The Komnenid - An Alt-History Alexiad AAR

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The Komnenid

Book 1 - Doux of Epirus
Chapter 1: Setting the Stage
Chapter 2: The Winds of War

Book 2 - Rise of Kontostephanos
Chapter 3: The Alexiad

 

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Chapter 1: Setting the Stage
1 April, 1088

Excerpt from Rise of Kontostephanos:
To record the whole history of Byzantium or the house of Komnenos should be left to the chroniclers of the court. I will instead write about what I know: the history of the Kontostephanoi, my own house. And perhaps in doing so, I will have told the history of the Komnenoi as well. Seven years into the reign of Alexios I Komnenos, in the year of our lord 1088, that tale begins.

Isaakios Kontostephanos, lustful, brave, and content as the strategos of Epirus, was 49 and still unmarried. A few obstacles stood between him and matrimony:

His house had as yet no connections in the Byzantine aristocracy – indeed the Kontostephanoi were viewed by the older families as upstart landowners who rose to the ranks of the nobility by working their way up the social ladder through bribes and flattery. The truthhood of that claim is debatable; what is indisputable is Isaakios’ bravery commanding the Kataphraktoi quashing various rebellions in the early years of Alexios’ reign. As a result, the young emperor favoured the dutiful commander and awarded him the theme of Epirus when its previous holder died without issue. Epirus was the ancient land of great kingdoms and the Trojan city of Buthrotum where Aeneas stopped before sailing to Italy. In 1088, it was one of the larger themes in the diminished Roman Empire. The sultanate of Rum had conquered most of Asia minor following the disastrous battle at Manzikert - may God curse its name.

Isaakios, in his opportunities to meet highborn women following his elevation to Strategos, failed to impress any for a future wife. He was brusque and did not know much outside his military studies. A rumour circulated through court that he spoke with a lisp and could not pronounce his sigmas and thetas. This is corroborated on several accounts by council members in Epirus.

Isaakios himself seemed uninterested in marriage. It was not the companionship of men or boys that he seeked, but he pleased himself with camp followers and courtesans in Constantinople to satisfy his lust. No known children had resulted from such unions, however, and at the age of 49 he might have worried for his succession if not for...

Isaakios’ younger brother Stephanos Kontostephanos was the doux of the Ionian Islands. Under the recommendation of Isaakios, Stephanos entered Byzantine court as a diplomat. When his sense of honesty and justice were seen as liabilities, he became an advisor to Alexios over his legal reforms. Alexios considered his advice invaluable, and when Stephanos turned 45, the emperor awarded him the theme of the Ionian Islands to govern ‘as well as he had the outdated mess that was the Code of Justinian’. It was also rumoured that Stephanos had a lingering stutter from childhood, though it did not greatly impact his tact and diplomacy in letters.

He was shortly married to a dancer in Constantinople, who was said to be sweet and gentle, and shone like the moon...

She died in childbirth, bearing him a son. History has no need to remember such insignificant women, with neither name nor riches.

To Isaakios’ north was the theme of Dyrrhachion, ruled by doux Georgios Palaiologos. The Palaiologoi were another new family that ascended to relevance in one generation, and Georgios was a proud man who desired more than just the frontier lands he held. Traditionally, the strategos of Dyrrhachion had also governed the lands of Epirus, but under recent administrative changes, Epirus was separated from the older theme. The emperor had often rejected his entreaties to join the themes, or move Isaakios under his chain of command. Those pleas are now ironic to think of, considering the entwined destinies of Epirus and Dyrrhachion.

John Synadenos, strategos of Lychnidos, ruled the lands northeast of Epirus. He was a well-liked young doux who was equally capable of war and administration. As a result, the theme of Lychnidos fielded the largest army of all the strategoi. Its proximity to neighbouring kingdoms meant John’s abilities did not go to waste.

Capable men though the strategoi were, the emperor whose dynasty is the topic of this work outshone us mortals. At 32, he was at the height of his physical prowess, and would only become wiser and greater. A peerless warrior and skilled diplomat, the emperor was then preoccupied with finishing his great monetary reform that would cement the period of stability we had enjoyed following the civil wars. The empire was at peace, though that would not be for long...

The emperor had three children at the time: Anna, the eldest, was born in the purple and said to be a lively child. At just 4, Anna Komnene showed signs of her mother’s shrewdness and her father’s bravery. Her younger sister Maria was a docile child, somewhat weak in constitution. She was born on campaign in Trebizond. Finally, the third child, a boy, was named John Komnenos. The birth of John in 1087 somewhat complicated the succession, as most Byzantine nobility had assumed that Anna Komnene would be empress one day, as despot or consort. She was, of course, still very young. But Alexios had spoken of her as a future empress often, though he stopped after the birth of John. The boy was said to have had a beatific smile upon birth, with great resemblance to the father, and perhaps that, as much as anything, swayed Alexios’ mind.

Irene Doukaina was Alexios’ wife and mother of his three children. The emperor and empress were greatly enamoured with each other, and Irene accompanied him on many of his military expeditions. She was the sister of the Doukai patriarch, and her ancestry from one of the great houses of Byzantium ensured she was well-educated in courtly intrigue. All of the court respected her cunning and feared her retribution. With piety like the Theotokos, Empress Irene was the equal if not greater of other great empresses: Theodora who quashed the Nika riots, Irene of Athens, Saint Theodora of the Triumph of Orthodoxy.

It was said that she favoured her oldest daughter for the porphyry, and her influence balanced Alexios’ favour for John.

The caesar at the time was Adrianos Komnenos, Alexios’ younger brother. He was a well-intentioned man, though his diplomatic ineptitude caused many to question his suitability as imperial heir. It was likely that Alexios and Adrianos both knew that he was only a temporary heir until Alexios’ children came of age. In the meantime, he was Alexios’ delaying tactic.

 

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Chapter 2: The Winds of War
5 May 1088

The olives and grapes in the Ionian Islands were budding when Alexios I Komnenos announced the completion of his monetary reforms. Never a man for rest, the emperor invited his strategoi to discuss potential war targets. Chief amongst the doux was Isaakios Kontostephanos, whom the Basileus entrusted with the post of marshal.

Between the jingoist border strategoi and the peace-inclined island doux, the council agreed that the best target to attack was the principality of Rascia. It was de jure Roman territory historically, and the self-proclaimed ‘King’ Vukan of Diokleia flaunted his independence in the face of his mightier neighbours. It was time to take back what was rightfully Byzantine, and give the other Balkan lords a lesson. Isaakios rode home to Epirus to muster his own cataphracts before joining the Imperial Army.

Isaakios led the centre column in the siege of Rascia. The Prince of Diokleia wisely manoeuvred his troops into Byzantine territory to avoid a pitched battle, which would have surely resulted in a crushing Byzantine victory. In a few weeks, the Byzantine army made short work of Rascia Castle, and Isaakios was prepared to order the troops to occupy the neighbouring town and monastery when a runner delivered an unfortunate message.

Emperor John I Tzimiskes had welcomed over 100,000 Armenians into the empire under his reign a century ago. Most of them had settled in the Bulgarian and Macedonian themes, and some of their communities were within a few days’ march of the main Byzantine force. It seemed that the foreign Prince had stirred discontent and encouraged heresy with his spies in Macedonia in preparation for just such a war. With the prospect of facing a united enemy of Diokleia and Pavlos’ heretics, Isaakios worried the Empire would suffer more losses than expected. He sent word to Alexios and ordered more defences built around the besieging army, should the combined enemy forces decide to attack the Imperial Army directly.

Three months later, the city and monastery of Rascia yielded to the Imperial Army. Among the prisoners taken were the wife and mother of Prince Vukan. The successful siege was a relief for Marshal Isaakios, who had grown troubled in the intervening time. Each day the army received rumour that the heretical uprising was gaining in strength. The connection between Pavlos and Prince Vukan was undeniable, with the banners of Bogomilists and Diokleians frequently spotted alongside.

Not a week later, Isaakios Kontostephanos received orders from Constantinople to garrison Castle Rascia with a regiment of infantry, and to scatter the rest of the army to their respective strategoi. Delighted with his victory with few losses, Isaakios rode with his cataphracts back to Epirus.

The peace that Alexios negotiated with Diokleia was a testament to his great patience and foresight as a ruler. In exchange for peace and the return of his family, Prince Vukan agreed to cede the county of Rascia to its rightful owner, give up the royal arms he claimed, and disperse the heretic peasants back to their fields. Alexios graciously pardoned Pavlos, under the condition that all Bogomilists either abandon their heresy or relocate to Diokleia. Over the next decade, tens of thousands of Macedonians and Bulgarians would take the chance to emigrate to the lands of Duke Vukan, who communed with both Rome and Constantinople, and accepted all heresies.

The Empire enjoyed a peaceful winter, but Alexios’ mind was tireless, and his ambition to recover land from the Seljuk Turks was unabated. The Battle of Manzikert could be counted amongst the greatest blows ever suffered by the Roman Army, alongside Cannae, Teutoburg Forest, and Yarmuk. To add insult to injury, the Turks had started to call themselves the Sultanate of ‘Rome’. For over a century, Byzantine Emperors since Romanos II Porphyrogenitus had endured the insult rendered by the King of Germany and the Bishop of Rome. At least those ‘Romans’ had claim to the city of Rome itself. But for this Muslim sultan to claim lineage from Aeneas, Romulus, and Julius Caesar was a far greater offence. One that Alexios could stomach for no longer.

A secret message sealed by Alexios’ signet ring was delivered to the See of Rome in February. No response came from Bishop Clement, whom many knew was under the thumb of the King of France. Furious, the Emperor sought the support of Bishop Odo, who was recently elected ‘Pope’ by those cardinals who did not bow to King Henry. Odo had been denied entrance to St Peter's itself by the Antipope, but Alexios knew much of the West still saw him as the true Bishop of Rome. After weeks of deliberation within the Curia and months of correspondence with the great kings of Christendom, Bishop Odo of Rome, also called Urban II, announced the creation of a new order of Knights whose express goal was to reclaim the Holy Land from the heathen who had seized it from Byzantium.

In addition, Urban II sent back a promise for military support against the Turks within the next few years. He was asking kings and princes from Galicia to Scotland for armies, and the muster would be a slow process. They would also need time to deliberate over the target of the Crusade, claimed the bishop. In exchange, Urban II asked for the Emperor to recognise his legitimacy over the pretender Clement III, who occupied the See of Rome. Implied within the request was the always-thorny issue: Urban II asked for Papal primacy to be acknowledged by the Emperor and Patriarch.

In truth, neither Alexios nor Patriarch Nicholas cared much for the politics in the West. However, they maintained a firm stance that whoever the Bishop of Rome was, he was only first amongst equals, and not the Pope and successor to St. Peter. Though the response was written with the utmost diplomacy, some among the Byzantine court would wonder if the refusal would contribute to Urban II’s much-delayed declaration of the First Crusade, or to his failure to deliver on the promise of help against the Sultanate of Rum.

During the summer of 1089, Isaakios Kontostephanos commissioned an icon of John the Baptist for the chapel in Epirus. We have learned about this from a letter addressed to his brother Stephanos, dated to July 1089:

Brother,

The vineyards and young girls of Epirus are better for me than the court and courtesans of Constantinople. Last year’s war has greatly fatigued me. I fear that I will not have the strength to direct a long campaign against the Seljuks. Alexios wants me to in the next few years.

A young artist has asked for my patronage for a likeness of John the Baptist. It is expensive, but it is a small price to pay for my immortal soul. It will be complete in August. I have talked to the artist about the life of Saint John. John knew all his life that the messiah would arrive. He lived a simple life, and did not teach as Jesus Christ did. Some men may feel Christ to be too difficult to emulate, but all men can hope to live as John did: in the service of greater men than he.

I feel the age in my bones. You may as well, in two years when you are fifty. It is time for me to look back and reflect on my life. I have lived a long, sinful life, and I have known many more women than you. How is it that you have a son when I do not? Unless I am surprised within the year, I may never have an heir of my loins. You may be tall, Stephanos, but you must carry the Kontostephanos name for me. I have asked Alexios to consider you as my successor, and regent if I beget a son.

Brother, we have not talked much since your wife died. Come to Epirus, if the Ionian Islands are not too beautiful to leave. I will show you around Arta and the castle, for I expect it to be yours soon. You can bring your boy, so that I can see the future of our house. We can visit the bridge over the river Arachtos, and there we can wash his feet.

Isaakios Kontostephanos

Unfortunately, that summer also saw the second marriage of Doux Stephanos. Too busy to leave his island home, the doux sent an apologetic letter to his older brother. He would visit Epirus the next summer with his son and new wife, Stephanos wrote back. He sent grain and olive oil to Isaakios, with a promise to strengthen their bonds of brotherhood. However, the return letter went unread, the bottles of oil unopened.

The icon of St John was displayed for the first time at the last rites of Doux Isaakios Kontostephanos, who is now with God.

From the personal writings of Stephanos Kontostephanos the Older:
My brother. We have grown apart in our old age, but you found for me an opportunity to come to court, and the rest is history. I hope to administer Epirus well in your memory, and make something more out of our house in my lifetime. You shall be remembered as the man who began it all but never saw the glory.