the effectiveness of Norman raiding parties. However, his unscrupulous efforts to crush the northern rebellion didn’t stop him and his contemporaries from celebrating Christmas in York in 1037.

Many scholars referred to the harrying as a stain upon the Count’s soul. Although the cruelty employed by Anselm’s forces heralded that the Norman boots had been dug into English soil, the object of his campaign had been a political one. Demonstrating his brutality to those who directly opposed Norman rule, also snuffed out many members of his family’s political opponents and critics, especially those who held positions of power. After nearly seven decades of Norman rule, Anselm’s dynasty had finally pacified their greatest opponents – at least for the foreseeable future.

Anselm, Count of Lisieux, Earl of Lancaster (980 – 1063)​

Although Anselm pacified any opponents to his family’s rule in England, he, to the surprise of the locals, spared Mercia from such ferocious destruction. Mercia, unlike their more northern counterparts, were rather urbanised – and when not rebellious, proved to be a large source of revenue for the crown. As such, Anselm hoped that by demonstrating the savagery his forces could perform to any organised resistance, central England would soon become servile and obedient. This decision would see consequences – for better or for worse – in the future.

 

[Koweth]

Second Leinster Campaign (1040 – 1045)

Left to Right: King Henry I of England (1022 - 1087), Sir John ‘the Bold’ of Warwick (996 - 1055)​

Henry’s coronation on the 26th of October, 1040 marked the end of a period within England known for the brutal repression of political opponents and outspoken critics of the crown. Many revered the young King as a restoration to normality. Henry’s tutelage by Marshal John ‘the Bold’ moulded a monarch both adept at political manoeuvring within court and military strategy. His popularity amongst the Anglo-Norman nobility strengthened following the King’s discovery of the Archbishop of Canterbury’s defrauding of the English penny; subsequently imprisoning the Archbishop under the pretence of forgery. Although this soured Henry’s reputation with the Church, it reinforced his perceived just and responsible nature as monarch.

Henry, like many others, sought more land for the English crown. With England’s defeat in the Conquest for Scotland – Ireland – to the Young King, was the only viable option; lest he wage an undeniably expensive war against his continental liege, Louis IV. The Kingdom of Ireland, following their crippling defeat at the Battle of Kilkenny never truly recovered. Once united in a common cause to drive out both the English and Scottish, their unity had dissipated very shortly after many realised the hopelessness of the situation. However, Fingen II still grasped onto power from his seat in Limerick – despite the return of devolved violence in 1022.

Henry, much like his grandfather, campaigned south into the remnants of the Kingdom of Leinster. The object of the Second Leinster Campaign wasn’t exclusively conquest – but to test England’s latest military innovations. The Welsh Longbow, in particular, caught the eye of King Henry. The Young King saw the skillful use of the longbow in the Conquest of Wales forty-years prior, with its use successfully repelling English forces when used effectively. However, the immediate implementation of such a tool of war required decades of effective training – with the longbow requiring considerable practice before its user could efficiently command the weapon. Henry, undeterred by such a limitation, looked to his Welsh subjects for mercenary groups capable of utilising the weapon.

Battle of Three Rocks, 1042​

The deadly efficiency of the Longbow presented itself on numerous occasions throughout the Second Leinster Campaign. Namely, at Limerick and Wexford. On both occasions, Welsh longbowmen proved itself a deadly tool of war. Of the 1,700 that faced the Lord of Meath’s armies at Limerick, 40 remained. Similarly, at Three Rocks, outside of Wexford, an Irish force of 770 were ravaged by the effective use of the longbow, leaving all but four alive.

King Henry’s willingness to embrace modern tactics and technology soon set a precedent for many succeeding him, ensuring English armies had the most modern equipment on the battlefield of Europe. However, the first few years of the Young King’s reign were not filled with celebration. King Haukur MacDouglas of Scotland, wary of Henry’s successes in Ireland, offered King Fingen a position of Mormaer of Ireland under the Scottish realm, provided he renounced his claim to Ireland’s throne. Fingen – desperate for protection – hastily agreed to his abdication. At the stroke of a pen, lands west of the Barrow and Boyne rivers came under the protection of the King of Scotland. In a strange turn of events, England now, by extension, was at war with Scotland.

King Haukur MacDouglas of Scotland (1030 - 1073)​

In response, King Henry sent a detachment of his own under the command of the Lord de Bohun of Meath; largely to stall and prevent Scottish reinforcements from leaving northern Ireland. The English, since their defeat, had still not recovered from their embarrassing losses of 1028. Through the strategic exploits of the Lord of Meath alone, his token force of 2,500 had repelled Scottish advances any further south than Rathkenny, handing a Scottish force 6,000 larger than his own a crushing defeat. All the while, John of Warwick blazed his way through the Irish countryside, reaching as far south as Cork by February of 1044.

Nonetheless, Scottish armies were not deprived of victories. King Henry’s army was prevented from advancing no further than Belcoo – with King Haukur humbling his Anglo-Norman foe with an embarrassing loss. However, the latter half of the decade firmly placed the two into a stalemate. Neither could overpower the other – resulting in the Second Treaty of Armagh. England received the remainder of Leinster, while Scotland maintained their new Irish fiefdom. Regardless, both left Armagh dissatisfied, feeling cheated in one way or another.

 

[Koweth]

Attempted Regicide (1045 – 1046)

​

As both Haukur and Henry left the historic settlement of Armagh, both gazed upon the Cathedral of Saint Patrick. The ancient ecclesiastical capital of Ireland filled both with emotion – one with religious fervour, and the other with dissatisfaction. The two rivals had left Armagh frustrated, neither having their ambition realised. Haukur MacDouglas, King of Scots, had failed to eradicate English presence in eastern Ireland – with Dublin now a testament to King Henry’s supremacy throughout the region. Henry I, King of England and ‘Lord’ of Ireland, similarly had been unsuccessful in his ambition to conquer large swathes of the southwest – receiving trivial concessions from the now-defunct Kingdom of Leinster. Regardless of their feelings, both England and Scotland had been ravaged by three decades of intermittent conflict.

England had lost much of its young men capable of ploughing the fields of a baron’s lands in the highlands of Scotland, in addition to the depleting reserves of the English treasury – while both Scotland and Ireland had been the focus of the early-to-mid eleventh-century conflicts between the warring states. Begrudgingly, both Haukur and Henry had realised that a renewed feud between themselves would result in their removal, or perhaps violent deposition from their disgruntled lessers. Haukur would be the first to extend the olive branch, asking for Henry’s signature on a ‘Treaty of Mutual Good Will’ in exchange for a meagre sum. Expectedly, Henry accepted this truce offered by his northern neighbour, much to the relief of his nobility.

Regardless of Henry’s actions, there was bound to be opposition to the Young King’s rule. Count Theobald of Orléans, with the support of his allies in both Brittany and Aquitaine, attempted to cause an unfortunate accident. However, Theobald’s plan – much to his dismay – had failed. Bandits hired by the disgruntled Count had proved to be unsuccessful. An investigation quickly bore fruit – leading to Theobald's attempted imprisonment for treason. As it turned out, Henry's efforts to imprison the Count were fruitless.

Battle of Blois, 1045
​

In an attempt to directly manage his regicidal opponent, Henry raised an army to deal with the situation in person. Theobald, although worried that the King’s ire was directed toward him, reassured himself that his situation would improve – thanks to his allies in Aquitaine and Brittany. Unfortunately for the Count, Theobald was left to defend Orléans alone with a meagre force after his allies failed to act quickly. Additionally, King Henry dispatched his faithful ally, John of Warwick to put an end to this southern rebellion. Landing in Fécamp in May of 1045, John and Henry met Theobald’s 600 men at Blois. For the three-thousand-strong English army, the Count's army proved to be a minor obstacle – with Theobald fleeing to nearby Vendôme.

The siege of Orléans in November of 1045 captured both Theobald’s wife and son. Thankfully for the Count, his allies had finally responded to his pleas for assistance. Encountering John in Rouen, the Breton-Aquitanian armies under King Rorgon's command proved a much more formidable enemy for England. Be that as it may, John's military genius ultimately became the decisive factor in the battle, trouncing Rorgon's armies by the end of February 1046.

Unable to achieve victory, Theobald pursued the cause of peace – knowingly surrendering his life to Henry. Two weeks later, Theobald was executed, and his son appointed Count of Orléans. Although an easy victory for Henry, the Orléanais Rebellion redirected Henry’s foreign policy toward the continent for the next decade – namely Central Europe.