The dynasty which wouldn't die - a Zengi AAR

[Yvanoff]

Hello everyone and welcome ! Thank you for passing by and reading this

This AAR will be a little special. Or maybe not. As you can probably tell, I'm new here so I don't really know the standards of AARs in these parts - sure, I've read the three threads pinned at the tops, contacted the mods before posting this and read a couple AARs here and there from time to time, but not much otherwise. So expect rookie mistakes in how I present the updates - I'll do my best to have this being an enjoyable experience !

Now to present the settings used for this game. First of all, know that this game is already over. As such, there is no need to try to give me advice for this particular run because the game is terminated - advice for playing CK2 in general is always welcome, though ! As for why AAR a terminated game, well, this game unfolded in a rather awesome way in the end (I hated the game more often than not, let's be honest, but now that it's over - I can say I loved this). And I thought it would be a shame not to share this. Because the game is over, I'll be mostly relying on my memory and on the very useful chronicles to find the information, presenting the AAR in the form of a kind of historical guide as to what happened - now memory and chronicles unfortunately do not store every useful information, so I'll be a bit vague sometimes. Consider this knowledge lost to history !

Since the game is over, and because it was an Ironman game, posting screenshots of past maps is going to be problematic. I can try to recreate these maps in CK2, but I'll mostly try to describe the situation - hopefully in a concise and precise way, so that you can easily see how things are without having to read tons of descriptions (I'm very verbose so that will be a challenge !). Do not hesitate to suggest any improvement on that front - if maps really end up being necessary, I'll recreate the situation in game.

This game used a bunch of custom rules. For convenience, if you're interested, you'll find them spoilered below - any rule that doesn't appear in the spoiler is set to its default value:

Spoiler

Aztec invasion: off
Exclave Independance: harsh
Chinese Interactions: restricted
Dynamic de jure drift: restricted
De jure assimilation duration: short
De jure requirements: required
Culture conversion: combination
Religious conversion speed: slower
Provincial revolts: rare
Provincial revolts strength: powerful
Vassal limit: half

As you might be able to tell from these rules, I have all DLCs, all of them used in this game. No mods used, it was a 100% vanilla experience.

Finally, I'll need to speak about the AAR length. I'll describe the starting situation in the following post, but this AAR will be rather short. I expect at minima 6 posts, more likely 7 or 8. This might end up being more than that if I don't control myself and end up being more verbose than I thought - but hopefully it isn't, the aim is to present everything that happened in a clear and concise way (ie the exact opposite of this post). I'm currently working on the updates, because since I'll rely on memory (I finished the game yesterday) I have to write this quickly. I'll then be publishing one update per day, so I expect this AAR to last about a week.

Hope this wall of text did not deter you, and that you will enjoy your stay here !

 

[Yvanoff]

So if you're still here, this means you were undeterred by the OP - good, good ! Now that I have presented the settings of the AAR overall, let me enter the thick of it and present you whom I will play as, and especially when.

Now, I would like to make a quick lecture on history. What could I possibly want to present you ? The Sunni Turkic Zengi dynasty. Anyone interested in the Crusades will have heard of them, since they were a powerhouse in Syria in the XIIth century. They were quite forgotten because of the rise of Saladdin, whose family were.... servants of the Zengi rulers (in fact, Saladdin's uncle went in Egypt at the behest of Nur ad-Din Zengi, who ruled over Syria at the time - setting Saladin's destiny in motion). Their height was certainly reach in 1174, just before the death of Nur ad-Din:

The Holy Land and its surroundings in 1174. Nur ad-Din is the Emir of Damascus - another Zengi Emir reigns in Mosul.​

However, Nur ad-Din died that year, and the fortunes of the Zengis went downhill ever since. Dominated by the new Ayubbid power, they dwindled, losing land and influence, until in 1250 their last possessions, in al-Jazira (modern northern Iraq) were lost, leaving the Zengis as a footnote of history. Ah, what could've been....

As you might have guessed from the title and the lines above - I played as the Zengi dynasty. But not as Nur ad-Din, no. While the "what could've been" is an interesting and fascinating question, playing as the powerful and more than able ruler of Syria in 1174 would certainly be boring and too easy - or it might not, feel free to try it yourself !

No, as hinted again by the title, I started later on. On the penultimate start date, actually. As I mentioned, the Zengis lost their last lands in 1250. In 1241, there is only one playable Zengi character - Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud, who is the last playable Zengi character in CK2. By a fortunate twist of history, he also accessed the throne in 1241, so this AAR will present to you what could've happened if the last Zengi had been an able ruler bent on restoring Nur ad-Din's legacy, instead of letting the Zengi dynasty fade away. (Note that according to Wikipedia, this character was actually called Mahmud al-Malik al-Zagir, son of Mu'izz al-Din Mahmud. In CK2 both father and son are called Mu'izz vMahmud, so I went with the CK2 name).

So, when I said this would be a short AAR - I wasn't lying. The start date being 1241, I'll be narrating you 212 years of action, dear reader ! That might look short, but let me assure you that the end of the Middle Ages were troubled times in the Near East. There certainly is enough content for a small AAR, which, as I said previously, will essentially consists in me adopting the external point of view of a later historian chronicling and presenting the history of the Zengis.

And with this the presentation of the AAR is complete. I hope this was interesting, and leaves you guys craving for more - if it does then good ! As I said in the previous post, there will be one update per day, so tomorrow I'll be posting the first one. Hope to see you then

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 1: Regaining independence - the beginning of the reign of Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud, from 1241 to 1252​

Hello, class, and welcome on this new lecture about the Zengi dynasty - one of the major actors who have made the Near East into what it is today. Last time, as you undoubtedly recall, I detailed how the Zengis, after their rise to power under Nur ad-Din, quickly declined and lost most of their influence in the Muslim world. While, being all students in history major, you already did know about this prior to my lecture, the scale of their downfall left many of you aghast - how could the Zengis lose that much power over the course of a little more than half a century, and still become the pivotal force they ended up being ? All of this is thank to the man I will speak of today, Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud, whose reign started a Zengi comeback so unbelievable you would accuse the scenarists of not caring about realism should something on this scale happen in your favorite TV series.

Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud, as he looked like according to our facial reconstruction software who worked with descriptions of his time. Additional information represents the traits of personality and abilities he seemed to have according to these same sources. Note that as a reconstruction made by a computer program working with historical - hence biased - sources, this should not be taken for the absolute truth.​

Now, should you study historical sources of the time yourself - the Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud who is the topic of today's lesson started his reign in 1241. The most alert ones among you - no, that's certainly not you, Bernard, seeing how much time you spend looking at this cellphone - may recall that I used the name last lesson, for a man who reigned before 1241. That's right, very confusingly Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud's father was also called Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud. So do keep that in mind, and do not forget that Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud Junior ended up being much more relevant than his father, so if you see the name without any additional information in a source about the subject, it is probably him who is spoken of.

Now, when Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud succeeded his father in 1241, which situation did he find himself him ? Well, certainly not a great one.

The lands of the Zengi dynasty in 1241, as part of the Lu'Lu Emirate itself subject to the Ayubbid Sultan of Egypt. The Zengis controls Hasakah. To the south of the Zengis, Rahbah is also a vassal of the Lu'Lu Emir. In Syria Ayyubid power extends as far North as Edessa, encompassing the emirates of Edessa, Halab (Aleppo), Damashq (Damascus), Oultrejourdain and the lands of the Aybakid and Suleimids in Egypt proper..
​

Having lost most of their power during the previous decades, the Zengis found themselves not even emirs, having lost the Emirate of Mosul to the levantine Lu'Lu dynasty, to whom they were subject. The Lu'Lu themselves were subjects of the Ayubbid Sultanate, of course. We can see on the map, however, that the Zengis still owned, as personal belongings, a fairly extensive piece of land in the al-Jazira region. It is said, according to records of the times, that the people living in the Nisbin, Sinjah and Hasakah Sheikhdoms were subject to Zengi rule, with the Zengi capital of Hasakah located in the Sheikhdom of the same name. That made them, despite the lack of prestigious title, fairly powerful - however their overlords, the Lu'Lus, themselves owned personally 4 Sheikhdoms, those being Mosul, Irbil, Samarra and Kirkuk, and also ruled over the Sheikh of Rahbah.

A reconstruction of Badr al-din Lu'Lu (r. 1222-1255), Mu'izz ad-Din's overlord and a loyal subject to the Ayubbid Sultan as-Salih Ayyub​

Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud's first act as a Sheikh was, according to sources, to go on pilgrimage and accomplish the Hajj, which is as you all know one of the pillars of the Muslim faith. Now, going on pilgrimage at the time remained a relatively dangerous endeavor, and was also time consuming. Nonetheless, historical sources rapport that Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud was keen on making this as soon as he inherited his father's lands. It seems his ambitious intentions were already present at this time, since one justification advanced for this Hajj was to have the Greatest protect the new ruler and to give him the strength to accomplish "what needs to be done to save the Zengis from oblivion". A successful pilgrimage augured nicely for the young sheikh. Then history took its course.

Lucius IV (r. 1241-1255), the Catholic pope during these times and someone who played a great role in shaping the Middle East...​

As you all know, two years into his reign - that's 1243 -, Pope Lucius IV declared a Crusade against the Ayubbid Sultanate, aimed at conquering Egypt from the Muslims in order to relieve the Kingdom of Jerusalem, under severe pressure from his neighbors at the time. The Catholics also aimed to have a springboard from which to retake the Holy city, Jerusalem, since the weakened Kingdom of the same name was not enough for such an operation. It was a stunning success, the Ayyubid Sultanate falling in a mere two years. As you all know, Riccardo Riccardo, the bastard son of Friedrich II von Hohenstaufen, was made king of Egypt by the Crusaders, but this had a more direct, profound impact on our subject of today. Indeed, with the loss of the Sultanate of Egypt, the central Ayyubid power essentially disintegrated, resulting in all the petty Emirs of Syria becoming independent - including Mu'izz ad-Din's overlord, Emir Badr al-din Lu'Lu.

...just as important as his Sunni counterpart, the Abbasid Caliph Al-Musta'sim (r. 1245-1255)​

As you all know the conquest of Egypt by the crusaders was short lived - the following year, a Jihad was declared by Caliph Al-Musta'sim, and just as quickly as Egypt had fallen, it was retaken in 1248. as-Salih Ayyub, the Sultan who had been chased by the crusaders, had died in 1247, so the conquest were given to Nosrat-es-Din instead, a surviving son of Saladin himself. Strangely, the man did not take up the title of Sultan, while Riccardo kept using the title of King of Egypt. Nosrast-es-Din decided instead to assume direct rule over all of his lands, without any vassal - an overwhelming task, which probably explains why he was unable to muster the strength to wage war on the petty Emirs of Syria and bring them back into the Ayyubid fold.

Nosrat-es-Din (r. 1248-1253). That's a lot of titles to rule over personally. After the Jihad, overwhelmed by the task of ruling over all these titles by himself, he accepted to swear fealty to his young nephew, the Ayubbid Emir of Cairo Yassir - who had retained the title of Emir of Cairo and Alexandria despite all of his lands being located in northern Syria, around Edessa and in the al-Jazira region.​

But what about Mu'izz ad-Din ? Did he help the Ayyubid defend against the infidels ? Did he heed the Caliph's call for Jihad ? It would appear that not - no source mention it, and instead in 1247, Mu'izz ad-Din went to war against the neighboring Sheikh of Rahbah. The motives for the war are obscures. Some say that while Mu'izz ad-Din was mourning his first son and third child Kaya, dead a mere 1 year after his birth, the Sheikh of Rahbah, a man named Ashraf ibn Bashar Abolhassan, insulted him and his family. Whatever the reason for the war was, it was a quick affair - by 1249 Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud had won, adding the lands of Rahbah to his domain. Having grown his power ever so much, the sheikh decided the time had come for the Zengis to once again direct their own affairs themselves. War was declared to Badr al-din Lu'Lu in 1250. Now, you might think that this was a bold decision to make, since I said earlier that the Lu'Lus reigned over 4 sheikhdoms directly. That was true in 1241, when Mu'zz ad-Din had become Sheikh; that was no longer true in 1250. Indeed, in 1247 the Shi'a Khagan of the Ilkhanate, Hülegü the Monster, had easily conquered Samarra and Kirkuk from Badr al-din. The diminushed Lu'Lu army was quickly and soundly beaten under the walls of Mosul by the Zengis, and after taking Mosul itself and some other territories Mu'izz ad-Din had won the war - the Lu'Lu emir had to concede independence to his former vassal in 1252. Having not fully recovered from his defeat against the Mongols, the Emir could not stop his now powerful vassal's ambitions. And there were more sources of joy for Mu'izz ad-Din in these times, with the birth of a new son, Kutlug, in 1251. This must have pleased Mu'izz ad-Din greatly, since being the last Zengi, his dynasty was facing extinction if he did not have a son.

Hülegü, Khagan of the Ilkhanate (r. 1232-1253), who rightfully earned the nickname 'the monster' by his exactions. He brought the Mongol threat ever closer to the Zengis, but died before having the opportunity to campaign against Mu'izz ad-Din​

The Zengis were now independent again, and with Kutlug their continued existence seemed to be ensured. But the ambitions of the newly freed Sheikh did not stop there - see you this afternoon for the the second part of his reign !

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 2: From Sheikh to Sultan - the end of the reign of Mu'izz ad-Din Mahmud (1252-1276)​

Now, class, let us examine the course of action Mu'izz ad-Din took. Newly independent, as we saw this morning in a lecture I am farily hopeful you did not forget yet, the Sheikh had great ambitions, ambitions which required him to wage more war. However, war is prepared during peace, and the next couple of years were quiet. We do have the first evidence of the Zengi-Rum alliance in action in 1254, which also explains the peacefulness of Mu'izz ad-Din himself. Various sources state that that year, the Zengi Sheikh personally led troops to help the Rum Sultan Kilij Arslan IV defend Anatolia against the infidels. What exactly Mu'izz ad-Din did there military is unclear. He did not seem to take part in any major battle, but the event is still of great importance. The Zengi-Rum alliance, taking its roots in the marriage between one of Mu'izz ad-Din daughters and a prince of Rum, would play a pivotal role in shaping the Middle East for the centuries to come. Celebrating his growing power, Mu'izz ad-Din also proclaimed himself Emir - or Beylerbey, according to more Turkish-minded source, the Zengis being Turks and not Arabs - of Mudar the same year, in the place of the Lu'Lu Emir who had been using the title since 1242.

The traditional lands of Mudar - from North to South, Hasakah, Al Bichri and Rahbah. At this point, the sheikhdom of Al Bichri was outside of Mu'izz ad-Din's controls, being ruled by the Ayubbid Emir of Aleppo. However, the Zengi Emir also ruled over lands outside Mudar's borders - the lands of Nisibin and Sinjar.​

Then Mu'izz ad-Din went to war again, this time against the Ayyubid Emir of Aleppo, or Halab as it is known to Arabs. The war started in 1256, over the lands of Al Bichri. Mu'izz ad-Din maintained that as Emir of Mudar, he was the rightful liege of Faisal Tawfiqid, sheikh of Al Bichri. Emir Yasar the Young, then liege of Sheikh Faisal, did not share this opinion, and so war was declared. This war lasted much longer than the previous ones, the Emir of Aleppo being a far stronger foe than either the sheikh of Rahbah or the Lu'Lu Emir. We have records of no less than 4 pitched battles taking place during this war, once in Nisibin, two in the vicinity of Rasbah and once near Al Bichri. The last one was decisive: conjugated with the loss of various strongholds in the contested region, Emir Yasar had to concede defeat after 4 years of warfare. This is an important event, because it places the newly hatched Zengi power on the map of Syria, showing its strength to be the equal or even superior to the petty Emirs ruling over lands in the region.

Yasar the Young, the Ayubbid Emir of Aleppo (r. 1256-1276 over the Emirate of Aleppo - he held the sheikhdom of Tell Bashir until his death in 1310). He was 4 years old when Mu'izz ad-Din declared war on him, having ascended to the throne a couple months ago upon the death of his father An-Nasir Yusuf, who died in battle aged 28. A rough start of reign for the young Emir, and a weakness the Zengi ruler ruthlessly exploited.​

Peace was finally there, but the ambitious Mu'izz ad-Din knew not the meaning of this word. He immediately waged war on the new Lu'Lu Emir, a man named as-Salih Isma'il. This time, the contested territories were the lands of Mosul itself. The issue of the war were not in doubt, the Lu'Lu having lost most of their strength since 1241 while Mu'izz ad-Din star kept rising. The strongholds of Mosul, Bakhdida and Oromieh were swiftly taken in 1261, and a desperate attempt to relieve Mosul crushed. The next year as-Salih Isma'il, broken, was forced to accept the loss of Mosul. The Lu'Lu were now confined to Irbil, which they would keep ruling for a long time - most notably thanks to the Ortokids. Indeed, the peace terms also included the renunciation by as-Salih Isma'il of the title of Emir of Mosul, which was taken by Mu'izz ad-Din in addition to his title of Emir of Mudar. Undoubtedly, Mu'izz ad-Din had the intention to annex Irbil in a later war, but the Ortokids, neighbours of both Mu'zz ad-Din and the Lu'Lu's to the north, saw the opportunity and subjugated as-Salih. The precise date is unknown, but the Ortokids were vassals of the Sultan of Rum, allied to and far more powerful than Mu'izz ad-Din, whose ambitions over Irbil were abruptly curtailed.

as-Salih Isma'il, the last Lu'Lu Emir of Mosul (r. 1255-1262 as Emir) .He kept ruling over the Sheikhdom of Irbil until 1274, when he was accused of heresy and burnt at the stake by his new liege, Sultan Kayqubad II of Rum. The poor guy did not have a lot of luck in his reign.​

This did not deter Mu'izz ad-Din, who decided to turn his attention elsewhere. In 1266, he declared himself Sultan of al-Jazira, confirming the growing Zengi power in the region and using this as an opportunity to claim the various lands in the area which he did not yet own. Unsurprisingly, immediately following this accession to the rank of Sultan, he went to war against the Ayyubid Emir of Cairo, the 15 years-old Pamin. The title of Emir of Cairo was mostly a misnomer - while Pamin had inherited the title from his father, his family did not own lands in the region of Cairo, those having being lost after the 1245 conquest of Egypt by the Crusaders. In addition to the Emirate of Cairo, Pamin also held the titles of Emir of Edessa and, in direct opposition to Mu'izz ad-Din, of al-Jazira. It is the later title that was being contested, Mu'izz ad-Din arguing that as Sultan of al-Jazira the title of Emir of al-Jazira and the lands belonging to it should be his. The war was won swiftly, the armies of Pamin being beaten near Nisibin in 1266, and despite the threat of a Christian revolt in Nisibin that same year, the new Sultan won the war easily, taking hold of the Sheikhdom of Amida. But, wasn't the war over the lands of the Emirate of al-Jazira ? Surely an Emir would rule over several Sheikhdoms, you might point out. And you would be right - the Sheikhdom of Bira was also among the contested territories. Problem is, sensing Pamin weakened, Sheikh Bashar Biraid decided to use the opportunity to declare independence from his liege. Independence he wouldn't get - having signed the peace confirming his rule over Amida, Mu'izz ad-Din turned his sight on the troublesome lord, who was brought into the Zengi fold in 1269. Mu'zz ad-Din, already Sultan of al-Jazira and Emir of Mosul and Mudar, could now proclaim himself Emir of al-Jazira. He celebrated his iron grip over the al-Jazira region by holding a Furusiyya, a grand tournament where the finest warriors of his new realm could fight one another in order to crown the finest warrior of al-Jazira (the name of the winner, unfortunately, has been lost in time).

The lands associated with the Sultanate of al-Jazira, in northern Mesopotamia. By 1269, Mu'izz ad-Din had established Zengi control over all of these lands, save for Irbil, which used to be associated with the Emirate of Mosul but over which the Zengis never had any control.​

Having united al-Jazira, Mu'izz ad-Din was now setting his sights on Syria, the region where his ancestor Nur ad-Din rose to prominence, a fragmented region in dire need of external protection against the Crusader threat. The Sultan was determined to make his move, but at the right time - near-constant war had left his warriors weary, and as such he decided to offer his realm some peace to replenish some strength. As such, there is not much to report in terms of wars for a couple years - in 1270 it is said that Mu'izz ad-Din pledged his troops to the Sultan Kayqubad II of Rum, a pledge renewed 2 years later. His presence in the battle of Amorion, which pitched the Sultanate of Rum against the Orthodox Golden Horde, is recorded by several sources. This does not mean that nothing was happened domestically either - the rebellious Bashar Biraid, who had sought independence from the Emirate of Cairo, seems to have been plotting against Mu'izz ad-Din's rule, and rose in open rebellion in 1272 when the Sultan tried to imprison him. The rebellion was quickly crushed, the vigilant Sultan having seemingly posted his army in Bira to prevent Bashar from escaping the region.

Bashar Biraid (r. 1259-1276), a decidedly quarrelsome vassal. Mu'izz ad-Din calmed him by easily crushing his little rebellion, then imprisoning him. Bashar remained in prison until his death in 1276.​

And finally, after these years of peace and deepening the Rum-Zengi alliance, Mu'izz ad-Din saw his opportunity. In 1276, tired of the reign of the weak and decadent Yasar the Young, a rebellion overthrew him from the Emirate of Aleppo, resulting in the loss of the title and the independence of all his former vassals. With the disappearance of his main rival to the West, Mu'izz ad-Din saw a unique chance to unite Syria under his banner. Using the weakness of the various lords and their need of protection for a more powerful ruler, he moved in, starting with the Sheikh of Al-Suknah, Faisal Salahhadin. But the Sultan would never see his ambition of a united Zengi Syria come true. Under a lot of stress, depressed according to some accounts, the Sultan was weaker than he let on, and he passed away that year, aged 56. His son Kutlug, of great fame, inherited the throne and a war.

Mu'izz ad-Din's children. He was survived by two sons, Kutlug and Sönmez, the latter born in 1254. He also had numerous daughters, who, while they could not inherit lands under the traditional laws, were still very useful to conclude alliances. Marriages were concluded with the powerful Sultanate of Rum, but also with the threatening Mongols of the Ilkhanate and the Abbasid Caliph. This diplomacy greatly helped the Zengis survive despite being surrounded by more powerful rivals​

And.... That's enough for today. As you have seen, though, while Mu'izz ad-Din is often forgotten in favor of his more prestigious successors, knowing what happened during his eventful reign is absolutely crucial in understanding how the Zengis bounced back to become a major local power again. Expect a lot of this content to be in the test - tomorrow I'll lecture you about the achievements of Kutlug, which you should already all be familiar with to an extent.

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 3: Conquering Syria - the beginning of Kutlug's reign (1276-1287)​

Good morning, class. I hope you are ready for our next lesson in the study of the Zengi dynasty. Today, we will focus on Kutlug, son of Mu'izz ad-Din, who succeeded his father in 1276.

The great Sultan Kutlug. As inaccurate as the reconstruction might be, it does show that he was a good general combined with a decent diplomat - precisely the kind of ruler the rising Zengi dynasty needed.​

As you may recall, these were times of disarray in Syria. The Ayubbid Emirate of Aleppo had just disintegrated, and Mu'izz ad-Din had sought to fill the void by annexing and vassalizing the numerous petty realms that emerged. While the Emir of Aleppo had been strong enough to cause Mu'izz ad-Din to think twice before attacking this foe, there was no such reason to hold back against its weak successor states. Dead, Mu'izz ad-Din had no opportunity to realize his dream, but the former Sultan had worked hard to integrate his son into the Sultanate's administration. Thanks to that, the succession was seamless, and after mourning and burying his father properly Kutlug marched against the Sheikh of Al-Sukhnah himself, determined to make his father's dream of a great Zengi state come true.

Sönmez (1254-1283), the new Sultan's only surviving brother. His marriage to the daughter of Sultan Kayqubad II of Rum is a symbol of the successful Zengi diplomacy policy of the time. And he did not have any troublesome son who could've been tempted to wrestle the Sultanate from Kutlug or his successors.​

While Kutlug marched to war, history didn't stop. First, the Pope Callistus III, undeterred by the failure of the Crusaders to hold onto Egypt 30 years ago, called for a new crusade against the ancient kingdom. An important event, since Kutlug was not too keen in having a powerful Catholic Egypt on his doorstep, but was already busy fighting his own war. Then, the new Sultan also proved that he did have a certain sense of diplomacy by marrying his brother Sönmez to a Seljukid princess, deepening the alliance between Rum and the Zengis.

The Crusader queen of Egypt, Valentina Tiepolo (r. 1277-1307). She would be a major actor in the Near East during this late XIIIth century, greatly helping the Crusader states - although she could not prevent the declining Principality of Antioch from finally falling in 1284.​

Ayubbid Egypt, having never really recovered from the setback of 1245, fell even faster than during the previous crusade - after only one year of crusading, the Sunnis were again chased out of Egypt. The news worried Kutlug, but there was nothing he could do about that: his army was stuck in the lands of Al-Suknah, besieging Salkhard, Husaiba and finally Dibin, before the Sheikh Faisal of Al-Suknah finally admitted reality and accepted Zengi rule. Kutlug quickly celebrated his victory in his capital of Mosul, marrying Mutlu, the daughter of the Sultan Batuhan of Rum, to tie himself to the Seljuks even more - but not only to gain their support in any war Kutlug might have to wage in the future. Sources indeed claim that the Sultan was also hopeful of providing his son and successor with a claim over the Sultanate of Rum, potentially leading the two Muslim powerhouses in the Near East to unite under a single Zengi ruler. The festivities over, Kutlug marched against Radhi, Sheikh of Palmyra. By the end of the year, the ancient city was under Zengi control.

The sheikhs Radhi the Conqueror of Asas and Aleppo (r. 1276-1285), Al-Muzaffar Muhmud III of Hama (r. 1274-1289; granted the Emirate of Aleppo by Kutlug in 1283) and Hasmaddin of Homs and Baalbek (r. 1269-1295 over Homs; conquered Baalbek in 1272). Fairly weak and unable to present a common front against the Zengis, such Sheikhs were easy pickings for Kutlug.​

As you might have realized by now, Kutlug knew no rest until Syria was united under his banner, and neither did his army. The ink was barely dry on the peace deal between him and the Sheikh of Palmyra that war was declared again, this time against Sheikh Radhi the Conqueror of Asas. Ruling over the major city of Aleppo on top of his lands around Asas, the Sheikh was relatively powerful, which might explain why it took two years for Kutlug to win the war - but by 1280, Radhi was forced to accept the rule of the Zengis. Kutlug didn't stop there, and by 1283 the Sheikhdoms of Hama and Homs-Baalbek had been vassalized too. Zengi power was ever growing, and with the Sultanate of Rum to the North being allied to the Zengis and the crusader states dwindling and slowly fading - a dynamic that had been somewhat stopped of late, with Egypt becoming Catholic again -, there were no forces in Syria that looked like stopping Kutlug.

Sehinsah (r. 1274-1309), Padishah of Delhi. An extremely powerful and prestigious Sunni ruler in faraway India.​

His armies tiring of this incessant warfare, Kutlug decided to mark a pause in his expansion somewhat. In the process, he used his rising notoriety in the Muslim world to make a diplomatic coup, by marrying Princess Sirma in 1285. The Princess was none other than the sister of Padishah Sehinsah, ruler of the Delhi Khaganate which covered most of Northern India. While his worth as an ally was small - while extremely powerful militarily, the Delhi Khaganate was too far away to be of any help during a war - such a marriage was a major source of prestige for Kutlug. The next year, the Zengi Sultan had to put down a Shi'a revolt in his lands, led by a young boy called Yakut who was held by his follower to be the direct descendant of Ali. The Shi'as had mustered a powerful army, but by clever use of his homeland's terrain Kutlug was able to defeat them effortlessly. The year was 1287, Kutlug's prestige kept rising, and Syria seemed to be as good as his. Then one day, he received a call for help from Emir Is'mail V of Atef, who was trying to fend off Egyptian aggression from the Catholic Kingdom of Egypt but was staring defeat. Without hesitation, Kutlug accepted the call to arms, setting in motions events whose influence would still be felt much later on.

Is'mail V (r. 1284-1296 over the Emirate of Atef), the High Chief - or Emir - of Atef, and helpess victim of Catholic aggression. He ended his life Sheikh of Asas and Aleppo, in Northern Syria - far away from his homeland - in rather extraordinary circumstances. Being chased from Arabia by an uprising, he and his family found refuge at the court of the Ayubbid Emir of Aleppo Khudayar, who granted the Sheikhdom of Aleppo to a distant relative of Is'mail and the Sheikhdom of Asas to Is'mail's son. Both of them died without having a son, so both Sheikhdoms were inherited by Is'mail, their closest still living male relative.​

I'll see you this afternoon for the end of Kutlug's reign !

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 4: Ironside - the end of of Kutlug's reign (1287-1303)​

Hello again, dear students. This afternoon, I will be finishing the lecture about the reign of Kutlug Zengi - and you will learn why he was nicknamed 'Ironside'. As you might have guessed, such a nickname was earned on the battlefield, but not in Northern Syria, no.

King Guillaume the drunkard (r. 1282-1312) ruled over Jerusalem and Cyprus at the time (both Kingdoms being in personal union since 1257), commanding the Crusader outpost in the Near East and eager to accrue his power in the face of the growing Zengi threat. He ended up being the last King of Cyprus, and the last de Lusignan king of Jerusalem. No wonder he was drinking, with such fortunes as King.​

It was rather earned further South, on the battlefields of Arabia and the Holy Land. Indeed, upon seeing the Crusader states (well, mostly the Kingdom of Jerusalem and Cyprus) progressively stop their retreat, then come back on the front foot thanks to the help of Egypt, Kutlug decided it was time for the Zengis to take the matter into their own hands to ensure the survival of Islam in the region. He had an immediate impact on the war between Atef and Egypt, liberating a number of strongholds fallen to Queen Valentina the Hammer before clashing with the Egyptian army in a massive battle. Direct records of the battle have not survived, so neither the place, date, nor the exact strength of the two parties is know. But later Muslims chroniclers claim that Kutlug had brought with him in the Arabian desert every man able to wield a weapon in al-Jazira, while Catholic ones deplored the depletion of the Egyptian armies and the loss of a great number of very able knights. From what we could gather from various sources, it seems each camp had at least mustered 10 000 men for this battle, perhaps even reaching into the 15 000 - each. This was a major battle, and while we lack precise information about it, we know it is one Kutlug won, bringing Egyptian expansion to a bloody and abrupt halt. While the war with Atef dragged on for a bit, the Queen had to concede that the war was no longer winnable and settled on a white peace a couple years later.

Ayubbid Emir Lot of Oultrejourdain (r. 1288-1304), an Emir at the forefront of the fight against the Frankish invaders as soon as his reign started. He didn't inherit the Emirate, instead being granted it after vassals had threatened the previous Emir al-Muazzam Turanshah with rebellion if Lot was not made Emir in his stead. This kind of event reflects the state of disarray in which the petty Ayubbids Emirates of the region had descended, and their weakness to ambitious Crusaders wanting to reconquer the Holy Land.​

But Emir Isma'il of Atef was not the only one in dire need of help. The Emirate of Oultrejourdain had been severely weakened in recent years by rebellious vassals, and the King of Jerusalem and Cyprus and his vassals sought to take advantage of that. They would, however, suffer failure because of Kutlug. In 1290, he helped Emir Lot win the war against the duke Jean III the Unready of Ascalon - who was humiliated, having lost control of Ascalon itself to Kutlug during the course of the war. The next year, Kutlug had to come back to protect Lot from the ambitions of the King of Jerusalem and Cyprus himself, Guillaume de Lusignan. Kutlug decisively beat the King, growing his prestige and making the Crusaders fear him more and more.

as-Salih Ayyub, Emir of Damascus (r. 1289-1295). Kutlug had no affection for him or his successors.​

After fending off the Crusaders, Kutlug had to defend himself against Sunni aggression. In 1292, clearly not as appreciative of Kutlug's defense of Islam as he should've been, Emir as-Salih Ayyub declared war. Frightened of the quick rise of the Zengis, the Emir was obviously keen to exploit what the perceived as a Zengi weakness - constant warfare against the powerful Frankish knights, leaving Kultug's army in dire need of rest and reorganization. This seemed to pay off in a first time: at Hama, the Zengis suffered their first defeat in open battle in a long time. His army routed, Kutlug had to retreat into al-Jazira to refit his army and refill it with fresh men, before marching South to confront his enemy again. This time, he was much more successful, but it still took 4 years before as-Salih Ayyub's successor, Emir Nasir - as-Salih being dead in Kutlug's dungeons, apparently before the Zengi Sultan was able to arrange peace with his prisoner -, was brought to the negotiation table defeated and broken. Nasir was forced to accept the failure of his attack, carried out in the name of some pretender (whose name was not recorded) to titles held by the Zengi Sultan. Not to help Kutlug, in 1293 Jerusalem renewed its aggression against the Emirate of Oultrejourdain. This time again, he was successful in protecting the Emir, although records mention a rare defeat against the Georgians allies of Jerusalem at Asas in 1296.

Hülegü the Pious (r. 1257-1295, outside of a 1-year period in 1271-72 where he relinquished the Khaganate in favor of his young son Hülegü), Khagan of the Ilkhanate and a good friend to have. And yes, before you say so, Mongols aren't very original with names, an issue further compounded by their apparent non-use of numerals when referring to Khagans.​

In the midst of all these wars, Kutlug took the time for some diplomacy and festivities by marrying Princess Doquz, the daughter of Hülegü, ruler of the Ilkhanate. This was an important move - while the Sultan was busy fighting his defensive wars, he ensured the Mongols would not come backstabbing him from the East. With his Northern and Eastern borders secured, Kutlug went back to the battlefield. In 1297, barely one year after signing the peace with Emir Nasir, he was helping him fend off Crusader aggression - the Franks, clearly seeing the Emir weakened, had sought to use this state of affair to their advantage. It would seem they thought Kutlug would not come to the help of a former foe - they paid for their mistake dearly. Kutlug renewed his help to Emir Nasir against catholic invasion in 1298, but from records of that time, it appears clearly that at this point his disdain towards the petty Emirs, too weak to defend themselves and "more interested in the content of their treasure chest than in Islam and its protection", had reached its maximum. Too weak to fight themselves, the Emirs of Syria clearly needed protection, and as such in 1299 Kutlug went to war against Nasir, his former ally.

Emir Nasir (r. 1295-1341). It is fair to say that according to records, Kutlug did not held his rival in high esteem - and I'd trust the records on this one.​

Weakened by constant warfare, the Ayyubid Emirate still somehow managed to hold on until 1302, when defenseless and without any allies, Nasir had to accept peace and Kutlug's protection. Kutlug was at the height of his power, and he celebrated that by crowning himself Sultan of Syria in a grand ceremony in Damascus, held March the 9th, 1302. It was just in time - that same year, Caliph Sami II called for Jihad against Egypt, and Kutlug answered (as well as to a call for help from the Sheikh of Al'Ula against the invading Knights Templars, who had gained a foothold in Arabia proper). But Kutlug never had the time to make an impact in the Jihad. He passed away June the 13th of the year 1303, leaving his son Batuhan the task to lead the Zengi armies to the reconquest of Egypt.

Kutlug's progeny. As oldest son, Batuhan inherited, but the dynasty's survival was ensured with his 4 brothers making it into adulthood.​

And tomorrow, we will speak about Batuhan, perhaps the most well known Zengi Sultan. See you then !

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 5: The strong - the beginning of Batuhan's reign (1303-1315)​

Glad to see all of you again today ! I see nobody dropped out - great, great. But then again dropping out just before we begin studying in detail the rule of one of the most prominent - if not the most prominent - Zengi Sultans would be silly, wouldn't it ?

Batuhan the Strong. Yes, as you may tell, he wasn't a great ruler save for his military prowess. And if you think that this estimate might be overestimating his military talent, I'd advise you to stay and listen carefully.​

As you may recall, Batuhan inherited a powerful and stable Kingdom, but also a participation in a Jihad. It looks like Kutlug, who had inherited an already decently sized realm and a war from his predecessor, was determine to outdo his father in every way. Facing the decently powerful Crusader state of Egypt, who retained a mighty army despite the earlier defeats inflicted by Kutlug, would have made anyone uncomfortable. Batuhan was undaunted by the task, though - trusting in his fellow Sunni allies, he marched alongside them to the banks of the Nile.

One such ally, Sultan Savtekin of Rum (r. 1293-1329). Keen to maintain good relations with the Seljuk Sultan even during times of non-Jihad, Batuhan married his sister - or more exactly, half-sister - Gumus in 1306, further strengthening the relationship between the two Sultanates.​

However, Egypt was a faraway realm, now held by local, hostile lords. Direct witnesses of the Jihad claim that a lot of Zengi soldiers died simply due to disease and a lack of supplies in this faraway lands. As a consequence, Batuhan seems to have avoided direct battles with the Crusaders, instead preferring to siege strongholds so that his other allies were free to crush the Egyptian armies. Batuhan himself took Cairo twice (in 1304 and 1306, after the Crusaders had re-captured it), also taking strategic strongholds such as Eilat, Giza or Fustat. His implacable attitude in sieges led to chroniclers assigning him the nickname "the Strong" very early in his reign. The Sultan's strategy paid off - in 1307, its armies routed, having lost major fortresses, King Yves Tiepolo had to surrender to the Caliph. Egypt was Ayyubid and Muslim again !

Queen Valentina passed away that very same year, avoiding for a couple days the shame of having to surrender to the Caliph - as a consequence, Yves was the last Crusader King of Egypt. This is more of a technicality than anything else, since he ruled for 8 days before laying down his arms and surrendering the land to Khalil Ayyubid, who died 1 month later.​

It was a time of celebration in the Muslim world and especially for Batuhan - or at least, should've been. Unfortunately, Batuhan caught his wife Songul trying to poison his heir, Prince Selim, born to another of his wives. The Sultan remained calm, however, when discovering the deed - he simply forced his wife to drink the beverage destined to his son. She had prepared her plot well, the poison was fairly potent and death came quickly. Still, this weighted on the Sultan's mind, and it appears he casually dismissed reports in April 1307 of a new, especially potent new disease spreading through the Far East: "Allah is with us ! The Almighty will protect us, and stop this disease before it even so much as approaches here !". Not a great epidemiologist, the Sultan was obviously wrong.

Prince Selim, Batuhan's son and heir, and Caliph Sami II (r. 1281-1308). Their status didn't protect them from the Black Death.​

He was mightily wrong even. In one mere year, the disease, spreading like wildfire, had reached al-Jazira. Batuhan was very closely affected, his son and heir Selim dying from it. The same thing also happened to the victorious Caliph Sami II. There was no stopping the plague. But the living kept going - even if terribly weakened. In 1309, the year where the disease peaked in the region, Batuhan pledged his support to Nosrat-es-Din, the new Ayyubid Sultan of Egypt who was busy fighting off Christian aggression. The disease did not have only bad consequences, however. First, the deaths of rulers set in motions inheritances, from which the Zengis would benefit. Second, whether you called your god Allah, Yahweh or simply God didn't seem to do much to protect you from the disease: between 1310 and 1314, the plague raged in Europe, claiming many lives... And weakening the Catholics.

Emir Murad Ayyubid (r. 1304-1313), the last of his branch. Upon his death - another victim of the Plague - Emir Nasir, whom we've already seen in the lecture about Kutlug, inherited his title and lands. Batuhan didn't wage war directly in the Holy Land, instead gaining control of lands there by this inheritance and his vassals winning wars in the region.​

It did not weaken them enough, however. By 1315, the already powerful Zengi ruler had extended his realm... Pacifically, in fact not doing anything himself. All of the petty Emirs of Syria and Jerusalem were of the Ayyubid dynasty. As such, they could stand to inherit from one another - and with the plague claiming many lives, the likelihood of it increased even more. It's in this way that Emir Nasir of Damascus, a vassal of Batuhan, inherited the Emirate of Oultrejourdain from young Emir Murad. While this strengthened his vassal more than himself, it was still a source of pride for Batuhan, who now was the uncontested master of al-Jazira, Syria and most of the Holy Land - though not the city of Jerusalem itself. The Zengis were now at the height of their power.... When Pope Silvester V, despite most of Europe being decimated, called for a Crusade. The goal ? Liberate the Zengi-held Holy Land, of course.

Pope Silvester V (r. 1309-1327), the man who reignited the Crusades.​

We will see this afternoon how the Crusade unfolded, especially from Batuhan's perspective - I don't think you want to miss that !

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 6: The Great Crusade- the end of Batuhan's rule (1315-1325)​

Ah, the Great Crusade of 1315. Where to start, where to start. A fascinating topic. I won't go back too much on the historical events, like the battles, the sieges, and so on - those you already studied in the module "Warfare and religion in the Middle Ages" during the previous semester. And anyway, to study the Great Crusade would take a whole semester, in fact some people have dedicated their entire lives to it. No, since the focus of these lectures lies on the Zengis during the Middle Age, I will focus on Batuhan's... experience, so to speak.

The traditional boundaries of al-Jazira, Syria and Jerusalem. At the start of the Crusade the Zengis controlled almost all of the former - since Mu'izz ad-Din -, most of Syria - save from Rum and Venitian holdings on or near the coast -, and most of the lands of Jerusalem - with once again mostly coastal lands being away from Zengis control, usually held by Venice.​

The Crusade started with a bad omen - Prince Kara, Batuhan's heir, died in 1316. The Sultan had good reasons to believe that his otherwise healthy son had some outside help when it comes to leaving this world, but he did not have time to find the culprits. Already the first crusading armies, disembarking by boats directly in the Holy Land or coming from the North, marching through Anatolia, were here. Batuhan was not alone to face the huge Crusading armies - the Ayyubids, Rum, the Ilkhanate, the Caliph, and more, had all pledged their support. And they weren't lying - they all came, leading their massive armies to the help of their Sunni brethren.

Sultan Savetkin of Rum (r. 1293-1329), whom we've already seen in these lectures, was a close ally of Batuhan. They were joined by the Ayubbid Sultan Nosrat-es-Din (r. 1307-1328) and the Khagan Jajiradai the Proselytizer (r. 1313-1347) himself. The Khagan's help seemed to have been very important for Batuhan, who sent tokens of his appreciation to the Mongol ruler in return. As for the Ayyubid Sultan, he paid the ultimate price for his military help to Batuhan - captured by Queen Agathe Ludowinger of Thuringia, he died in captivity in Germany, leaving the throne to his young son Nosrat-es-Din II.​

The beginning of the Crusade was fairly balanced. Battles were won (Al Bichri 1316), battles were lost. The Sultan was defending his lands very well, showing all his military prowess in the process. But more and more Crusaders were coming, in seemingly unlimited numbers, and it was impossible to defend all of the Zengi territories against all of these armies at once. But you already know that, as well as you know about the great retreat to reform the Zengis' scattered armies. The great trek across Armenia, to join up with the 20 000 men strong Rum army of the Caucasus, and the way back to the Holy Land. With this army came success - the Crusaders were blown away, and by 1322 the Zengis had retaken control of all their lands, crushing the scattered Crusading armies coming and trying to retake major strongholds.

Grandmasters Aubry of the Knights of Sardinia (r. 1309-1337) and Vladislav of the Knights Templar (r. 1309-1329) were not favorable to a negotiated peace with Batuhan.​

While he was a skilled warrior, more than a great ruler, Batuhan was still counseled by skillful advisors. And it seems they managed to convince him that it was time for peace - the realm was extenuated, and peace was now necessary to rebuild the Sultan's armies strength. On top of that, the Crusaders had now failed for a couple of years to take any major stronghold or city in the region - recently devastated by the plague, surely the Catholics were also tired of this war and unable to continue ? So Batuhan sent an embassy to Pope Silvester V, proposing what was in his mind a fairly favorable peace deal to the Crusaders who, it seemed, had lost the war. The embassy never came back; what came from Rome that year, 1324, was a mercenary army under command of the Pope, funded by the Church's vast wealth and the various Catholic Holy Orders. They mercilessly crushed the weary remains of Batuhan and his allies' army.

Kaiser Wilhelm the Hammer (r. 1316-1333) and Queen Isabella of England (r. 1317-1362) - who had not yet embraced the Lollard heresy - paid a heavy toll to the Crusades, but their rival Emperor David the Lame (r. 1311-1343) - who did not join the Crusade - was unable to grasp the unique opportunity offered to him.​

After more than 10 years of warfare, after being so close to victory Batuhan and his allies felt it in their grasp, defeat was inevitable against the superior Catholic numbers. Who were made to pay a heavy price, however: reports suggest that the King of England went from being able to count on 20 000 to 25 000 soldiers pre-1315 to a mere 6 000 in 1325. Imperial accounts report 30 000 German knights never coming back from the Holy Land. The chronicler Charles of Palermo, who was traveling with the Papal armies in 1324, wrote that "the lands of Jerusalem are awash with blood.... One should beware of where he puts his feet, for it is likely that a man, be it a Mahometan or a Frank, lies wherever one is walking. Even at the height of the plague I have never seen so many dead, nor such devastation". The price of war was not paid only by the Catholics, however. Sensing their liege's weakness, the lords of Rum rose in open rebellion as soon as the Crusade was over. But Batuhan would never live to see it. Like Queen Valentina of Egypt, he would never have to live with the shame of having to surrender his lands to his religious enemies - having led a full life, the Sultan left the throne to his only adult son, Kutlug II, February the 26th of the year 1325.

Batuhan's children - diseases claimed the first two, Prince Alaeddin and Prince Selim, and the third one - Prince Kara - was the victim of court intrigue just before coming of age. Leaving only Kutlug to inherit. The lack of males was troubling the minds of Batuhan's subjects, since his brothers were not exactly productive on that front either.​

Tomorrow we will see how the young Kutlug II dealth with such a difficult situation to inherit - let's hope you are as numerous as you were today !

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 7: A war torn realm - the beginning of Kutlug II's reign (1325-1339)​

Welcome again for another lecture on the topic of the medieval Zengis ! I see some of you seemingly tiring of it - yes, Peter, I can see you trying to sleep behind that pillar - but I'll advise you to keep paying attention. We're not quite finished with the Zengis yet.

If Batuhan compensated for being a lackluster ruler with a brilliant military mind, poor Kutlug II didn't really have anything going for him.​

Last lecture, I kind of spoiled the ending for you ahead of the time - yes, the Zengis lost the Crusade. The new Sultan tried desperately to rally his troops to gain victory, but rather than an actual counter-attack it was more one last hurray. Yes, the Knights of Santiago were beaten at Homs. Yes, the Polish armies were forced to abandon the siege of Damascus because of Kutlug II's attack. Yes, at Al Mafraq it was the turn of the Portuguese to taste defeat. But as you can tell, these were no major power in this Crusade. The major powers were the HRE and the Papaucy itself; and their armies were far too superior to Kutlug II's. He did not dare attack them; he could not stop his lands being occupied by the invaders. The last blow came in 1330, when the maneuvering Zengi army was caught off guard by the Papal troops near Acre. The ensuing defeat sealed the fate of the Crusade. Soon enough Kutlug II, finally facing reality, was surrendering to the new Pope, Martinus II. The Great Crusade was over.

The Kingdom of Jerusalem, disestablished when the de Lusignan lost their possessions in the Holy Land in 1312, was recreated and the crown given to Queen Aliénor (r. 1330-1331), of proverbial wealth. Her reign lasted 6 months until Khudayar, a man serving in the armies of the Emirate of Damascus, slain her in battle. Her daughter Denise (r. 1331-1346) inherited both her lands and her wealth.​

But what did this defeat meant, to the Zengis ? Well, if we look at the situation with the benefit of hindsight, Kutlug II was still in a very good position in the region. Sure, he had lost the Holy Land; and sure, the seemingly unlimited pockets of the fantastically wealthy new Queen of Jerusalem meant an immediate reconquest was out of the question - the two rivals being heavenly matched in other regards, mercenaries would make the balance swing in favor of the newly reborn Kingdom. But his possessions in Syria were untouched (although depleted military wise). More important, the core of the Zengi power, in al-Jazira, had been unspoiled by the war. Sure enough, just like in Syria, there were few men able to wield weapons left, but this problem would be solved by time. Otherwise, the Zengi position remained strong, with Kutlug II's realm a formidable foe for anyone daring enough to attack it.

Emir Ala'i (r. 1311-1334), who revolted against the tyranny of his liege. He died a free man, and his son Emir Nasraddin (r. 1334-1391). Kutlug II claimed to have accepted the white peace because he want to imprison the ancient ruler, not the new one - but sources citing some of the Zengi ruler's closest advisors claim he was forced to do so by the war becoming a stalemate.​

Kutlug II undertook the Hajj as soon as the Crusade was over, but despite the deep religious experience the Sultan did not embrace wisdom. He was at first concerned with the stability of his realm; in Syria the petty Emirs had enjoyed being independent, and sensing their overlord both inexperienced and military weakened they did as much as they could to further limit the few powers the Sultan had - war having been the top priority of the previous 3 Sultans, few laws strengthening the central power and weakening the vassals had been enacted, unlike what happened in other realms. Kutlug II reacted rashly, betraying his inexperience: accusing Emir Ala'i of plotting against his rule, he tried to imprison this troublesome vassal. This was a failure, and war broke out. It would last for 3 years, from 1332 to 1335, and would essentially a stalemate - despite winning numerous smaller engagements, Kutlug II was unable to crush the Emir's main power, and a white peace ended the conflict. This was already a defeat in itself for the Sultan: Zengi rule had been characterized by military strength, which pacified the realm. For the first time the Sultan had proved unable to entirely quell a rebellion, and his other vassals dutifully took notes, as well as his regional rivals.

Sheikh Murad of Hebron (r. 1319-1336). A weak ruler of a smaller and tormented realm - Hebron claimed independence from neighboring realms in 1290 when a man called Hussayn successfully led the peasants to revolt. His successor failed to address the region's problems, though, and was deposed by Murad in 1319. Suffice to say such unrest did not help the lands of Hebron grow a powerful army - especially concerning when there are victorious Crusaders at your doorstep. Murad was rightfully worried about his situation.​

It was clear that the realm needed peace. The realm needed attention and care, to grow ever more powerful. Unfortunately, Kutlug II had nothing of a talented administrator. Instead, dreaming of his grandfather Kutlug Ironside, he decided to be similarly famous thanks to his heroic deeds in protection of the Sunni faith. That is why he decided to help the Sheikh of Hebron, an independent and weak Sunni ruler, against the Kingdom of Jerusalem. But Kutlug II was not like his grandfather - this was quickly revealed at Madaba, where the Zengi Sultan suffered a crushing defeat. More and more delusional, unable to get to grip with the reality of his military weakness and especially unable to overcome the loss of land and prestige that followed the Crusade, Kutlug II turned his eyes to the North. Indeed, if a lot of marriages had been concluded between the Zengis and the Seljuks, it was not only out of a desire of alliance with the Sultanate of Rum: Kutlug II's predecessor had also nourished the hope that one day, one of their successors would be able to unite the two realms into one. And Kutlug II mistook himself for that successor, despite all evidences saying otherwise. War was declared in 1337 - not for Kutlug II himself, but for one of his uncles instead. In Kutlug II's mind, the toughest part was to get a Zengi to rule over Rum; after that, unification would be inevitable. But that part would prove too tough for him. The war itself was quick: Sultan Batuhan II of Rum mustered his army, marched South, crushed Kutlug II's armies at Nisibin and at Tell Bashir, and the war was over after one mere year.

Sultan Batuhan II the depraved (r. 1329-1347) of Rum. Despite his nickname given by contemporary sources, he was a for more effective ruler than the destructive Kutlug II.​

As we can see, Kutlug II was probably the most inadequate ruler the Zengi Sultanate could have had at this time. But perhaps this was the rashness of youth ? Surely by growing older and wiser, the Sultan would focus on what his realm needed ? Come back this afternoon to find out !

 

[Yvanoff]

Hello, class ! Sorry for coming in just as your last lesson of the day ends, but I just realized I forgot to give you some important resources - I'm sure you have two minutes to collect them, so please stay in the room for now.

First, I have the map of the Zengi conquests during the reigns of Mu'izz ad-Din, Kutlug Ironside and Batuhan. Bear in mind these maps will only show direct conquests by the Zengi rulers.

Here you can see the extant of the Zengis conquests during the second half of the XIIIth century. In red are the lands Mu'izz ad-Din inherited from his father. In yellow are his conquests. In green are Kutlug's and Batuhan's conquests - Batuhan mostly spent his reign warring in the Jihad for Egypt and against the Crusade, so most of those territories were conquered byt his father Kutlug.​

Then, I have a very important map showing the Zengi Sultanate at its greatest expansion (1313-1330).

In yellow are the Zengi lands themselves, and in blue are the lands of the Ayubbid Emirate of Oultrejourdain, which were inherited by Emir Nasir of Damascus - Batuhan's vassal - in 1313. Those lands were lost as the Zengis lost the Crusade.​

Last but not least, I have a very, very important map about the inner organization of the Zengi realm under Kutlug II. Please study this map very carefully, for it is very important.

The Zengi Sultanate under Kutlug II.
In yellow are the lands held by the Zengi ruler himself.
In brown is the Dayrikid Emirate of Mudar, ever loyal vassals since Batuhan lifted their dynasty from irrelevance by granting Dogukan the title of Emir. Until then the northern and southern thirds of the Emirate had been held by the Zengi rulers themselves, while the central part was ruled by the Tawfiqid Sheikhs, but over-extension of the realm meant Batuhan did not have the resources to rule these lands himself.
In green is the Ghazi Emirate of Palmyra at its greatest extent - it lost its southernmost province to the Emir of Damascus, another Zengi vassal, during Kutlug II's reign.
In red is the Ayubbid Emirate of Aleppo. During Kutlug II's reign, its two southernmost provinces - Homs and Baalbek - would be inherited by the Sultan of Egypt, putting an end to Zengi rule over them - though the Emir of Aleppo himself remained a Zengi vassal.
In blue is the powerful Ayyubid Emirate of Damascus. Its power meant the Zengi rulers always kept a close eyes on the whereabouts of Damascus's ruler.​

Thank you class for your attention ! Sorry for delaying the end of your day like that - I know you're in a hurry to go home but I couldn't possibly let you leave without giving those to you. See you tomorrow !

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 8: Slowly falling asleep - the end of Kutlug II's rule (1339-1352)​

Good afternoon everyone ! I'm glad to see you again - and I can see most of you are back ! That's great, that's great. You won't regret coming here this afternoon, I promise ! Now where were we ?

The Furusiyya was a form of tournament widespread in Arabic and Muslims realms in the Middle Ages. It focused on the mastery of horse riding, with some exercises of horse archery and other using the lance. Many parallels were drawn between these and the tournaments of Feudal Europe.​

Ah yes, I was pointing out that the realm needed peace to recover. Whether the Sultan had this in mind or not, we don't really know. He held a great Furusiyya in 1340 - the first such festivities since Mu'izz ad-Din's reign -, which does hint at a Sultan becoming a bit less war-like and a bit more realm-focused. However outside events would force him to march to war again. Indeed, while Batuhan II of Rum had come to mistrust the Zengi Sultan, he did remember the old alliance between the two Sultanates, and he had included in the peace treaty a rather forceful reminder of the Zengi Sultan's obligations. That is why Kutlug II gathered his armies again, regardless of his own designs, to walk against the decidedly expansionist Kingdom of Jerusalem. He did not have much more success than he had when helping the Sheikh of Hebron, though, and after seeing his army beaten at Safed (1342) the Zengi ruler mostly left Batuhan II to deal with this himself.

High Chief Ajinai (r. 1315-1352), ruler of Samarra, vassal of the Ilkhanate and neighbor of Kutlug II. Although the Mongol conquests had largely stopped, he did want to leave his mark in history. He failed, losing his war against Kutlug the Lame. This defeat would contribute to his vassals siding with High Chieftess Noor the Usurper, a distant relative who invaded his lands and claimed them for herself in 1352. Ajinai would die in her - formerly his - dungeons.​

Waging war continuously was bound to take a toll on the Sultanate's military strength, especially since Kutlug II was far less successful than his predecessors had been. But the Zengis did not exist in a vacuum; they had neighbors, and especially the vast and powerful Ilkhanate and its expansion hungry vassals. In 1342, trying to capitalize on Kutlug II's obvious weakness, High Chief Ajinai tried to invade Mosul. A Mongol victory would be a disaster, far more than the Crusade had been - it would rob the Zengis of the heart of their power. Fortunately, even Kutlug II could understand the gravity of the situation. The Sultan spared no expense to make sure his army was as strong as it could be - and it turned out that the High Chief of Samarra was not as powerful as he looked. Kutlug II managed to beat back the Mongol army, before marching into their homeland, taking the strongholds of Kirkuk and Daquq. Ajinai was forced to admit his mistake - his prey was still powerful enough to defend itself - and had to concede defeat after 2 years of war, himself being somewhat weakened by the scale of his defeat.

Khan Arasen of Irak (r. 1310-1363). Located downstream on the Euphratus and Tigris rivers from the Zengi lands, the Sultanate of Irak had been first established by the Abbasids, before being conquered by the Mongols and being re-established by one of the Kagan's vassals, Khan Arasen himself.​

The Zengis were once again at peace. For how long, though, was an important question - local chroniclers of the time report being worried about Kutlug II acting rashly and recklessly again. But it seems that time had finally appeased the Sultan, who wounded in battle would come to be known as the Lame. He did march to war 3 more times: once to help the powerful Khan Arasen of Irak against the Catholics (which was more of a diplomatic move than an actual military help), and twice at Sutlan Danismend II of Rum's request, in 1347 and 1350. Outside of these campaigns, Kutlug II focused on administering the realm and improving his lands to the best of his abilities. Although his handling of the realm's internal affairs resulted in the Sultan losing more and more powers to his vassals' benefit, he did avoid war, whether civil or of conquest, and healed the realm somewhat. That is, until 1352, when Caliph Khabichi declared a Jihad to retake the lands of Jerusalem. Kutlug II was preparing to answer his religious head's call and march to war, when he died abruptly in 1352. The exact cause for his death are not known; but reports of the time let on that a palace plot had ended the Sultan's life. Young Yaman was now called upon to rule the Zengis and lead them to war again.

Kutlug II's children. Only one adult son is not a lot to ensure Zengi survival.​

And tomorrow we'll study young Yaman's rule. A fascinating, if too often forgotten figure - I really, really encourage you not to miss that lecture !

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 9: Instability and fall - the reigns of Sultans Yaman and Sökmen (1352-1370)​

Hello again for another lecture on the Zengis ! This time will mark a departure from the usual format of two lectures per ruler - this morning we'll cover two rulers. Historical circumstances are what dictate the structure of my lectures, not a rigid structure.

Sultan Yaman (r. 1352-1359). I'll forgive you for not knowing his name before this lecture - but you better remember his name, as hard as it might be.​

Young Yaman, as Kutlug II's only son, inherited the throne upon the passing of his father. Being 14 years-old at the time, during the first two years of his rule power was in the hands of his regent, and politics dominated by his powerful vassals. This regency further weakened the dominance of the Zengi ruler over his vassals, which was already weak to begin with. Otherwise, not much of note happened during this regency, but the climate of Jihad reigning over this period led to Yaman being heavily taught the art of war. He emerged of this education with a bright military mind, some even holding him to be an even better general than Batuhan the Strong. While that was undoubtedly an exaggeration, all the sources agree in giving Yaman a great mastery of war. This mastery, though, could only be shown once - during the battle of Madaba, where the Zengis armies defeated the equally powerful Jerusalem army in 1355. Yaman showed excellent leadership there, tiring the Frankish knights by hit and run tactics before exploiting the lack of discipline slowly emerging in the tiring Jerusalem ranks. Against the Catholic holy orders and the unlimited funding available to the King of Jerusalem, though, one victory was far from enough. Every time a Crusader fell, 2 mercenaries took his place - or so it seemed. And in 1359, the Knight Templars, in vastly superior numbers, crushed the Zengi armies at Palmyra. This proved to be the end of the Jihad, since a few months later Caliph Abagha - who succeeded Caliph Khabichi, fallen in battle in 1356 - ended the Jihad. Unable to hold onto any conquest in Jerusalem, beaten in battle, the Sunnis were defeated in a Holy War once more. The future certainly looked grim for the Prophet's followers, and especially for the Zengis, who certainly were the vanguards of Islam in the Levant.

Sultan Sökmen(1352-1359). Batuhan's nephew, he was the head of the last remaining Zengi branch. He should never have inherited the throne, but the weakness setting in the Zengi dynasty allowed him to.​

A few months after the end of the Jihad, Yaman died, bringing an abrupt end to a short reign mostly spent warring in Jerusalem. This event would prove to be rather divisive among scholars. It's not the nature of the death itself which causes debates - Yaman was killed by precisely-struck arrow while traveling in Mosul, though his murderers were never found thanks to the lack of an inquiry on the matter. Rather, some argue that Zengi fortunes changed decisively that day. Yaman had shown an undeniable military prowess on the fields of the Holy Land, losing an unwinnable war but not without causing a lot of problems for the Crusaders. What would've happened had he been able to rule longer ? One can only speculate, but certainly Yaman would have been a mostly warfare-focused ruler, unlike his successor. Sultan Sökmen was indeed mostly concerned by the strength and prosperity of the realm - the Sultan could clearly see that, weakened by the incessant warfare against the Crusaders, the Zengis were only a shadow of the power they were under Batuhan. The new ruler set to remedy to this weakness, investing heavily in the infrastructure of al-Jazira, either by building new settlements or upgrading the existing ones.

Caliph Abagha (r. 1356-1375), ruler of the Ilkhanate. He turned from a Zengi ally to their bane and certainly didn't help make the Borjigin Caliphs - established in 1334 - populars in the eyes of the Zengis. Not like the ruler of the Ilkhanate would care about that.​

Prosperity set in, but war was never far with the Zengis. However this time, it would not be brought about by the Sultan declaring war himself or getting caught in Rum's wars. Indeed, if anything what cost the Zengis was the end of their diplomatic policy - Kutlug II didn't concern himself too much with diplomacy, and his son Yaman's rule was too short for any meaningful action to be taken. As a consequence, the alliance with Rum had run its course, and more concerning, the old treaties with the powerful Ilkhanate were no more. And Caliph Abagha grew to develop the same state of mind as Kutlug Ironside had towards the petty Emirs of Syria ruling in his time: the Ilkahanate's ruler saw the Zengis as little more than a declining dynasty in dire need of protection if their lands were not to fall under Crusader rule. That is why, in a fateful day of 1364, a messenger brought the terrible news to Sökmen: Abagha had invaded, claiming al-Jazira for himself.

The Zengi troops leading the line against the Mongols. They would certainly hold their own and distinguish themselves against the fearsome warriors from the steppes, but what hope could their be against such a powerful enemy ?​

Sökmen was not about to surrender his ancestral lands without a fight, however. Channeling the spirit of his more warlike ancestors, he led his troops into battle himself - and was initially successful, repelling the first wave of the Mongols armies at Rahbah and at Deir in 1365. The Zengis would not go down without a fight ! But unfortunately, the resources of the Ilkhanate were vast, too vast for the Zengis to match. The next year, the full might of the Mongol armies won the rematch in Deir. Mustering all the money he could find, Sökmen hired local mercenaries for his service, and for a time it looked like the war could yet go Sökmen's way - the Mongols being forced to retreat and lick their wounds after a crushing defeat at Sinjar. But the Caliph, knowing that time was ticking his way because of his immense resources at his disposal, didn't accept any peace other than total submission, leading Sönmez down the path of desperate resistance. It was doomed to fail: the Zengis were crushed three times the next three years, massively outnumbered by the Mongol hordes. Sökmen could see that defeat was inevitable, his strongholds falling one after the other, but the stubborn Sultan refused to yield. He would never have to - in November 1370, gout overcame him. Having to travel around the countryside, hiding from the Mongols, certainly did nothing to help him fight the disease. His 4-year-old son Savtekin was left in the care of the suffering Sultanate.

Sökmen did not have a lot of children, but he at least had two sons - although they were far too young to rule effectively in such difficult times.​

These were hard times for the Zengis - but they had known such hardships before. How would they bounce back from such a weak situation ? Come back this afternoon to find out !

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 10: On the brink of extinction - the reigns of Sultans Savtekin and Mahmud (1370-1394)​

Hello again for another lecture on the Zengis ! This afternoon we will once again cover the rules of two Sultans, Savtekin and Mahmud - you'll soon see why.

Sultan Savtekin (r. 1370-1394). He is here pictured as an adult, but was 4 years old when he inherited the throne. A tough start in life. But he at least had an heir, which is quite lucky for such a young boy.​

We left off this morning with the Zengis in a difficult situation. Invaded by the Mongols, now ruled by a young shild, how could they fight back ? The answer is that obviously, they could not. Sökmen had held together resistance against the Mongols, but with his death, his vassals negotiated peace immediately. It has to be said that it was a pretty good peace deal for the vassals: the Dayrikids, made Emirs of Mudar by Batuhan more than half a century ago, simply changed overlord, now swearing fealty to the Caliph himself. Not only being a vassal of the most important man in Islam was quite prestigious, on top of that the Caliph, ruling over a vast Empire, left a lot of autonomy to regional rulers while still being strong enough to enforce policy such as peace in the realm - policy protecting weaker vassals especially. No really, the Emirs of Mudar didn't really have any reason to fight the invasion any longer. As for the others, well..... the Emirs of Aleppo, Palmyra and Damascus held no lands in the contested territories, so they didn't stand to lose much. Even better, the Zengi ruler would be severely weakened, since all of his lands were being invaded, completely swinging the balance of the realm in favor of the Emirs and leaving the young Sultan and his potential successors at the mercy of his vassals. No really, the more the Emirs thought of it the more peace looked like a great deal for them.

After the invasion, Savtekin lost all of his family's ancestral lands, in effect leaving the power in the hands of his vassals, the Emirs Nasraddin of Aleppo (r. 1334-1391), Radhi III of Palmyra (r. 1360-1387) and Tayyib of Damascus (r. 1371-1388).​

Peace was concluded, although there was one slight issue. Losing all of his lands, the young Sultan had nowhere to go ! He needed a capital, lands for himself. Of course, one possibility would've been to overthrow him, end the Zengi dynasty - reduced to two underage boys at this time - and either dissolve the Sultanate or give the crown to one of the remaining vassals. But there is such a thing as the internal balance of a realm. None of the other vassals wanted to yield any significant power to the other; as for independence, they would've turned into easy targets for the Kingdom of Jerusalem. So they agreed to continue the play, leaving the young Sultan as a figurehead to rule while they shared the rule among themselves. As for the capital, well, none of the Emirs was disposed to lose lands for the benefit of the young Sultan. The Emir of Damascus, though, being the most powerful vassal, quickly found himself under the pressure of a united front from the two other Emirs to give some of his lands to Savtekin. While the demands were formulated with all the diplomatic niceties possible, the true motive behind the cooperation of Aleppo and Palmyra on the matter was to weaken the most powerful Emir of the 3. And so the Emir of Damascus left the rather poor lands of Al Mafraq to his young suzerain.

Beylerbey Mzhezh (r. 1364-1398; also Beylerbey of Antioch and Cibyrrhaeot since 1356) was quick to seize the opportunity. His dynasty's fate is deserving of a whole lecture by itself. Suffice to say, the Hetoumi were Armenian Christians princes who ruled over Cilicia in the Middle Ages. Vassalized by the Sultanate of Rum, they converted to Islam and expanded internally, becoming quite strong. Uncomfortable with his vassal's new power, Sultan Batuhan would revoke the Beylerbeylik of Cilicia in 1332, but Rum was unable to maintain internal peace and by 1356 Mzhezh, having reconquered most of his family's ancestral lands, proclaimed himself Beylerbey of Cilicia once more.​

But despite the facade of union, the realm was terribly weak. The lost lands in al-Jazira, on top of giving their resources directly to the Zengi ruler, had also been developed by Kutlug II and Sökmen. The Zengi Sultanate was nothing more than a rump state, an old animal destined to die. And the first vultures manifested themselves quickly. In 1372, Belerbey Mzhezh, a vassal to the Sultanate of Rum, declared war for the rich city of Aleppo to Savtekin. The 3 Emirs, sensing their rule threatened, raised their own banners as well as their lord's to defend the realm. But that was not enough. The weakened Zengi army was outnumbered by Cilicia's, and crushed at Hama in 1373. Occupation of the contested territories followed soon after, and by 1374 the war was lost. The Zengis, who had held off the powerful Crusader Kingdom of Egypt, who had resisted the Crusade for 15 years, who had even resisted the Mongols for 7 years just recently, were beaten in 2 by the smaller - though still decently powerful - realm of Cilicia. Truly, none of the men leaving at the time thought the Zengi Sultanate would exist for much longer. Some gave it 3 years; some gave it 20. But inevitably, all predicted a grim outcome.

The Queen of Jerusalem Isabelle III (r. 1359-1388). She would be the last independent ruler of Jerusalem: her husband was Slavac Mytzes, King of Bulgaria and Pannonia. As such, their son Miroslav inherited all three kingdoms and preoccupied himself more with Bulgaria's affairs than with Jerusalem's, which explains the rapid demise of the Kingdom after her rule.​

Fast forward 7 years. Not much happened in the meantime - the Emirs used the regency as an opportunity to expand their powers, as much as they still could, but no war could be declared as all the targets for expansion were too powerful and the maturing Savtekin had no lands which he could try to develop. And then, ripping the monotony of the boring palace life that Savtekin was leading, came the news: the Queen of Jerusalem was invading with a strong army in the name of God. It was over. The Zengis were doomed to extinction. Or were they ? In their darkest hours, isolated and pitifully weak, their oldest ally noticed them. The Sultan of Rum remembered the old alliance; more prosaically, he was also not comfortable letting Jerusalem expand that easily. That is why, as soon as news of the war broke out, the Sultan of Rum sent a messenger to Al Mafraq: if the young Sultan would have him, then he would help the Zengis fend off the invaders. The news were welcomed with great relief in the Sultanate, but also with anxiety. The Sultan had a lot of potential enemies and troublesome vassals. Also, while Rum was powerful, the Crusaders were too, even though they had spent away their immense wealth on mercenaries the previous decades. Still, the plan for the campaign was now evident: the Sultan, soon to come of age, and his vassals would march North, leaving their lands defenseless to join up with the Seljukid army. Allah willing, their combined numbers - which is to say mostly Rum's army - would be enough to beat back the Crusaders.

As soon as he came of age, Savtekin lost no time. He married the daughters or sisters of three of the most powerful rulers of his time - those being Sultan Danismend II of Rum (r. 1347-1401), Khan Arasen II of Iraq (r. 1371-1386), and Khagan Usun the Great (r. 1382-1408). The first two were local powers, whose help was essential in helping the Zengis survive. The last one was rising in the East, seemingly unstoppable, beating the formidable Ilkhanate and seizing Central Asia as his own.​

Savtekin came of age far from Syria, in 1382. The distance did not prevent him from conducting diplomacy by marriage, reviving the old alliance with Rum with his union to the Sultan's daughter, and also seeking the alliance of Iraq, a major local power, by marrying Khan Arasen II's sister. Meanwhile, his brother Mahmud was married to the Khan of Transoxiana's daughter, to complete the alliances. And this diplomacy paid off. The Sultan of Rum, despite insisting on coming back to the Caucasus region to quell some rebellions, was too powerful for the Kingdom of Jerusalem, who was beaten in battle, with its early gains slowly but steadily reversed. Then, around 1386 - the exact date was left unrecorded -, the Khan of Iraq, having agreed recently to ally Savtekin, proposed his help. It was too much for the Queen of Jerusalem, who seeing the war as unwinnable agreed to Savtekin's offer of white peace in 1387. The Zengis had become essentially a Rum tributary state, being left alive only by Danismend II's intervention; but the Zengis were alive. Savtekin celebrated the newfound peace by undertaking the Hajj, as many of his ancestors but not many of his immediate predecessors had done. He would not enjoy peace for very long: he was, like Kutlug II and Yaman before him, likely victim of a plot in 1390. Having no male children - but survived by 2 daughters, Merve and Usunbike -, the throne passed on to his brother, Mahmud. The throne - and only one title. Indeed, since Kutlug Ironside the Zengi rulers had styled themselves Sultans of Syria and al-Jazira. When young Savtekin acceded to the throne, the Zengis still technically held lands in al-Jazira, so he was proclaimed Sultan of both lands. But by now, it had been 20 years since the Zengis last held lands in al-Jazira. Nobody could be bothered to keep this up anymore, and anyway the weak and poor Zengi ruler was in no position to assert his authority on the matter. So Mahmud was simply crowned Sultan of Syria, which was the region where all his lands laid.

Sultan Mahmud (r. 1390-1394). He benefited from a palace plot, and repaid the plotters by never ordering any deep inquiry over the mystery of his brother's death. Luckily, Mahmud already had a son, so while the Zengi dynasty's survival still hanged on by a thread, it was a bit more assured.​

Sultan Mahmud did not have the time to do much, however. He had barely started ruling, slowly consolidating his grip on the throne, that Pope Callistus IV called for a Crusade. The target? Anatolia, which is to say most of Rum's lands. It was time for the Zengis to repay the Seljukid Sultan for his decisive help in the war of 1381-1387: Mahmud immediately marched to war, raising his army and marching North to meet the Crusaders in battle. That would be where he'd meet his fate: Bishop Thietmar, a commander for the Imperial army, emerged victorious of their duel in the high lands of Anatolia. The bishop would not enjoy his victory for very long, dying days later from the injuries sustained in the duel, so perhaps it would be fairer to Mahmud to call it a draw. At any rate, Mahmud's sole surviving son - and last surviving male Zengi - was the 7 years old Berkan, plunging once again the realm into disarray. Berkan's younger brother Alaeddin, Mahmud's other son, had indeed died of pneumonia aged 1. And to make things worse..... [A ringing can be heard] Oh, but I guess it's time already. This was an unexpectedly young lecture. I guess I'll have to speak about poor Berkan tomorrow, then.

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 11: A well timed death - the rule of Sultan Berkan (1394-1412)​

Good morning everyone ! I hope you slept well last night - good sleep is the key to remember what happened during the day well. And as a critical moment in the history of the Zengis, expect all of yesterday's lecture to be in the test. As well as all of today's, by the way. The end of the XIVth and beginning of the XVth century were absolutely crucial in shaping the future of the Zengis

Sultan Berkan, a rather majestic figure as presented here - certainly not as majestic when he was a 7-years-old child, however. A ruler more focused towards ruling the realm than conquest or foreign policy.​

As you undoubtedly remember from yesterday, Mahmud died in battle after ruling for 4 years, precisely the kind of event the Zengis couldn't really afford in such a tight situation as theirs. He did leave behind a 7-years-old son, Berkan, as heir..... But nobody else. Berkan was, at this time, the sole male Zengi alive on the planet. The situation was further compounded by the regency council's formation. As you remember, the Emirs of Damascus, Aleppo and Palmyra essentially held the power in the remnants of the Zengi Sultanate, the Sultan being nothing more than a figurehead. Rivalries between the Emirs led to this compromise when the child Savtekin ascended to the throne - but young Berkan had no such luck. Emir Tadros II of Damascus managed to get himself named officially regent, and more worryingly for the child sitting on the throne, he got the informal support of the other two Emirs. What did that mean ? It meant that, should any tragic accident happen to Berkan before he could sire any heir, the throne would go to Tadros - in exchange for confirmation of the two other Emirs' powers. As the saying goes, "when you play the game of thrones, you win or you die". It certainly seemed like the Zengis had lost - sources claim that Tadros viewed the regency as nothing more than a formality to accomplish before he could seize the throne for himself.

Ambitious Emir Tadros of Damascus (r. 1388-1396). He dreamt of recreating the great Sunni Ayyubid Empire - the Ayyubids being still in power in Egypt, but having converted to the Coptic faith long ago. His dreams could never come true.​

However, the regent had more pressing matter than having the young Sultan suffer an unfortunate and fatal accident. That would happen, but it could wait until more pressing matters were dealt with - such as the Crusade. What good is it to seize the throne from the dying Zengis if it is to be targeted by holy wars into oblivion ? So Tadros called upon the nominally Zengi armies. Now, Tadros II might seem like an evil, scheming man, and evil, scheming men are by cliché usually cowards. Well, the Emir was nothing like that, and he was determined to make good impression over his future soldiers by leading them himself in battle. He went out of his way to be at the center of the action, anywhere his men might need his presence, and forgetting that war is, after all, risky. It seems he believed Allah was protecting him, had chosen him to revive the fortunes of the Ayubbid dynasty, rising again from the shadow of the Zengis. Allah, however, had other plans which apparently involved letting the Zengis live. The 10th of September 1396, a well adjusted blow from the mayor of Arras, a man named Sigimsond, cut short the hopes and dreams of Tadros II. Just like Mahmud had let his throne in the hands of a child, Tadros II's heir was the young Jawdat, aged 6 at this time. With both the Zengis and the Emir of Damascus out of the picture, it was a great opportunity for the other two Emirs to make their move - but being of similar strength and unable to agree on a power split, they didn't seize this unique moment of history. There a great men who leave their mark on History, and those who fade away forgotten.

Mîrza I (r. 1423-1435 as Emir; ruled since 1405 as an independent Sheikh). The Burcid were Coptic Kurds who led a local revolt and obtained independence in 1405.​

Left off the hook, Berkan quietly matured into a decent ruler, without anything else of note happening - except Anatolia being lost to the Crusaders in 1398. There was nothing the Sunnis could do against the might of Catholicism - and even less when the Caliph decides to declare a Jihad for his own benefit in the meantime (the Great Jihad of 1395, aiming at reconquering Yemen from Coptic Abyssinia, ended with a white peace in 1407). Then, having come of age in 1403, the new Zengi sultan waited for his chance. This manifested by the successful Burcid rebellion. The Burcid, Coptic Kurds of the al-Jazira region - does this ring a bell to you ? - had used internal turmoil in the Ilkhanate - and especially the Jihad in Yemen, which led to the Caliph's troops being tied there and losing a lot of men in the process - to conquer the lands of Nisibin, Amida and Bira, creating the independent Burcid Emirate in the process. But the young Emirate was weak, and in 1406 Berkan declared holy war for the lands controlled by the Burcids in the Sheikhdom of Nisibin. The Burcids were militarily limited, isolated as Christians in the middle of Sunnis. They were beaten in al-Sukhnah, in Nisibin, and in Asas. By 1407 it was over. Berkan had won. This might look like nothing to you - but it was quite an important event. The last Zengi victory in an offensive war dated either to 1307, in the Jihad for Egypt where Batuhan's troops played a key role, or to 1302, when Kutlug vassalized Emir Nasir of Damascus. Yes, it had been more than a century since the Zengi had last conquered territory. Berkan certainly did realize that he halted the terrible decline the Zengis had undergone, holding a great feast in his capital, moved into the newly conquered lands. His ambitions were obvious: reconquer al-Jazira, the lost homeland of his ancestors. Only problem: the Caliph, ruler of the Ilkhanate and as such of these lands.

Caliph Tokhtamis (r. 1391-1414). Once again the Mongols stood in the way of the Zengis' ambitions, and once again nothing could be done about that - especially since Tokhtamis, overall a decent ruler, was an excellent general, well-versed in the art of war. Berkan himself being a weak strategist, despite good councilors, there was no point in even waging war on Tokhtamis.​

Berkan then tried to use turmoil in the Ilkhanate to his advantage, declaring war to the rebellious High Chief of Mosul - a man named Kogsegu - but the rebellion ended before any gain could be made. Berkan then realized that conquering the lands of al-Jazira was impossible - if the combined might of Syria and al-Jazira could not beat back the Mongols under Sökmen's rule, the limited strength of the Zengis now stood no chance. At the same time, having taken note of the Zengi expansion into formerly Mongol territory, but especially concerned with the new Crusader Kingdom of Anatolia and its possibilities for expansion into Syria, the Caliph sent a messenger to Berkan. The message was delivered diplomatically, but it was crystal clear: Berkan had the choice between submitting to the Caliph and benefit from his protection, or face endless hordes of warriors. Swallowing his pride, Berkan did what no other Zengi ruler had done before him: he bent the knee. The great ceremony was held in Esfahan - the Mongols' capital - in 1412, celebrating the Zengis' submission to the Mongols. The Zengis were now the Caliph's subjects, owing him taxes and troops in exchange for protection. Berkan wasn't a subject for long, however. In November of that year, the Sultan fell ill after a copious meal. Despite the desperate attempts of many doctors to save him, his health deteriorated, and he passed away the 26th of that month. Mahmud II, his only son and heir, a 6 years old child, was left in charge of the Sultanate, as history set to repeat itself.

Berkan, dead at 25, didn't have the time to procreate much. Fate in these times wasn't kind to the descendants of Nur ad-Din.​

And with this ends the lecture of Sultan Berkan - a man who did his utmost to reverse Zengi fortunes and revive the old Sultanate of Kutlug Ironside and Batuhan the Strong. But now a child was left in charge - were all his efforts for naught ? You may go, but don't forget to come back tomorrow ! We're nearing the end of our study of the medieval Zengis, it would be a shame to drop out now....

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 12: Down, then rising again - the beginning of Sultan Mahmud II's rule (1412-1431)​

And now, and for the last time, dear students, I wish you a good morning ! Yes, today is the last day where you'll be seeing me. Ah, don't make this face, Johanna - all good things must come to an end ! We're not quite finished yet. There's one last Sultan we have to study to complete this lesson about the medieval Zengis. He tends to be a bit overlooked, coming at the transition between two eras, but it's fair to say that he was absolutely crucial in ensuring the dynasty's survival. Even more so than Kutlug Ironside or Batuhan, I dare say.

Sultan Mahmud II. A well rounded ruler, without any major obvious strength, but no glaring flaws either. A balanced ruler was probably exactly what the Zengis needed in such a crucial period of history.​

When we stopped.... History looked set to repeat itself. Berkan had died aged merely 25, his life cut short by an unfortunate illness. His heir, and once again last male Zengi alive, was Mahmud II - a child barely 6. The Zengis' survival held on by a thread - as usual, one could say. But what would happen in case Mahmud II couldn't make it into adulthood ? Berkan was saved from his ambitious regent by a timely death on the battlefield, but what about Mahmud II ? Well, now the main threat wasn't internal, but external. You see, Caliph Tokhtamis, an intelligent man, didn't forget to include a certain provision in Berkan's terms of submission. Provision which said that should the Zengi ruler die without any direct heir, his lands would revert to the Caliph. Berkan, not planning on dying so quickly, had agreed - and now his 6 years old son was all that stood between the Caliph and direct ownership of the Zengi lands. Mahmud II could not quite grasp the gravity of the situation he was in, but his councilors certainly did. How could they protect their lord against the Caliph's ambitions ? Because undoubtedly, Tokhtamis would turn his eye towards the young Sultan at some point. Or would he ?..... In 1414, the Caliph passed away brutally, a lifetime in charge of a huge Empire encompassing Persia and most of Central Asia having taken its toll. His heir - young Tokhtamis II, born the previous year and very much unable to conspire against one of his vassals. Allah smiled again on the Zengis !

Tokhtamis II (r. 1414-1472), here pictured later in his life, inherited the Caliphate and the Ilkhanate as a newborn. Moreso than the survival of Mahmud II into adulthood, it is the Caliph's survival into the snake pit that was Esfahan at the time that is impressive.​

Mahmud II could then grow up quietly, instructed into the art of ruling by his advisors. It is said that he played a major role into convincing his regent to go to war against the usurper, High Chief Kogsegu of Mosul. The war being declared in 1418, when Mahmud II was already 12 years old, the story might well be true although it is not corroborated by reports of the time. Whoever was the instigator of the war, the aim was clear: restore the Zengis to their former glory - the target was none other than Mosul, the Zengi capital of old that Savtekin had had to leave over 40 years ago. High Chief Kogsegu was nicknamed "the Drunkard", which gives you a good insight of his abilities as a ruler. Well, he wasn't a better general, and had to surrender after 2 years of warfare. The year was 1420, and the Zengis were back in control of Mosul. They found that Mongol rule had not been too hard on the region. On the contrary, the Mongols had invested a lot of resources in the region, and Mahmud II was left in control of a prosperous region indeed worthy of being a Sultan's capital.

High Chief Kogsegu (r. 1383-1431). The poor guy was chased from his lands by the Zengis, who came back with a vengeance after half a century of exile. He died landless 4 years after his final defeat.​

Mahmud II came of age in 1422. He did not have the chance to be crowned in Mosul like his ancestors had before him, so he held a great ceremony in his new capital instead, linking his rule to the rule of the great Sultans of old. In the process, he took two wives. One of them was the daughter of the Khan of Bogen, powerful steppes warriors - albeit Catholic ones. The other was the daughter of Sultan Kaya of Rum. Mahmud II indeed prized the alliance with Rum above all else, probably in part because it had been forged by his ancestors, and also because the Turkish Sultanate remained a powerhouse in the region despite the loss of Anatolia. But Mahmud couldn't stay put. There was a time for celebrations, but also a time for war. After all, Zengi rule wasn't yet restored to the whole of al-Jazira. That is why in 1423, he led his troops to war against the Burcid Emirate. The aim now was not merely to conquer a bit of lands, but simply to make Emir Mîrza his vassal. The Burcids were just as weak as they were when Berkan had attacked them, and just as isolated. The war was over quickly - it took merely one year to make Mîrza swear allegiance to Mahmud II. The Sultan celebrated his victories by making the long travel to Mecca for the Hajj, to thank Allah for his benevolence towards the Zengis in general and himself in particular. As soon as he was back, he went to war again against Kogsegu, but was this time thwarted by an obstacle he had not accounted for. Tokhtamis was only 12 years old, but he insisted that his regent show the Caliph's power. He also did not approve of his vassals fighting among themselves when the true enemies were the Crusaders who had established Kingdoms on Sunni lands. That is why he proclaimed the Caliph's peace in the Ilkhanate. Faced with the choice of putting down his arms or raising the flag of rebellion against his overlord, Mahmud II wisely chose the former option - not without swearing to Kogsegu that they'd meet on the battlefield again. The truce, after all, was limited to 5 years, the Caliph being not so powerful as to impose perpetual peace on his vassals.

Pope Urbanus V (r. 1417-1433). It's fair to say the Zengis are no friends of the Papacy. ​

Made to wait, Mahmud II waited. He came back in 1431. Kogsegu was still as weak and isolated, and was quickly beaten. Sinjar, and with it the last parts of the original Zengi homeland, was now in the possession of Mahmud II. All that was left was to make the Emirs of Mudar pay homage to the Zengi Sultan again, and once again the lands of Kutlug Ironside and Batuhan would be whole again. Mahmud II celebrated his victory by crowning himself Emir of Mosul, and more importantly Sultan of al-Jazira. The title, last held by a Savtekin who held no lands there, was now Zengi again. But for how long ? Because that same year, terrible news arrived from Rome again: just as Batuhan before him, Mahmud II was the victim of the papal fury. The spiritual leader of all Catholics had indeed called for a crusade for the lands of Syria, much to the dismay of Mahmud II. But this time, the Zengis were vassals of Tokhtemis, who was the nominal target of the Crusade. Surely that would swing the balance of the war in favor of the Zengis this time ?.....

Well, we'll see about that this afternoon for our last lecture together ! Eat well but try not to sleep for this last time together please.

 

[Yvanoff]

By the way, class, just before you leave, I have some more resources to give you. More maps ! Maps are always important to understand history. Those should make you realize the terrible situation the Zengis were left in after 1370 and how Berkan and especially Mahmud II turned back the tide of decline.

First map: the rump Zengi state (1370-1400)


Yes, this is the extent of Zengis-held lands between 1370 and 1395. Shocking, isn't it ? To compare with their earlier glory....
As per the other maps:
- orange are the lands held directly by the Sultan
- blue is the Ayyubid Emirate of Damascus
- green is the Ghazi Emirate, centered on Palmyra.
- red is the Ayyubid Emirate of Aleppo​

As you can see by comparing to maps from earlier times, the decline was severe, and the Emirs were all more powerful militarily than the Sultan. The conquest of Ghazi lands by Damascus led to an uneasy balance of power between on one side the Emir of Damascus and on the other the Emirs of Aleppo and Palmyra. This balance somehow managed to preserve the realm.

The beginning of the "rump Zengi state" - as it is usually nicknamed by historians - is dated to either 1370 and Savtekin's ascension to the throne, or 1371 and formal defeat at the hands of the Mongols. The end date is much more unclear, however. In 1395, the Emir of Aleppo managed to conquer the lands of Tell Bashir located immediately to his North, expanding Zengi territory once again, so some historians end the period there. But others argue that this victory wasn't the Sultan's doing and as such can't really be held to be the start of the Zengi Renaissance. Those historians would rather end the period in 1407, date of the military victory over the Burcid and first conquest by the Sultan themselves in over a century.

Second map: the Zengi Sultanate at the onset of the Syrian Crusade (1431)


what a drastic change, isn't it ? In not even half a century the Zengis had greatly expanded again. The same color scheme are used for the various Emirates, with two new colors:
- in grey-green to the North is the Coptic Burcid Emirate, recently vassalized by Mahmud II.
- in brown is the Emirate of Mudar, still a direct vassal of the Caliph at this stage but in discussion with his liege and Mahmud II over the possibility of swearing fealty to the Zengis, their former overlords. Mahmud II was ready to go to war over lands his ancestors had ruled over, but the Dayrikids used to be loyal Zengi vassals and as such Mahmud II would rather have a peaceful settlement of the question if at all possible.​

Berkan, but especially Mahmud II were energetic rulers, and they revived the Zengi fortunes. The comparison between the two maps make quite clear the extent of the reconquest, and while the Zengi Sutlan seem to held less lands than he used to be under Batuhan or Kutlug Ironside, the map doesn't show that Mahmud II also held at personal title various mosques and fortresses in the area he ruled over, making him having far more control over the lands he held than his predecessors (OOC: in short, I have less counties than I used to, but lucky inheritances left me with baronies I didn't use to have so I still had a decently sized personal demesne). Note that the Emirate of Aleppo, in red, expanded vastly during this period: know that Mahmud II had nothing to do with this, it was entirely the doing of strong willed Emirs taking advantage of the chaos reigning in the area at that time.

Third map: distinction between al-Jazira and Syria


With Mahmud II being crowned Sultan of al-Jazira, an important distinction has to be made between the lands he held as Sultan of al-Jazira and those coming with the Sultanate of Syria. The crusade targeted only the Syrian lands, colored in grey. In orange are the lands of the crown of al-Jazira. The Dayrikids are not included since they were independent.​

And now you can see the lands at stake with the Crusade. That's a fair amount of lands, to defend against the whole of Christendom. But Mahmud II was now vassal of the Caliph, ruler of the most powerful Empire of the time, an Empire stretching from Mecca to the steppes of Central Asia.

 

[Yvanoff]

Part 13: Dawn of a new era - the end of Sultan Mahmud II's rule (1431-1453)​

And for the last time, dear students, I will say good afternoon to you. Indeed, these lectures reach their end as we study the end of Mahmud II's reign, himself the last of the medieval Zengis. As the focus of your cursus is about the Middle Ages in the Near East, you won't study the Zengis any further, but you should know that there are lectures about the Zengis and the Renaissance for other students - if you're interested in knowing more detail about the later Zengis, be sure to contact those students ! But for us, right now, the focus is Mahmud II, so please focus on him until the end of these 2 hours.

Gerhard de Nîmes (r. 1437-1448), King of Syria. Upon his death, he was succeeded by his son Emelrich 'the Good'. Emelrich was indeed a more skilled diplomat than general, beaten by Ayubbid Egypt into becoming a tributary state.​

Unfortunately, it turned out even the great Ilkhanate was no match for the wrath of the united Catholic world. The Zengis themselves were beaten at Deir by the Papal troops in 1432, and the Ilkhanate lost all the decisive battles. Because of the huge resources available to each side and the vastness o the contested territories, the war dragged on for a while, but as more and more Crusaders kept arriving it soon became obvious that the war was unwinnable for the defenders. And in 1437, the Caliph was humiliatingly forced to surrender to his arch-nemesis, the Pope (now Martinus III, Ubranus V having died during the course of the Crusade - Martinus himself would die one month later). This event vastly diminished his prestige in the Sunni world - what good is a Caliph if he can't fight back against the Crusaders ? -, and especially in Mahmud II's eyes. Did his father Berkan bend the knee for nothing ?

Heir to Mîrza, Sahensah (r. 1435-1445) had to give up his father's faith at the behest of the Sultan. He was later killed in personal combat by his own vassal, Sheikh Nêcîrvan of Amida, leaving the Emirate to his son, Mîrza II. Despite having adopted Islam too, ambitious Mîrza II desired nothing more than becoming Sultan of al-Jazira himself, and was a troublesome vassal to handle. But these events are outside the scope of these lectures.​

Mahmud II, able to see that the Crusade was lost after 1434, decided to instead focus on the administration of his realm. Remember, after all, what happened when the Mongols invaded al-Jazira: Savtekin's regency council was very happy to accept the Caliph's offer of peace, since it meant they either could keep their lands under Mongol rule (Emirs of Mudar) or would be subject to a Zengi Sultan having lost all of his personal possessions and with it his power and leverage over his vassals (the other Emirs). Well, the situation was now reversed. Mahmud II had reconquered his family's ancestral homeland in al-Jazira, where all of the lands he held personally laid. Syria was full of powerful, troublesome vassals. Now, don't misinterpret this: all sources from this time depict a Mahmud II angered and depressed about the inevitable loss of his lands in Syria, which Kutlug Ironside had fought so hard for. But all in all, this wasn't that much of a big setback for the Sultan, since the core of his power, in al-Jazira, would remain untouched no matter what. So the Sultan set his sights on how to govern his realm effectively post-Crusade. And one big issue was the Burcid Emirate. Mîrza had bowed to Mahmud II's authority, true enough, but he remained a Coptic Christian who didn't enjoy being subject to a Sunni overlord. He was a destabilizing factor in the realm, and Mahmud II wouldn't have it. Studying history, he knew what the Zengis needed were peace to build up their strength. Peace, under Allah's protection. But Mîrza, a zealous Emir who had revolted against the Ilkhanate in great part because of religious tensions, wouldn't hear anything about converting. This left Mahmud II with no choices. Using the pretense of a plot instigated by Mîrza, the Sultan trried - and failed - to imprison the troublesome Emir. War ensued, but the Sultan was ready for the possibility of open rebellion. While his lands in Syria were subjected to blood and death at the hands of the cruel Crusaders, Mahmud was subjecting his lands in al-Jazira to civil war. That was quickly over, victories in Bira, Sinjar and Amida forcing the Burcids to surrender, but not before Mahmud II had become known as a Traitor. That is perhaps very unfair, seeing how much he did for the prosperity of his realm, but during a battle Mahmud II came to duel one of the rebels' commanders. He was about to lose the duel, when he managed to get away by throwing one of his own commanders in front of his foe. Not a very honorable action, to be sure, but tell me: is it better to rule 41 years, make your realm prosper, and survive in battle at all cost, or is it better to fight honorably and until the end in battle and die after ruling 4 years, plunging your realm into disarray ? At any rate, Mahmud II won the war, and Emir Sahensah, who had succeeded his father Mîrza who died during the war (of a non-war related cause), was forced to convert.

A map of the Ilkhanate at the end of Mahmud II's rule (borders outlined in red), with a list of the Caliph's most powerful vassals at the top left. The Caliph could raise 13k men from his own lands in Persia, and 60k men from his vassals. Of these vassals, the most powerful was the Khan of Irak and Arabia, who could count on at most 32k men including one third from his personal lands - although at the time, war with Abyssinia over Yemen and rule by the 11-years-old Toghtoga II had severely weakened the realm, forcing recourse to mercenaries. Akhutai, High Chief of Samarkand was roughly of equivalent strength to the Zengis, being able to raise 14k men, the vast majority of those from his personal lands - his strength here is a bit overstated since account of the times also take hired mercenaries in account of his strength. In reality, the Khan of Sistan Menggei was somewhat more powerful, being able to raise almost 20k men himself - a bit more than half of those coming from his own vassals. Mahmud II himself was no pushover, being the 3rd most powerful vassal in the realm if mercenaries are not taken into account, with 16k men at his disposal and three quarters of them coming from his own lands and such of ensured loyalty. Lastly, High Chief Chiledu II of Khiva could nominally count on 9k men at the best of times, although wars had weakened him and the hiring of mercenaries by High Chief Kogsegu of Fergana made the latter appear more powerful than the former. In reality, the High Chief of Ferghana could only rely on 6k men and used mercenaries to make himself more powerful than he actually was.​

The Sultan then did his utmost to improve his realm as best as he could. Lucky inheritances had given him direct control of a lot of strongholds and mosques in al-Jazira, and he spent the rest of his rule making sure his possessions were fitted with the latest technological improvements available. He notably vastly developed the settlement of Niniveh, which had been rebuilt as a small mosque by the Mongols and which was considerably expanded by Mahmud II. At the end of his reign, despite the loss of lands in Syria, Mahmud could field an army just as vast as Kutlug Ironside and Batuhan could in their time. He was among the Ilkhanate's most powerful and prosperous realms, helped by a settlement with the Caliph - to compensate for his loss of lands in Syria, to reward Mahmud II's loyalty towards his overlord, and because the Dayrikids used to be Zengis vassals, Tokhtamis II made the Emirs of Mudar Mahmud II's vassals, with the agreement of the Dayrikids, who weren't unhappy to serve the Zengis again. After all, better be a powerful vassal in a sub-realm than being insignificant in the great Ilkhanate, isn't it ? All in all, Mahmud II, otherwise also widely respected in his time as a scholar, was probably the greatest Zengi Sultan, ushering an era of prosperity upon his lands as the Middle Ages reached an end and firearms slowly replaced swords and spears as weapons.

His three eldest son. Berkan would marry shortly thereafter, but him remaining unmarried this late fed tensions with his father - Berkan, otherwise a great diplomat and able administrator, felt neglected by his father, who focused on his more warlike eldest sons, Kara and Kaikhusraw. The latter was the brightest of the two, being an excellent strategist and decent ruler, while Kara had nothing more than a decent grasp of military tactics. All in all, it is fair to say that Berkan looked to be the brother who would've made the best ruler, and his father often relied on his advice.​

There it, however, one last issue I haven't spoken of yet. What about the dynasty ? The biggest problem the Zengis had faced at the turn of the century was the lack of male heirs putting the dynasty in a precarious situation. Well, it's fair to say Mahmud II tackled the problem effectively. Acutely aware of the problems a lack of male heirs could bring, he was a productive Sultan, siring no less than 11 children including 8 males (one of them died shortly after birth, however). Though, it has to be pointed out, his firstborn Kara was not his actual son - Kara, according to the legend, was actually a young toddler that Mahmud II had found while hunting on his lands. Toddler cared for by a wolf, like the famous Romulus and Remus. Allegedly, Mahmud II saw a good omen in this, and adopted the boy. Whether that is true or a clever disguise for an illegitimate child, we don't know for sure. Kara, however, was surpassed in skill by his half-brother Kaikusraw, whose ability as a ruler did not escape the Caliph's acute eyes. Kaikusraw was appointed governor in Persia (in the region of Yazd) by the Caliph himself, a great source of pride for Mahmud II who therefore made him his heir, feeding tensions between his two eldest sons. But conflicts between rival titles claimants was something preferable to extinction, isn't it ?

The Sultan was overall fairly, how to say, productive. He certainly ensured Zengi survival with his great skills on the matter, something which can't be said of his predecessors.​

And, well, I think that will be all for this lecture. We've covered everything, I think, and we leave as the Zengis are able to look forward a seemingly bright future, their eyes fixated on the lost territories of Syria. I would like to thank you very much for your patience - you've put up with me during these long lectures very well, studiously listening to everything I had to say. I'll see you again for the test, but given your attitude during these lectures I'm fairly confident all of you will pass easily ! I wish you good luck and a lot of success in the rest of your lives - goodbye !