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Revan86

Prodigal Knight
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May 16, 2006
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This is a project I've been thinking about doing for some time, and to give credit where credit is due, it was @Cora Giantkiller's sublime Flight of the Swan AAR that inspired me to actually start writing it. My idea was to write an AAR in the zhuan biographical style employed by post-classical Chinese historians like Sima Qian, Ban Gu and Sima Guang. That is to say, I would not write this AAR from the perspective of my characters, the rulers, but instead spend more time examining the lives, personalities, manoeuvres and foibles of my vassals, ministers, religious figures, champions and rebels. My fictional 'historian' would be a neo-Confucian scholar-official writing during the time of the mid-to-late Ming Dynasty (thus possibly giving me a segue into a follow-up EU4 campaign playing as the Ming).

My starting ruler is Mitradatte Cāk, representing the Saka culture and reigning from Kashgar in what is now Xinjiang, and Terek Pass in what is now Tajikstan. The game calls him a 'shah' with a lower-case 's', but I felt this was too confusing so I gave him the title of jiedushi [military governor] in the AAR instead, and reserved the title of 'Shah' for when his descendants gained a proper kingdom-tier title. As you can probably already tell, this AAR is going to be a partially-Sinicised mess detailing the fate of an Eastern Iranian tributary state-turned-kingdom.

Instead of having traditional chapters, this AAR will have (as the title suggests) basically a series of mini-biographies of various people in my realm. It will progress in a semi-chronological fashion, but the lives of the rulers will (with any luck) be illuminated and pieced together through the accounts of these men and women and their various deeds, both commendable and dastardly. I am also not committing anything to this so far as a full playthrough, let alone a megacampaign, but I'm also not avoiding the possibility either. Likewise, I'll still be committing most of my time and effort to the Lions of Olomouc AAR, so if you're reading along on that one, never fear - I'm not about to abandon it!

So, with these preliminaries out of the way, I'm saving a spot for:


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Translator's Preface
Translator’s Preface.

I am pleased to offer to His Serene Highness, the God-Anointed Righteous Tsar, the first Russian translation of this fascinating text from the late Ming. The History of the State of Qi is a great rarity in sinology. The author, Baliu Ruiwen, takes a keen interest in the history and internal organisation of a non-Chinese state on the remote western border, at a time when the Ming Empire was turning its attentions within itself. In addition, this text is of great interest to our Russian scholars for two reasons.

First, it shows us the great and overwhelming spiritual potential that slumbers within the Chinese genius. Baliu takes an interest in Iranian poetry and Nestorian spirituality, which is highly atypical of the hidebound neo-Confucians of the late Ming. Perhaps surprisingly, his worldview is closest to Wang Yangming’s, with his emphasis on naturalism and integral knowledge. Second, this text gives our Russian researchers of our distant antiquity on the steppes of Scythia an outsider’s view of a fraternal nation who were also drawn to Christ, howbeit by heretical masters. The great shāh Mitradatte II went so far as to marry a Russian woman, Vseslava. Because she was not from a great house, Baliu Ruiwen pays her little attention. But the selfless courage of her son Bāga and her grandson Mitradatte III bears witness to her influence.

I hope that this translation will offer our sinologists a window into the Chinese soul, and our Slavophile philosophers the history of an Iranian people with whom they can appreciate a spiritual kinship. Here not only the character of this late Scythian principality is revealed, but also, in brief glimpses and flashes, the character of our historian. Baliu Ruiwen, although he is obviously a Confucian in his ideology and moral values, through an internalisation of the idea of ‘linking three systems’, he attempts to understand this Iranian culture and present it as a mirror of his time.

As a result, Baliu’s offering shows forth an openness and spiritual freedom, which again is rare for contemporary men of his position and rank. This is surprising for a Confucian historian, although perhaps it would suit a Daoist recluse, a poet or an ‘eccentric’ (an epithet that might become our historian at his most contrary). This may perhaps be the reason, based on what we can learn from Ming Dynasty sources, that he never attained high office, despite the fact that he passed the civil service examination with a rank of gongshi.

Here, I present a couple of technical notes on the translation. As a rule, I use the names of rulers of Iranian origin, such as Mitradatte, when Baliu uses a phonetic transliteration such as Mingtedai. One thing to note, however, is that often Baliu translates the Sanskrit version of a Scythian name into its Chinese [meaning]. So: Viśirāpumnā, meaning ‘hero without veins’, is translated into Chinese as Wumaixiong. I left these translations as they appeared, and used the Palladius system [of Cyrillising Chinese], but I have added a Sanskrit-Chinese-Russian glossary to the appendix. For names with roots in other languages, such as Khalid Shahid or Setyamka, I have written them down just as they appear in the text. Again, I have added a correspondence chart in the appendix.

To conclude: the History of the State of Qi was written for the purpose of improving the Ming state and illuminating the Chinese literati. Well and good, but the Ming Dynasty is no more. The grand sweep of history, the new word that must be spoken, now belongs to the vast Russian land, the people of Great Russia and our father the God-appointed Tsar. Yet faced with this destiny, we must eschew the grotesque and perverse pitfalls faced by the Western powers, as they spread the Gospel across the Atlantic at rifle-point and under boot-heel. Understanding the past, the past of the great East, is the key to the destiny of Great Russia. It is in this spirit that I make this modest contribution to our literature in the area of China studies.

- F.F. Platovskii


[Original source text]

Предисловие переводичка.

Мне приятно предложить Его Светлости Помазаннику Богом и Правелному Царю – первый русский перевод этого увлекательного текста позднего династии Мин. «Летописи состояния Ци» – большая редкость в китаеведении. Автор, Балю Жуйвэнь, проявляет интерес к истории и внутреннему устройству некитайского государства на далекой западной границе в то время, когда Империя Мин обращала свое внимание внутрь себя. Кроме того, этот текст представляет большой интерес для наших российских ученых по двум причинам.

Во-первых: они показывают нам огромный и подавляющий духовный потенциал, который заключен в китайском гении. Балю проявляет интерес к иранскому стилю поэзии и несторианской духовности, что весьма нетипично для ограниченных неоконфуцианцев Мин. Возможно, удивительно, что его этика наиболее близка к этике Ван Янмина, с его акцентом на натурализм и целостное знание. Во-вторых, этот текст дает нашим русским исследователям нашей далекой древности, живущим в скифских степях, взгляд со стороны на братских людей, которые тоже были привлечены ко Христу – пусть и еретическими учителями. Великий шах Ци Митридат Второй даже взял в жены русскую женщину Всеславу. Поскольку она не из хорошей семьи, Балю Жуйвэнь не уделяет ей много внимания. Но самоотверженное мужество ее сына Баги и ее внука Митридата Третьего свидетельствует о ее влиянии.

Я надеюсь, что этот перевод откроет нашим синологам возможность заглянуть в китайскую душу, а нашим философам-славянофилам – историю иранского народа, с которым они могли бы понять духовное родство. Здесь раскрывается не только характер этого позднескифского царства, но и – в кратких проблесках и вспышках – характер историка. Балю Жуйвэнь, хотя он, очевидно, является конфуцианцем по своей идеологии и моральным взглядам, через участие в идее «трех звеньев» он пытается понять эту иранскую культуру и представить ее как зеркало своего времени.

В результате в предложении Балю проявляется эта открытость и духовная свобода, что опять же является редкостью для людей его положения и ранга в его время. Это удивительно для историка-конфуцианца, хотя, возможно, оно могло бы подходить даосскому отшельнику, поэту или «эксцентрику» – титул, который может подойти нашему историку в его наиболее противоречивой форме. Возможно, именно поэтому, исходя из того, что можно извлечь из источников династии Мин, он так и не достиг высоких должностей, несмотря на то, что сдал экзамен на государственную службу со степенью гунши.

Здесь: пара технических замечаний по переводу. В общем, я использую имена правителей иранского происхождения, такие как Митридат, когда Балю использует фонетическую интерпретацию, такую как Минтэдай 明 特 帶. Однако следует отметить одну вещь: часто Балю берет санскритскую версию скифского имени и переводит ее на китайский язык. Примерно так: Виширапумна विसिरपुंन, что означает «герой без видимых вен», превращается в китайском языке Умайсюн 無 脈 雄. Я оставил эти переводы в покое, и они появляются в системе Палладия, но я добавил санскритско-китайско-русский глоссарий в приложение. Для имен, происходящих из других языков, таких как Халил Шахид или Сетямка, я просто записал их так, как они появляются в тексте. Опять же, я добавил в приложение таблицу соответствия.

Таким образом, «История состояния ци» была написана с учетом улучшения состояния Мин и просвещения китайских литераторов. Это хорошо, но династии Мин больше нет. Великий поворот истории, новое слово, которое должно быть сказано, теперь принадлежит огромной Русской земле, великорусскому народу и нашему отцу, назначенному Богом Царю. И все же, столкнувшись с этой судьбой, мы должны избегать отвратительных и отвратительных ловушек, с которыми столкнулись западные державы, которые распространяли Евангелие над Атлантикой под дулами своих винтовок и под каблуками своих ботинок. Понимание прошлого, прошлого великого Востока – ключ к великорусской судьбе. Именно в этом духе я делаю этот скромный вклад в нашу синологическую литературу.

- Ф. Ф. Платовский
 
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Author's Introduction
[Reserved for author's introduction]
 
Table of Contents
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Chronological Table of Rulers
Chronological Table of the Jiedushi and Shāhs of the Sai State of Qi

RulerReignRealmConsort(s)Posthumous Name (Chinese)
Jiedushi Mitradatte Cāk867-914Shule [疏勒]1. Lady Tang [唐, Tamasin]磧高王 Qi Gao Wang
'The Lofty'
Jiedushi Haskadatta Cāk914-931Shule [疏勒]1. Lady Bu Nizi [卜霓子]
2. Lady Gulie Jieyun [古獵傑云, Gyelyum Gurib]⸸
磧曠王 Qi Guang Wang
'The Tolerant'
Jiedushi Mitradatte II Cāk931-934Shule [疏勒]1. Fufei [孚妃]磧清王 Qi Qing Wang
'The Impeccable'
Shāh Viśirāpumnā Cāk934-961
961-981
Shule [疏勒]
Shule-Yutian [疏勒于填] or Qi [磧]
1. Lady Gulie Jieyun [古獵傑云, Gyelyum Gurib]磧桓王 Qi Huan Wang
'The Exploratory'
Shāh Haskadatta I Cāk981-998Qi [磧]1. Lady Yuchi Yufei [尉迟欲妃, Kamadevi Vijaya]磧譽王 Qi Yu Wang
'The Famous'
Shāh Mitradatte I Cāk998-1014 (abdicated)Qi [磧]1. Lady Taiqie of Ruoqiang [若羌台伽, Tekçe of Charkliq]磧讓王 Qi Rang Wang
'The Yielding'
Shāh Shinganca Cāk1014-1049Qi [磧]1. Xietianjia [协甜佳, Setyamka]磧裕王 Qi Yu Wang
'The Abundant'
Shāh Mitradatte II Cāk1049-1106Qi [磧]1. Yuanrong [元榮, Vseslava]
2. Lady Luo Xin [羅鑫, Kankavati Rampal]
磧惠王 Qi Hui Wang
'The Kind'
Shāh Bāga I Cāk1106-1112Qi [磧]1. Yunfei [云妃, Ghatamdevi]磧狀王 Qi Zhuang Wang
'The Strong'
Shāh Mitradatte III Cāk1112-1135Qi [磧]1. Lady Gulie Amala [古獵阿瑪拉, Amala Gurib]磧圉王 Qi Yu Wang
'The Brave'*
Shāh Mitradatte IV Cāk1135-1185Qi [磧]1. Lady Shahetai of Jinghe [精河莎合台, Sokhatai of Jinsko]磧恭王 Qi Gong Wang
'The Reverent'
Shāh Haskadatta II Cāk1185-1231Qi [磧]1. Lady Ajiyani of Shanqiu [杉丘阿吉牙尼, Aigiarne of Gatsuurgazar]磧聖王 Qi Sheng Wang
'The Sage'*
Bānbishn Dharmadāsi Cāk1231-1251Qi [磧]--. Beigedaola Maomaidi [備哥刀拉毛麥蒂, Mamatti Birgamdara]†磧愍王 Qi Min Wang
'The Pitiable
'
Shāh Bāga I Cāk1251-Qi [磧]1. Lady Jin Shuozhen [金朔嫃]

                       

* Indicates a nickname generated by the game.
⸸ Disputed.
† Predeceased spouse's reign.
 
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Biography of Cāk Mitradatte I
Cāk Mitradatte, although the son of a Western barbarian and a believer in a foreign creed, nonetheless lived according to the principle of self-restraint and love for the people. Respectful and courteous, as well as loyal and benevolent, Mitradatte attended to the root and raised his sons in strict accordance with the rules of propriety. Through his cautious comportment he brought prosperity to his state, attracted the tribe of Qiuci [Kucha] to him by his benevolence, and thus expanded his borders. Thus I have transmitted the biography of Cāk Mitradatte.

Biography of Cāk Mitradatte I

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Cāk Mitradatte, the first jiedushi of Shule [Kashgar], was a native of the Canglang Mountains, and belonged to the same Sai [Saka] tribe who ruled Yutian [Khotan]. He was appointed by the Tang Emperor Yizong as the governor in the seventh year of xiantong (867 AD). He was given a scroll of appointment by the Son of Heaven, which read thus:

Hail, Mingtedai, descendant of the Shi clan. Receive from Our hands this seal of authority and this six-sided banner. We hereby entitle you the jiedushi [military governor] of the far western region of Shule, where for generations to come you and your descendants may protect the westernmost pass of the Tang Empire from the evil barbarians. We urge you to remember that loyalty which you owe to Heaven, and dutifully constrain yourself to the middle road. Conduct yourself moderately and control your appetites, for the well-being of the state which you rule. Hear this, jiedushi, and take warning!

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Mitradatte studied the Spring and Autumn Annals in his youth, as well as the Gongyang Commentary, the Odes and the Rites, from which he began to inquire into the nature of things. He followed the barbaric foreign rites of the Jing religion [Nestorian Christianity], and held the Chunfen festival of Bosi [i.e. Nowruz] in special reverence. However, being circumspect in speech, upright in judgement and meticulous in conduct, he was recognised by the men of Shule as a man of learning and respected for his righteousness and breadth of knowledge.

Mitradatte’s caution and virtue were evident even in his inner chambers. In his whole career he only ever consorted with one woman: his wife Lady Tang [see Biographies section ‘Families Allied to the Princes of Shule’]. Lady Tang was an Assyrian healer from Dashi [Arabic Caliphate], over twenty years his elder, whom he chose among several candidates for her thoughtful discretion and mild character. She bore him two sons, Haskadatta and Khuradatta, as well as a daughter. During her time serving as his personal physician as well as his wife, Lady Tang notably managed to cure a lingering ailment the jiedushi suffered – only after a gruelling regimen of diet, exercise and meditation. After Lady Tang’s death, he grieved bitterly for seven years, and never took another woman into his hall.

He made several journeys to the Tang capital at Chang’an during his lifetime. Chancellor Liu Zhan offers this description of him, based upon a visit he made to Chang’an in the first year of ganfu [late 874 AD] to offer tribute in person to the new Son of Heaven [Emperor Xizong].

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The
jiedushi of Shule is middling tall in his person, being over six chi in height. His features, though they could be called handsome, are those of a fierce Western barbarian: he has a high bulbous nose, full lips which are too quick to frown, and thick, hairy brows, and his arms too are covered with brown hair like a monkey. He wears the garb of the barbarian, including a scarf wound around his head in place of a cap. Based upon my own observations, it seems that he suffers from a chronic stagnation of his hepatic qi[1]. Even so, his expressions are humble and serene, and his bearing is civil. In action he is deliberate, in discourse reasonable, in temper peace-loving.

In matters of governance, Mitradatte attended to the root and allowed the branches to grow of themselves. When shown the surplus of the state, his ministers disagreed on what should be done with it. One suggested building defensive emplacements and gathering weapons. Another suggested decorating the temples and offering elaborate sacrifices. But Mitradatte himself answered:

‘Mencius once said: “The trees of Mount Niu were once beautiful. But being situated in the borders of a large state, they were cut down with axes and pruning-hooks. Could they retain their beauty?” And he also said: “Don’t interfere with the farmers’ seasons, and the grain will be more than enough to eat. Don’t put fine nets into pools and ponds, and there will be more than enough fishes and turtles to eat. Only go into the hills and woods in season with axe and pruning-hook, and the wood will be more than can be used.” Even the Master himself said: “To rule a state of a thousand chariots: attend to business, be honest, be thrifty with money, and love the people. Let people work only at the proper time.” Gentlemen, we must look first to the orchards and vineyards. Let apricots be planted upon the ten-mu estates, and mulberry trees around the households upon the five-mu estates, and berry bushes upon the edges of the courtyards. Let the harvest occur at the proper time, and let no complaint be made about gleanings from the roadsides. In this way the state will prosper. A prosperous state may offer the reasonable and bloodless sacrifices in the temples. Then we may attend to walls and weapons.’

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Mitradatte himself broke the ground and planted trees in his own courtyard. And then the Sai people in the state of Shule planted these according to their season. Apricots, mulberries and other berries flourished. Shule began producing wine and fine silks for trade. The Tuhuoluo people of Qiuci [Aksu] began to take notice, and they grumbled to themselves:

‘The men of Sai have so much fresh fruit they can feed it to their goats and cows; while here even dogs starve and children die of hunger. Their young men work in the fields and look after their parents, while the Huihu Yiduhu conscripts our young men to serve them and fight for them in wars. It must be that the jiedushi of Shule is an accomplished man. Let us appeal to him! Let us appeal to him!’

The embassy to Cāk was led by a young Tuhuoluo named Liang Baodeng, father of Liang Zhisheng [Jñanaghose Lyam]. Liang Baodeng appealed to Mitradatte’s benevolence and upright nature, pleading his people’s long-suffering and the unjust treatments they had borne. Upon hearing this appeal from the Tuhuoluo, Cāk Mitradatte was moved to pity. He said to his ministers:

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‘The state of Xizhou is vast, and it is outwardly strong. The Huihu are fierce barbarians, and they follow the evil teachings of Moni. However, Xizhou is a paper tiger. Its conscripted men are exhausted, while the ministers build lavish pleasure-gardens, the lords stage elaborate dances, and the king inclines his ear to charlatans. The Tuhuoluo have requested our help. If they flock to us, we can defend them! Will God [Aluohe] deny us in such a cause?’

And so Mitradatte called up his riders, his chariots and his archers, and himself led the punitive expedition upon Xizhou. In this he was aided by Bu Ye Gong of Liangzhou, a younger son of the Yuan family of Chenjun. God, which is how the Nestorians call Heaven, indeed favoured Mitradatte, who managed to capture the son of the Yiduhu in battle, and bargained with him to release a thousand households of the Tuhuoluo of Qiuci to his overlordship.

Mitradatte and Bu Ye forged a fast bond. Both literary men, they delighted in the pursuit of knowledge, and found a shared love in the study of the ancient classics. Ye promised his daughter Nizi to Mitradatte’s son Haskadatta. They spent time in the orchards, bonded over wine and composed poetry together. Mitradatte’s poetry highly extolled the virtues of his friend, and this poetry became known throughout the Guiyi Circuit.

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Bu Ye, who was modest and retiring in character, proved his friendship to Mitradatte time and time again. He once sent a live hart which his hunters had captured to Shule. When it arrived, Mitradatte clapped his hands in gratitude, and remarked: ‘King Xuan of Qi could not bear to see the ox butchered to consecrate the ceremonial bells, and told his servant to let it live – not out of greed, but out of pity. Now I understand this saying! Let the beast roam the courtyard freely.’

And when Bu Ye died, Mitradatte went out into the streets, knelt down in the dust of the road, heaped it upon his head and wailed aloud to the heavens, crying: ‘My sweet Lady Tang is taken from me! My poor daughter is taken from me! And now Bu Ye Gong is taken from me! Why do you begrudge them to me, God? Why do you begrudge them to me?’

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Twice Mitradatte undertook journeys into the far western regions. His first journey was to Baghdad in Dashi, which was his wife’s hometown. His second journey was to Shiraz in Persia. Here he obtained copies in the original language of the text of the Bosi Gujing which he then translated into Chinese himself. The commentaries he added tried to show that the doctrines of Jing, and the coming of Lord Jesus Christ, had been foreseen by the ancient sages of Persia; and also to show the doctrines of Moni as evil and false.

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In his twilight years, Cāk Mitradatte associated with various shamans, hermits and geomancers. He also kept and maintained a small garden, which he used both to retire for quietude and to inquire into the nature of plants. At least two of his ministers, including the hermit Ailu Musa, remonstrated with him, believing him to be wrongly pursuing methods for extending his own life at the expense of the state. Mitradatte meekly inclined his ear to them, and mended his ways. At the end of his life, he was given a simple burial outside Shule. After the State of Qi was founded by Viśirāpumnā, as the progenitor of the Cāk family, the jiedushi Mitradatte was given by his great-grandson the posthumous name of King Gao ‘the Lofty’ of Qi.

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The Master said: ‘Since I can’t get men who act according to the middle way, I must find the adamant and the cautious. The adamant go after things, the cautious restrain themselves from doing certain things.’ Mitradatte cannot be said to have followed the middle way. However, although he did not attain to the golden ideal, he was cautious, and understood how to restrain himself. First restraining himself, he then raised his son and his grandson to follow his example. Haskadatta proved trustworthy and scrupulous in all matters, practising restraint and eschewing even the smallest lies; and the second Mitradatte encouraged thrift by avoiding rich foods. In this way, Mitradatte avoided disaster and established order in Shule, handing the rule on to subsequent generations with an easy heart. Is this not a great accomplishment?



[Original source text]

石明特帶,然西戎子且胡教徒也,并活隨道矣。敬而禮者,且忠而慈也。石明特帶顧根養子嚴迪道。正行爲國富、仁引龜兹氏、此行拓其邊。此寄石明特帶傳。

《磧高王傳》

石明特帶,疏勒始節度使,蔥嶺人,治于闐國之塞部落之一。大唐懿宗皇帝咸通七年上疏勒王座也。天子送其遴卷,道:

「嗚呼,石氏之裔明特帶!受兹命璽與六縿旗。朕名爾遠西邊疆疏勒節度使,為爾子孫要把激西闗給我大唐防惡胡。朕勸汝記:該天之忠、仔按中庸。道和行、制汝欲,以汝治國之益。節度使,其戒之!」

明特帶少年時學《春秋》與其《公羊傳》、《詩經》、《禮記》:以其始問物性。跟隨景教之胡禮,特敬波斯春分節之慶。但其言慎、其裁正、其作細。疏勒人認其爲雅人、佩其義行與博知。

石明特帶之細在内官顯。整輩只配一妻唐姬。唐姬,來自大食亞述醫,比節度使廿年老者。從幾娘之中,節度使選唐姬:是為其周謹、溫性。為節度使生兩男:獲特帶與護特帶。且生一女。當宮醫且妻時段,成功治節度使挨之頑疾,只待難苦食飲、鍛煉、冥想方案而決。唐姬去世后,節度使七年悲痛,再不接妻入宮。

疏勒節度使幾次訪長安。慿其乾符元年親自拜天子呈貢,劉占宰相如此描之:

「疏勒節度使身微高,六尺兩寸。五官爾秀,則西戎之:鼻高而鼓、唇厚好愁、眉粗茸茸、四肢像猴滿毛。其裝戎式,頭絕帽換巾乎。以臣觀之,其肝氣鬱結而患。則其容卑寧、其行為文、其做細心、其曰合理、其性意安。」

以政,明特帶顧根,讓指然長。見國之剩,臣執何用。一位道:建壁採戈。另位道:修寺巧祭。且使曰:

「孟子曰:『牛山之木嘗美矣,以其郊於大國也,斧斤伐之,可以為美乎?』再曰:『不違農時,穀不可勝食也;數罟不入洿池,魚鼈不可勝食也;斧斤以時入山林,材木不可勝用也。』連子曰:『道千乘之國:敬事而信,節用而愛人,使民以時。』咱首顧圃園。百畝之田種杏;五畝之宅種桑;場田之邊種虅。使穫以時,禁怨拾秕,如此余國。國有余後,寺理拜祭,建壁採戈。」

明特帶親自園上耕土種樹。然疏勒塞人安季種之。杏桑莓薈也。疏勒國始釀酒、繅絲為商。龜兹吐火儸人理之,自叨:

「塞人鮮果余、飼牛羊之乃!焉犬餓童飢。塞男耕田照老也。焉亦都護召男為努兵乃!疏勒節度使不得已君子也。申之乎!申之乎!」

吐火儸少年梁保登為申使,亦即梁智聲之父。梁保登呼籲明特帶之仁義、辯其人之困、解其人背之壓迫。以聞吐火儸之訴,名特帶哀之,到臣曰:

「西州廣汎,外顯强壯,回鶻兇夷,信摩尼邪教矣。但表實是虛也。兵盡為戰、臣建樂園、公開侈舞、王聞騙者。吐火儸問助,集之能保之!此事業,阿羅訶能否吾呼?」

然節度使徵馬、車、弓,親自討西州。此事有涼州卜曄公之助,亦即陳郡袁氏之小後代也。阿羅訶,是景教徒稱老天之名,是向之,戰而捕亦都護之子為質,議放之龜兹千宅。

明特帶與卜曄結親友。兩文者好知、又愛學古經也。卜曄讓其女霓子嫁明特帶之大子。倆待圃,飲酒,撰詩。明特帶之詩大誇其友之德,全歸義軍播之。

卜曄公性謙羞,而為友逢逢著誠。其獵者陷之生鹿賜給疏勒節度使。到之,明特帶謝與拍手而曰:

「齊宣王不忍見釁鐘之牛觳觫,讓僕舍之,不以貪而以憐。當愚解話!舍之漫游院!」

卜曄死。明特帶出街,跪塵注頭上,向天大啼:

「天搶吾愛人唐姬也!天搶吾敝女也!天乃搶吾卜曄公矣!阿羅訶,何吝之乎?何吝之乎?」

兩次明特帶游遠西域。甲游到大食白達市,其妻之籍。乙游到安息失剌思市。此市受原言之《波斯古鏡》,自己翻譯成唐文。寫之評論證示波斯古聖預知景教彌施訶出代,揭摩尼教之邪虛。

暮年時,節度使聞異巫、遁世者、卦師等。亦種顧小藥草園,以找寧、詢禾性。其臣兩者,含埃盧穆薩遁世師,誡之,意是求延命忽國之異道。節度使順而聽之,歸正道。死,疏勒邑外葬單禮而已。建磧國之後,無脈雄沙王為其曾祖父明特帶節度使石氏元祖之諡號:磧高王。

子曰:「不得中行而與之,必也狂狷乎!狂者進取,狷者有所不為也。」明特帶不如得中行也。而且不達中庸,但狷之,解有所不爲。有所不爲,後養男與孫習其榜。獲特帶示誠,萬事慎完,欲望剋制,逃避細謊。名特帶二世節度使勤儉節約,戒除富食。此道明特帶免災,疏勒國之政理,安心傳統給後代。何其盛乎?


[1] This could be a reference to a mental illness, such as depression or anxiety.
 

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This is great! I'm impressed that you wrote a chapter in two different languages. Very fun, can't wait to see more.
 
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What a wonderful concept! I'm loving it so far!
 
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Biography of Ailu Musa
Thank you, @Cora Giantkiller and @Idhrendur! I will endeavour to live up to expectations.

~~~​

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Ailu Musa was an Arab Jing hermit who arrived in Shule from Yemen. An austere and simple man of immense breadth of learning and unshakeable integrity, he remonstrated with the jiedushi Haskadatta and kept him on the path of righteousness, thus saving the Cāk clan from disaster. When Haskadatta was asked how he managed to restrain himself, he merely said: ‘Musa is a pool of still water. When I look upon him I can see all of my own faults reflected.’ Thus I have transmitted the biography of the hermit Musa.

Biography of Ailu Musa

In the time of the Gongding Emperor of Tang, the country of Yemen was well known for its export of fine embroidered textiles, incense, medicines and spices. The Jing religion as well as the faiths of Tiaojin [Judaism], Dashi [Islam] and Xianshen [Zoroastrianism] were practised in that country, with many lively debates between them. In order to spread the righteous law, one of the young Jing monks travelled east, through India and across the Himalayas, until he reached the land of the Sai people. He took up a lonely abode in the Terek Mountains where he practised the art of self-perfection. He spent ten years in this place.

He was discovered by Mitradatte when the prince went out hunting. A hind fled from the hunting party and sought refuge in Musa’s cave. Musa begged the jiedushi in the name of Lord Jesus Christ to spare the beast. Impressed by Musa’s benevolence and zeal, Mitradatte sat down and listened to the recluse’s instruction. Then the jiedushi kowtowed at the holy man’s feet, and begged him to come back with him to Shule. Musa refused. The jiedushi offered great riches and glory to Musa, yet Musa refused all the more. Then the prince wept and grabbed the ankles of the holy hermit, and told him that the Sai people lacked a proper guide in the true Law, and that Heaven had sent him among the Sai for this purpose. Only then did Musa assent, with heavy sighs, to abandon his cave and serve as a teacher for the Sai people of Shule.

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Musa quickly became known in Shule for his unsparing honesty. Many of the common people came to him to adjudicate disputes, knowing he would not prefer rich defendants, or spare even poor plaintiffs if they hid the truth. One time, when Mitradatte sat down to one of his incense-filled séances, Musa barged into his chamber in a rage, overturned the censer onto the floor, and struck the jiedushi three times heavily in the face. ‘For shame to mingle the lawful with the unlawful!’ he shouted. ‘How do you expect me to show the truth to the people, when their prince is seduced by vapours?!’ According to the accounts of those who lived at the time, Mitradatte at once bowed to the hermit, apologising profusely for his error, and promised not to do it again. Another time, Musa wept and wailed in the dust of the streets before the prince’s courtyard. ‘The jiedushi tries to read the far-off stars and skies for a sign, but the only sign that will be given to him is the sign of Jonah! Woe, woe is me!’ The prince at once put away his observational instruments and knelt before the hermit in apology.

Mitradatte left the world and his son Haskadatta came to the office. Musa and Haskadatta quickly became fast friends. Musa would pat the new prince on the cheek and tell him: ‘A deep well whose waters are not stirred up from the bottom, is clear all the way down. One can draw from it and drink without fear. How rare it is! How rare it is!’ Haskadatta would spend long hours with the hermit, and they would converse together upon the Way.

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Once, Haskadatta held a hunt to impress his wife, Lady Bu. However, when they got to the hunting-ground, they found a number of poor Huihu vagrants picking mushrooms and medicinal herbs. Haskadatta grabbed his whip and was about to drive them off, when the black-skinned hermit stayed his hand. ‘Will you trade the Kingdom of Heaven for a bird or a rabbit? How foolish! What if this night your life was demanded of you?’ At once Haskadatta put the whip down and gave the Huihu women some of his silver instead.

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Haskadatta’s daughter, who was a simpleton, was imprisoned by the rani Kangwa [Kanwar] of the Bhatti clan for a petty act of theft. She died pitiably in the dungeons of the cruel Rajput ruler. Haskadatta was inconsolable, and even came close to drinking himself into a stupor or hiding himself away in his inner chambers to dull the pain. In both cases, Musa accompanied him, and assured him that God would look after his daughter. Musa helped to soothe his prince’s mind by inviting him to give away his silver to the poor in his daughter’s name.

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Haskadatta’s shaofu [steward] Shaxide Halile [Khalil Shehhid] once asked him: ‘O Lord Jiedushi, I know that you harbour strong desires. But you do not lose yourself in wine or women or fine food or idle pastimes. How is it that you have such great self-control? How do you keep yourself from losing the Way?’ He answered: ‘It is not an easy thing.’ The shaofu pressed: ‘But how is it done?’ Haskadatta sighed and said: ‘Musa is a crystal pool of still water. When I look at him, I see all my faults reflected. When I examine his behaviour, I copy it, and correct my own. This is how I keep from losing the Way.’ Shaxide Halile was mightily impressed, and listened to Musa carefully for the rest of his life.

After Haskadatta died, Musa retired to his old cave in the Terek Mountains. He was found there two months later by a shepherd who took him to be peacefully sleeping. In fact he had died the week following his jiedushi. It was taken as a great marvel and auspicious sign that his body had not decomposed: instead of reeking of putrefaction in fact gave off a sweet fragrance. Even the followers of Buddha among the Sai took Musa to be a great bodhisattva. How exceedingly rare are such men in our time!

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‘Virtue is as light as a hair, yet how few can lift it!’ — so says the Ode. In the person of Ailu Musa, we see someone who can indeed take upon himself the burden of virtue, and make it seem as naturally light as the thinnest hair. Wild animals did not fear to draw near him; fierce and unscrupulous men became as meek and tame as sheep when in his presence; and even the jiedushi changed his behaviour when he remonstrated with him. Let us not marvel that even among the barbarians of Dashi, there can be found such men of worth. After all, did not the Master wish to go and live among the barbarians? And when asked if he would not find the company lacking, did he not reply: ‘If an accomplished man lived among them, what rudeness would there be?’



[Original source text]

埃盧穆薩,來也門進疏勒之大食景逋客也。嚴真人,學廣博,冰霜堅。誡節度使獲特帶,按其步正道,助石氏免災者也。臣問節度使,何方懿其欲,直曰:「穆薩,靜水池也。一見鋻愚錯而已。」此寄穆薩逋客傳。

《埃盧穆薩傳》

大唐公定帝時,也門國名與綉文布、香、藥、料等。景教,挑筋教,大食教,祆神教,已在也門習之,百方好談論。以傳義法,少修士之一往東,過印度,過雪嶺,到塞人之土。康蘓中臥廋処,習自完之術。十年過此処。

明特帶獵時而查之。雌鹿逃進穆薩之臥。穆薩求節度使,見彌施訶之份饒其命。驚其仁情,明特帶坐而聞聖言。節度使然磕頭,求之來疏勒。辭。節度使諾其大榮大富。更辭。節度使哭而抓足,訴之塞人無正法之師,天定送而為塞作此事。大嘆而讓。棄其廋処而為疏勒塞人作師。

疏勒之処穆薩迅收坦誠之名。多平民來之決爭,明不傾富,乃倘藏實,而不閑貧矣。亦明特帶燒香而神恍,穆薩怒進宮,倒香爐,三手敲其面,大喊:「放肆!敢混法與罪!何方為民縣真,節度使乃淫精蒸呼?」以時告,明特帶奄跪其足,認其錯而証不再事。

再次,穆薩院前街塵裏哭而嘆:「節度使求遠星尋兆!且為之唯兆是約拿之!禍焉,禍焉!」節度使奄放天文具而為逋客跪歉。

明特帶去世,其子獲特帶進宮。穆薩與新節度使作親友。穆薩拍臉而言:「深井水不攪,直底清甘。無懼抽而飲之。稀乎稀乎!」獲特帶長花其時,兩方談道。

節度使打獵感動其夫卜姬。但達獵場,縣回鶻貧客,摘菇采藥。節度使拿鞭,備撒之,而黑皮逋客住其手。「棄天國而換鳥兔?呆也!今晚命要之,何呼?」立刻放鞭,寧交回鶻女人其銀。

節度使之女,傻子,作小盜。巴提氏皇后康娃圄之。殘王族皇后之獄裏憐死。節度使哭而不停,為痲心傷,進飲酒而醉,進往内而藏。穆薩配之,證阿羅訶定顧其女。穆薩放其心,請之為其女之名送金給貧民。

沙希德哈利勒少付亦問:「啊節度使貴名!懷列欲,吾知。且公不迷酒淫女,而不貪食蠢游。何方自剋?何方按道?」答:「不易矣。」少付倔問:「何作?」大嘆曰:「穆薩,靜水池也。一見鋻吾錯。查其作而學之改我。此方免迷道而已。」沙希德哈利勒驚尊之,餘生慎聞穆薩。

獲特帶死後,穆薩歸其康蘓中廋処。兩月過,放牧藪之,以爲安休。實上周死,跟節度使。大奇吉兆是其喪不腐:不臭爛乃而發香。連塞人之佛教徒聽而認之為大菩薩。當時此種人真鮮乃!

「德輶如毛、民鮮克舉之。」詩所道。見埃盧穆薩一人而認克舉德之,讓縣輶如毛也。野獸不恐近之。兇詐者近之而變羊馴。誡之,連節度使改自錯。連大食夷中有賢者,不可奇矣。究竟,孔子是否希住九夷之中呼?人曰陋也,子是否答呼:「君子居之,何陋之有?」
 
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You seem to have had just rulers so far.

What religion do your people follow? Taoism? Islam?
 
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Haskadatta’s shaofu [steward] Shaxide Halile [Khalil Shehhid] once asked him: ‘O Lord Jiedushi, I know that you harbour strong desires. But you do not lose yourself in wine or women or fine food or idle pastimes. How is it that you have such great self-control? How do you keep yourself from losing the Way?’ He answered: ‘It is not an easy thing.’ The shaofu pressed: ‘But how is it done?’ Haskadatta sighed and said: ‘Musa is a crystal pool of still water. When I look at him, I see all my faults reflected. When I examine his behaviour, I copy it, and correct my own. This is how I keep from losing the Way.’ Shaxide Halile was mightily impressed, and listened to Musa carefully for the rest of his life.

I love how this is written. It really feels like an ancient historian writing.
 
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You seem to have had just rulers so far.

What religion do your people follow? Taoism? Islam?

Yup! Been lucky so far. My rulers follow Assyrian Christianity - what the game calls 'Nestorianism'. However, religious politics in Shule are fairly free-wheeling: Mahayana and Vajrayana Buddhists, Zhengyi Daoists, Srikula, Jains, Muslims and even the occasional Turumist show up.

The Chinese transliteration of the name of God in Nestorian Christianity [Aluohe 阿羅訶] comes from Syriac ('Alâhâ ܐܲܠܵܗܵܐ) and has the same root as Arabic (Allâh الله), though, and his chief bishop was a Yemeni Arab, so...

I love how this is written. It really feels like an ancient historian writing.

Thanks, Cora! The chief inspiration here does really come from your AAR, so this is high praise indeed! I've also been going back and rereading various Burton Watson translations of ancient Chinese histories, so if this has a certain Watsonesque feel to it, that's why. :)
 
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Biography of Liang Zhisheng [Jñanaghose Lyam]
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Liang Zhisheng was a Tuhuoluo [Tocharian] notable who was known for his righteousness and upright demeanour. For his fair dealing and benevolence, he came to be trusted by his countrymen. Successfully appealing to the first Haskadatta to lower taxes and loosen the reins of his rule, Liang Zhisheng was enfeoffed in Qiuci with the title of shaofu, a position which he held until his death during the reign of Viśirāpumnā. For the great virtue by which he established his family’s rule in Qiuci, I have transmitted the biography of Liang Zhisheng.

Biography of Liang Zhisheng [Jñanaghose Lyam]

Liang Zhisheng, a native of Qiuci, was born to a family of moderate and law-following Buddhists at that oasis. His father was Liang Baodeng, a shepherd who led a delegation to Cāk Mitradatte I to ask him to send a punitive expedition against the Huihu and annex Qiuci. His memorial reads as follows.

Your humble servant makes bold to submit: the folk of Qiuci suffer pitiably under the yoke of the Huihu Yiduhu Bokut. We are oppressed by an unseasonable corvée that diminishes our harvests, by taxes which rob us of what is left, and by evil teachers who go among our villages and use sophistry and sorcery to beguile and mislead our innocent children.

The oases of Bolujia and Qiuci have been the home of the Tuhuoluo for as long as anyone can remember, even past the time of our grandparents’ grandparents’ grandparents. When the Sai people arrived from the west, our two peoples lived mostly in peace. But these riders from the north do not understand our ways. Their self-proclaimed
khan has captured many of our able young men, and made them to work tending their herds and their horses. Our fields are left unharvested; the grain rots and the stalks are burnt by the sun. And to add insult to injury: the khan demands an unreasonable portion of what remains, so that even the edges of our fields are picked clean to meet their demand. The luminous and benevolent laws of your own three sage-kings [Moses, David and Jesus Christ?] say that the edges of the fields are to be left unharvested so that poor and vagrant people will not starve. Yet among us, it is the elderly in their homes who starve! Is this not an outrage?

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We Tuhuoluo follow the Eightfold Noble Path of Buddha, by the righteous Vehicle of the Listeners
[Śrāvakayāna Buddhism]. It has always been so. We have lived side-by-side with the Fire Temples and with the followers of the Luminous Teaching for centuries. Though we have had arguments and debates, the magi and your monks never resorted to any kind of cheap trickery, and certainly did not make a practice of importuning impressionable young women. (Indeed, the honour you publicly give to your Christ-bearer Mary makes it clear that you treat womenfolk with respect!) And so, it grieves us to disclose this. But the followers of Moni have introduced a despicable and base practice from the Western lands beyond Bosi. They promise to grant a female disciple the secret knowledge that leads to salvation, and demand that she submit in total obedience to the teacher. The teacher then convinces her that to attain the secret knowledge, she must submit her body to him. I will not beleaguer your ears, O righteous jiedushi, with the sordid details of what follow. Suffice it to say that this misfortune has fallen upon not few of our young maidens – to their sorrow, and to our shame.

Righteous
jiedushi! The elderly in your lands are well-fed and well-clothed. You distribute fruit and grain even to the poor so that they do not starve. Your humble servant hears that it is common for Sai men and women to reach the age of 85 in the state of Shule. This would not be so if your heart were not inclined to benevolence. Hear, then, the pleas of the Tuhuoluo, who are neighbours to the Sai. Though your state is small, your riders are trained and your chariots are well-kept. For the sake of benevolence, come to the aid of the Tuhuoluo, and we will submit gladly to your enlightened rule! Yours in sincere awe.

[The historian comments: The other records available do disclose that the Huihe Yiduhu did impose heavy taxes and corvée labour on his subjects during their time of expansion, and this inhumane practice did exhaust his manpower and tax base during peacetime. However, I can find no other record of monks or teachers of Moni abusing female disciples in the way Liang Baodeng describes in his memorial. It may be that he was engaging in polemic, or that a few opportunistic scoundrels took advantage of the young men’s absence to attain their goals. But in general the teachings of Moni do not bend toward this perversion.]

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Liang Zhisheng followed in his father’s footsteps, studying the law. He was drawn, however, to the Jing doctrines by the example of Cāk Mitradatte and by the teachings of the hermit Ailu Musa. When he was thirty-six years of age, he led another Tuhuoluo delegation to Shule. Kneeling in the road before the palace gate, he and his fellows presented a memorial to the throne of the Shah Haskadatta. This memorial, deliberately styled after his father’s, besought Haskadatta to lower taxes and ease conscript labour in the villages around Bolujia.

Haskadatta, impressed with the young Tuhuoluo’s sincerity, audacity and cleverness, at once agreed to lower taxes and cancel conscription among his tribe. In addition, for daring to speak openly to him with honest advice, he offered Liang Zhisheng a fief of one thousand households together with the rank of marquis. As well, when the loyal shaofu Shaxide Halile died without issue, Liang Zhisheng’s administrative skill, dutiful service and meticulous attention to detail made him the natural candidate to fill the office.

Liang Zhisheng was a man of great integrity, but his sudden rise did arouse jealousy and suspicion. Many believed he harboured secret ambitions of becoming shah himself. The court poet Cai Xun extemporised a piece of doggerel lampooning Liang and humiliating him in front of the entire court:

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The little white king has brush and ink,
To tally the cost of food and drink,
A little high living turns his face pink,
But who can understand what he thinks?

The little white king in cap and gown,
On small accounts he frets and frowns,
Like a stage player he struts up and down –
Is he a villain or just a clown?


Liang Zhisheng and Cai Xun became implacable enemies after this[1], despite both holding high office under Viśirāpumnā. In truth, Liang was not such a joyless miser as Cai Xun described, and did have a hobby he enjoyed: that was hunting. However, his hunts often ended badly.

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On one hunt, during Mitradatte II’s reign, he and the jiedushi came across a wild boar. The boar became angry and charged them. With great bravery the jiedushi interposed his body between the boar and Liang Zhisheng, and was gored to death. The rest of the hunting party found Liang, Mitradatte and the boar. The boar had been slain, but Liang was weeping over Mitradatte’s lifeless body. On another occasion, during a hunt held by Viśirāpumnā, Liang fell from his horse in pursuit of a wolf, and broke his leg. The Shah tended to Liang’s injury personally, though the wolf escaped. His leg healed, but he continued to suffer from chronic pain. A Daoist mendicant doctor prescribed to Liang a preparation of ginseng root and hemp seeds to numb the pain, upon which Liang became dependent toward the end of his life.

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When it was discovered that the deceitful monk Cheng had led Viśirāpumnā’s sister into fornication, and that the Shah’s mother Fufei too had broken her widow’s chastity, the Shah took Liang Zhisheng into his confidence. The Tuhuoluo nobleman suggested that the two women be placed in a convent and made to take vows to God. Viśirāpumnā saw the wisdom of this proposal. Liang Zhisheng was again granted a fief of a thousand households. However, it did not come to light that Liang was responsible for upholding the Shah’s good name until after both women were dead.

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During Viśirāpumnā’s reign, Liang managed to betroth his eldest daughter Baorong to the Crown Prince – later Haskadatta II. This betrothal was broken, however, following Liang Zhisheng’s death. Zhisheng was interred in a tomb at the Qiuci oasis, and by the Shah’s decree the descendants of the Liang family were enjoined forever to pay homage to their noble ancestor.

He was succeeded by his only son, Liang Baohuan [Ratnacūḍa Lyam]. Unfortunately, of his father’s good qualities, Baohuan had only managed to emulate his clever tongue. Although he harboured the same ambitions as his father, Baohuan had none of his father’s uprightness or benevolence. It was only owing to the memory of Zhisheng’s loyalty and selfless service to the Shah that the Liang family was able to avoid utter extermination.

‘One sentence may ruin affairs; one man may establish a state.’ This saying from the Rites serves as both encouragement and warning. And we see both sides of the truth of this saying within the life of Liang Zhisheng. Liang Zhisheng’s learning was profound; his personal comportment exemplary; his integrity and commitment to justice unimpeachable. We can see this in his willingness to brave official censure and punishment in order to lessen the tax burden on his people. And his proposal to uphold the dignity of the Shah and his lordship’s family by placing the two stray women in a convent is a mark of his loyalty. And yet Liang harboured ambitions that were above his station – Cai Xun saw this perspicaciously. Liang’s son combined those ambitions with a glib tongue and an ingratiating smile, all the while harbouring murderous intentions toward his own family – causing the decline and total ruin of the Liang family and the end of everything his father had worked for. How dangerous it is to secretly nurse delusions of grandeur!


[1] In essence, Cai Xun’s poem accused Liang Zhisheng of being an unfeeling, petty miser. But more than that, his reference to ‘little white king’ was both a jab at his Tuhuoluo heritage (bai being an epithet the Chinese often used for Tuhuoluo rulers) as well as an unflattering reference to the jing role in traditional opera, where white faces indicated hidden motives, deceit and treachery. ‘Little White King’ would later become a byword for the villainous behaviour of Liang’s descendants. – Trans.

[Original source text]

梁智聲,吐火儸貴族人名以其義直作。為平手仁心,鄉者以信之。申好節度使減稅而鬆轡,梁智聲受龜兹采邑、少付之官。此位擁到亡,亦即無脈雄沙王在位。為立龜兹所統之偉德而寄梁智聲傳。

《梁智聲傳》

梁智聲,龜兹人,居此泉歸和佛徒之家而生之。父梁保登,牧師,使領者申石明特帶節度使而求之討西州侵龜兹也。章表此道:

「臣某言。亦都護僕固俊主宰下,龜兹民受苦矣。是迫矣!不及時之徵,貶禾也。稅,搶仍也。邪師入鄉,以秘言與巫巧而誘本家童也!

跋祿迦、龜兹之泉,是本家吐火儸民家園。任何記知,曾高祖父之先也。塞人以西所遷時,本貴兩族者微安同在。而且,此以北進騎者乃不按道。所謂亦都護,本家壯身青男而捕之,迫之牧其群羊、牛、馬。本鄉田無人菜,禾爛,稈曬。雪上加霜,可汗取本家仍大分,連田邊而挑光也。貴聖皇三位之仁景法所曰:田邊禁采,以坷人不殍。恰本國中,住之老殍。何不離譜乎?

本家吐火儸民,以正聲聞乘跟八聖道也。原先而元。世世鄰住火祆與景徒。辯而論之,但魔法師與修士未用任何騙術,絕未學勾引純女。竟,共給貴彌施訶聖母而表以女為尊。且困而示之。摩尼之徒,以波斯遠西來償鄙賤之做。諾女而教玄為發,要其棄志屈師全順。後諂之達玄,猶身而順。正節度使啊!污之果,不敢惱貴耳。足以曰是:本家青女,不少之見災。其悲,臣恥。

正節度使啊!貴國老豐衣足食。分配果飯,連窮不殍也。臣聞:疏勒國塞男女常達八十五嵗。如此貴心不得以向仁。求!聞貴塞鄰者,吐火儸民之吟!貴國小,但騎素并車睬。仁之份上而求貴名濟吐火儸民!本家安心而順貴啓命。臣某誠敬。」

史家論:現另記示,推邊之時,回鶻亦都護是取殘稅而徵召多男。安時,此霸巧然盡其兵與礎。卻,倘如梁保登表示,摩尼教師或修士淫女徒,吾未見此另記也。許是端議,或許幾惡歹用青男之離而利。公是摩尼教不傾此變態。

梁智聲孝其父之道,學法。卻引景教,因為石明特帶之表并埃盧穆薩之義。三十六嵗,領另龜兹使,申疏勒。宮門之外街上而跪,智聲等向獲特帶節度使之位交表。此表,意跟父之文風,求節度使減跋祿迦郛之稅,輕其徵召政策。

獲特帶聽吐火儸青男,而尊其誠膽與聰明。立刻同意之策。且敢與節度使講諤,名侯之,交千宅之採邑。并忠少付無子去世時,梁智聲之管埶、仔役、專事讓其名以此位。

梁智聲,偉值人,而急升而引他人忌與疑。常以爲懷親自當沙王之寬野心。蔡馴宮詩人撒一首諷刺短曲,宮前羞辱梁少付,道:

小白王有墨有笔,
以演算食饮之费。
忸忸付者小安易,
何人明白其之意?

小白王带帽与服,
琐额使其愁而苦!
扮相者踌踌之步,
是丑或是花脸乎?

因此梁智聲懷蔡馴之仇,不管兩者同為無脈雄沙王之大臣。竟,頂蔡之偏,梁絕未小氣。其愛好:獵。但其狩獵常終為糟。

一節狩獵,小明特帶節度使治終,梁與節度使見野豬。豬怒而衝。勇節度使用身為保,受刺傷。隊尋梁、節度使與豬。梁殺豬而泣其君之尸。另節,無脈雄沙王召之,梁追狼而落馬,傷腿。沙王親自診之。狼逃。腿愈而久痛。徨醫配藥而鎮之:人參痲勃。命晚,梁倚之。

示,虛修士乘淫王妹,王母且坼其貞,王賴梁也。提之,兩女藏,誓神。王認其慧。梁又受千宅。但兩女死前,不示事也。梁保密,舉沙王好名矣。

無脈雄宰,梁訂其女保榮給王子。而以侯死而斷訂。侯龜兹泉旁埋而喪。沙王下令:梁家裔,必永道其拜謁。

後上其獨男梁寳鬟。不幸,父之德,子學其巧言。懷同野心,但未學父之直、仁。單基於王念智聲之忠役,而梁氏免滅而已。

「一言僨事,一人定國,」此《禮》之謂為勵與戒也。梁智聲命乃有此實二方。文深,人清,直義完美。敢受貶罰而憐其民苦而示矣。藏兩女而為王擧名保族,忠也。但其懷不當之野心,蔡懂乃。子,野心與巧言令色,向家人兇意:因氏之落敗,其父大業末也!心懷鼎幻,危焉!
 

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Well, war is coming, I suppose.
 
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Well, war is coming, I suppose.

It always seems to have a way of doing that.

I like this AAR!!!
How do you translate the names into Chinese, for example Jñanaghose Lyam to Liang Zhisheng?

First of all, thank you!

Second: excellent question and I'm glad you asked! The full explanation of this will be put into the translator's preface, but, simply put:

  • Ruler names are (for the most part) transliterated phonetically. So:
    • Ex. Mitradatte -> sounds like Middle Chinese *MˠiæŋdəktaiH -> transliterated as 明特帶 [Mandarin Mingtedai].
    • Ex. Haskadatta -> sounds like Middle Chinese *HˠwɛkdəktaiH -> transliterated as 獲特帶 [Mandarin Huotedai].
  • The exception to this rule is if the Saka name conforms to a standard Sanskrit construction. This is what Chinese Buddhist scholars often did. So:
    • Ex. Viśirāpumnā -> Skt. 'male [hero] without veins' -> translated as 無脈雄 [lit. 'no-veins-hero', Mandarin Wumaixiong].
    • Ex. Vijitā -> Skt. 'subdued, overcome' -> translated as 馴 [lit. 'tamed', Mandarin Xun].
  • Contemporary Chinese names of real historical people are used unaltered.
    • Ex. Idiqut Bokut -> appears in Chinese histories as 亦都護僕固俊 [Yiduhu Bugujun] -> just keep that
    • Ex. Aigiarne -> Aigiarne is an alternate name for Khutulun, appearing in Chinese history as 阿吉牙尼 [Ajiyani] -> just keep that
  • Names of in-game characters which are already in Hanyu Pinyin [Han, Shatuo, Tuyuhun and so on] get converted into standard nice-looking Chinese names at the historian's discretion.
  • Names of in-game characters from Indian cultures follow the Saka-Sanskrit conformation rule.
    • Ex. Kankavati -> Skt. 'possessing gold, golden' -> translated as 鑫 [lit. 'abundant in wealth' or 'golden', Mandarin Xin]
  • Names of in-game characters from other non-Han adjacent cultures besides Indian ones just get transliterated, most likely using common phonetic characters like 阿, 亞, 拉, 弗, 吉 and so on.
    • Exception: Vseslava [Ru. 'all-glory'] got translated as 元榮 [Mandarin Yuanrong] cuz I just liked the name.
To answer your specific question, though: Jñanaghose Lyam is a mixed case.

I phonetically transcribed his surname [Lyam sounds like Liang, so it just became 梁 Liang]. Jñanaghose is a Sanskrit construction: jñana 'knowledge' + ghośe 'declare, sound', so this got translated as 智聲 [zhisheng, 'knowledge-sound'].
 
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Biography of Cai Xun [Vijitā Ca]
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Cai Xun, a noted poet inspired by the Jian’an poets and Tao Qian, was a shuzhu [argbed, garrison commander] in charge of Shufu [Yangi Xahar]. A brilliant extemporiser, he was a particular favourite of Haskadatta, Mitradatte II (to whom he taught some of the poetic art) and Viśirāpumnā, under whom he advanced to the exalted position of zaixiang [chancellor]. Unfortunately, he was also an outrageous libertine, and notably seduced the beauty Pan Feiyuan while at court. For his notable contributions to the literature of Shule, I have transmitted the biography of Cai Xun.

Biography of Cai Xun [Vijitā Ca]

Cai Xun, a native of Terek, was born to Cai Feng, a minor military official loyal to the jiedushi Mitradatte, and a Tang woman. Xun was given an education in the classics, and proved to be an eager and adept student. However, his family reputation and a growing demand for soldiers meant he was compelled to take a military commission as a xiaoguan [lieutenant] instead.

Possessed of a quick and agile mind, while serving in the military, he learned the basics of field medicine and pharmacology. He also began composing airs in the popular style, which were popular among the men. His commander, though not particularly impressed with his average abilities in fighting and drilling, was nonetheless astounded at the man’s literary abilities and felt that his talents were wasted in the local tuntian [military colony]. He submitted a memorial to the palace recommending his advancement in the civil service, but this memorial was ignored.

When Cai Xun was 25 years of age, he was made an argbed at an encampment on what was then the southern border, on the edge of the Tarim Basin. He worked in this position for a number of years, before his talents for composition and fine speech were noticed by the elderly Mitradatte, during [the year 902]. After a probationary period serving as a secretary within the Ministry of Rites, during which time he proved himself exceptionally gifted in the arts of etiquette and ritual propriety. He was thus chosen to be elevated to the exalted position of zaixiang, or chancellor, at a peculiarly early age.

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Cai Xun thus faithfully served the first four rulers of Qi: Mitradatte I, Haskadatta I, Mitradatte II and Viśirāpumnā. He was able to settle affairs with a single utterance, and his presence in the Qi court was unparalleled. His skill in field medicine also served him in good stead. Twice he came to the aid of ailing and wounded garrison soldiers when the court physician was busy elsewhere, and in this way he earned the implicit confidence of both Haskadatta and Mitradatte II. He continued to write poetry while serving as zaixiang, and his inspiration came largely from the spontaneous, naturalistic style of the poets of Jian’an, the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove and Tao Qian. Note this example of his verse:

Back when my head was black I strode the wall,
My chest steel-forged in bellows’ windy flare,
My itching ears keened to war-horns’ call.
Yet time to time I’d stand and southward stare,
A silver peak, a falcon in free fall:
Muztagh Ata, far stone and frost and air.
Though prowled I from jug to skirt to brawl,
The ice-peak father, silent, still stood there.


My hair is now, as his, in wisps of white.
I doze ink-blotted among my papers strewn,
My ears fatigued from prattle, lies and spite.
My stride now sorry shuffle. One day soon
A step to Sheol. But still the light
Glows in my chest. A pale sliver moon
Like falling falcon’s wing adorns the night.
Muztagh Ata, I miss your silent tune.


The author’s keen sense of the passage of time, lost youth, ephemerality of earthly pleasures, futility of court life, longing for harmony with nature and the ancestors in old age – these are all characteristics of Tao Qian’s poetry. The Jian’an poets’ and Seven Sages’ emphasis on naturalism and transience can be seen here. But this poem also dwells upon subjects close to the hearts of the Sai and other western tribes: the ancestral mountain of Muztagh Ata, the sacred fire, a subtle hint of a longing for sky burial. This mingling of Daoist and Zoroastrian themes is of peculiar interest for a Nestorian poet! So is the mingling of Iranian and Chinese styles and sensibilities! On the other hand, this short four-line verse too is an example of Cai Xun’s poetry which both captures his wonted style and neatly encapsulates his character:

The spring wind does softly blow;
Buds bloom on my neighbour’s lawn.
Loveliest they which newly show;
Stealthily, I pluck a single one.


This extemporisation highlights several of Cai Xun’s conflicting qualities, both commendable and reprehensible. We can see that he is wondrously adept at choosing words with care, deeply appreciative of beauty, possessed of fine discrimination, lofty tastes and a sublime poetic sensitivity. His reference to plucking a beautiful, newly-opened bud from his neighbour’s yard reveals, however, the covetous and licentious side of his character – far removed from the lofty characters of Tao Qian and the Seven Sages. Cai Xun was capable of showing remarkable sympathy, and his self-effacing demeanour appealed to his superiors. But, as his later career as zaixiang would reveal, he was also capable of subterfuge and deep treachery, and ruthless pursuit of his own advantage and possession.

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The second jiedushi Mitradatte, in fact, sought his zaixiang’s advice on how to make love to his consort, Fufei. Cai Xun carefully explained to him the arts of calligraphy and the basics of poetic structure, and instructed him to keep his work short and sincere. Whether this advice was successful or not, there is no way of telling, but we do have several examples of Mitradatte II’s personal correspondence and private thoughts in a calligraphic hand, in the Sai script [Kharośthī].

Cai Xun is remembered for his feud with his fellow councilor Liang Zhisheng – also a headstrong man with high aspirations – and for his determined pursuit of the sexual favours of court beauty Lady Pan. Cai Xun once wrote a poem mocking Liang Zhisheng as the ‘little white king’, both making unflattering reference to his Tuhuoluo heritage and implying his villainous motives [see Biography of Liang Zhisheng above]. This sparked a long and bitter discord between the two men, which ended only with Cai Xun’s death, and caused a decade-long rift between Shule’s Ministry of Rites and its Ministry of Revenue.

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There was also a middle-aged aswār whom the jiedushi Haskadatta encountered on his journey to Baghdad, whose name is recorded as Wu Fanyi [Bahudhiva Ustaka], who had with him a much-younger wife of Malwai by the name of Pan Feiyuan [Mādhavī Paramara]. Lady Pan was a distant paternal aunt of the equal-in-beauty but vast-superior-in-virtue Lady Luo, second and favourite consort of King Hui of Qi [see Families Allied to the Cāk Rulers section below]. Cai Xun relentlessly pursued Lady Pan while her husband was sent on campaign, and even tried to sneak into Wu Fanyi’s courtyard to approach her when he was caught by the jiedushi himself in the attempt. In the reign of Viśirāpumnā, after her husband had died, Cai Xun was caught in flagrante delicto with the widow. Lady Pan was punished with 60 blows of the heavy bamboo and close confinement, while Cai Xun himself was also given 60 blows and demoted to taichang in charge of the Ministry of Rites.

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When discussing the four styles of music that are not proper to use in the rites, the great philosopher Zixia said: ‘The airs of Zheng debase the will with wanton excess; the airs of Song drown the will with effeminate indulgence; the airs of Wei aggravate the will with fervor; and the airs of Qi puff up the will with violence. Because these styles all stimulate lust and harm virtue, they should not be used at sacrifices.’ In summary, we conclude that: Cai Xun was a brilliant mind and his poetry, bridging Sai and Tang, was undoubtedly of high calibre. But, drawn to the spontaneous styles of music and poetry that emerged from the Han, Jin and Sui, his lust was stimulated and his virtue sullied. His quarrels caused disorder in the state, and his seduction caused a scandal in the court. This was unbecoming in a minister of rites, let alone a chancellor. And yet, just as the Master included the music of Zheng, Song, Wei and Qi in the Book of Odes, it seems proper to recognise Cai Xun’s contributions to Shule poetry while at the same time criticising his libidinous transgressions[1].


[1] Here we see Baliu clearly struggling against his cultural constraints. Baliu evidently included Cai Xun’s biography here because he admired his poetry and believed it had literary value. As a good Confucian man-of-letters in the stifling puritanical politics of the late Ming dominated by the thought of Zhu Xi, on the other hand, we may imagine that he was compelled to place an official censure on Cai’s amour. The last flourish is a nice little rhetorical riposte on Baliu’s part, since he deftly points to Confucius’s own inclusions of music styles he officially disapproved in one of the canonical Five Classics. – Trans.

[Original source text]

蔡馴,名詩人,在建安七賢陶潛之統中,領疏附之戍主也。興即撰才,獲特帶、小明特帶寵之。小明特帶稍學其詩術。無脈雄沙王宰下當宰相高位。不幸是,放蕩不羈,當臣時淫美侍女潘飛鳶。卻因其貢疏勒文之精藝而寄蔡馴傳。

《蔡馴傳》

蔡馴,康蘓人,為蔡奉與其唐妻而生。蔡奉者,亦即石明特帶節度使之忠武官。馴,念經,專諳學者也。卻因家名與兵少而恰受旗當嘯官。

巧敏之心,當兵時,習藥術、場醫。并施撰小曲為悅其軍。長隊不滿意其鬥與練差能,但驚其文才,于屯田而費浪之。長隊交表,紹之為文官。表未関也。

蔡馴二十五嵗時當戍主。領之于西域南,盆地之邊。當位幾年,後撰才優舌引老明特帶之耳。試短為禮部員,斯顯其貌禮之賦。此特青擧為宰相高位。

蔡馴為磧國四先導忠司:高王、曠王、清王、桓王。一言定事,宮内表秀。宰相續寫詩。宮醫出時,兩次助受害兵,此方得兩塞導之深信。即興自然風文發啓於建安詩人、竹林七賢、陶潛等。通知:

頭黑日闊步守壁
鋼胸風箱炎而鍛
耳往向戰號開急
時而駐足目往南
銀峰上英隼潛氣
慕扎瓦特崔霜嵐
躊躊酒于爭于妓
一直冰山父靜站

發今如之皚泱泱
撒紙中墨斑而盹
耳困于擺喋恨謊
步可憐便慢垂瞬
于地獄但新月光
如潛隼翅戀天云
應本胸燼之小煌
念墓扎瓦特默韻

作者刻感時流,思於童年,俗樂短暫,官宿枉寙,諧和而望,老祖而念:陶潛之風也。建安者、七賢自然已味之重而明。此詩焉,觀塞等西部落民心内事:祖之山;聖之火;微欲而天葬乃!景詩興於道祆之題,可引目乎?同示安息於中國之風感,且好思乎?返來,蔡馴此四行曲圍其風文并個性:

香春風呤吹
鄰院蓓始開
新捭者最瑞
一朵秘秘摘

此即興曲示預蔡馴矛盾之方,簪譴有。見,才于涓言,于享美,于細嘗,于大雅,于詩粹。卻其曰于鄰園而摘新花乃示其貪色之性,於賢潛高尚哉!馴感深,謙而親高。且宰相令也,能于欺賤,殘追其用利。

其實小明特帶求宰相之讜,何方愛其配偶孚妃。馴道節度使,慎導書藝,詩法之本,誡而簡誠。成有未,不明,而塞文王跡密柬有例。馴之醫智,頂也。

馴名而爭與梁智聲,同高望頑硻人,且決諂宮美人潘姬之色。蔡馴次撰詩譏之為小白王,嘲提其吐火儸血并花臉角色而比之。見上文。施兩人長仇。蔡馴亡,十年後是禮部戶部大隙。

曠王于白達。見中年騎士,名吳繁藝。騎士有青妻潘飛鳶也。羅姬,相美而優德之,潘姬之曾侄女也。亦即磧惠王喜愛之再妻。見下文《外戚傳》。丈夫在場時,蔡馴殘誘潘姬。連偷入院而近之,但節度使自己押之。桓王宰位,丈夫死,蔡馴公然而淫之。潘姬罰六十杖、宮刑。蔡馴罰同杖、貶為太常也。

《禮》論四苟樂,子夏大哲曰:「鄭音好濫淫志,宋音燕女溺志,衛音趨數煩志,齊音敖辟喬志;此四者皆淫於色而害於德,是以祭祀弗用也。」結:蔡馴妙詩,塞唐之風而精。但,引與漢晉隨之偶然風文,其淫色而害德。架亂事,淫醜宮。不當太常,更不當宰相也。卻子括鄭宋衛齊之《詩》乃!宜括馴作而簪之,括其色罪而蔑之矣。
 

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As with so many others I feel behind, but what a wonderful time catching back up!
 
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Ah, political correctness... a consideration in more ancient times as much as it is now.
 
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Well well well.

First off, the deadbeat commentary:

Very good writing with carefully used vocabulary, remarkable details on the characters, as well as very good structure of the presentation.

Then, recklessly unrestrained early analysis:

Extraordinarily good architecture of the narrative, incredible opening as the reader is exposed to the words not only from the author, but from within the created world itself. Remarkable choice of unique story, thus it overcomes the standard elements by its refreshing recount.

Finally, angrily furious, maniacally egoistic, burning in envy take:

Ah that's just awesome. And it is ck3, meaning could not vote for it, just to avoid multiple nominations for only one authAAR, but to recognise all as many as possible; and already had to break that semi-adamant principle with the one in eu4 for the The Thin Wedge of Europe this round. Now what, have to decide which one to prefer (Lions of Olomouc vs We Hold the Pass: The Showdown) or what?

Damn.

Not only it is good that leaves one in awe without having any clue how to comment for months since reading it first, it even consists of its fictional source material, yet more, in its supposed original language!

Damn!

Reading frantically, burning in envy, enjoying enormously, now hunting for its details, in comparison to given translations, searching through the available dictionaries on the shelves at home.


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Kudos.



Edit: Corrected (an embarrassing) lexical error.
 
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