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The Lemarque Government and the Armee Royale
 
The Lemarque Government and the Armee Royale
 
Hate to bother, but could someone post a fresh invite to the discord?

I know it has been posted twice already, but both links already expired by the time I was able to login and attempt to use them.
 
1887-88
Lemarque's reign over the reclaimed Paris was tenuous at best. Though Blanc's forces had pulled back far from the city limits, Paris had notorious leftist enclaves that did not take their ideals or Lemarque's occupation lightly. The Communards were farsighted enough to leave behind a stockpile of small arms - not enough for the citizens to expel the Armee, but enough to be an annoyance. D'Esperey suggested a firmer hand was needed, but many of his inferiors disagreed - though martial law was necessary, public executions of Communards was a step too far for many. The prevailing belief within the Armee was that although Blanc's and the English Parliament's claim to government was illegal, they were for all purposes fighting under the laws of conventional warfare - a belief which differed from the leadership of the Lemarque Government, who considered their enemies to be committing treason and therefore were not under the protections of traditional warfare. Nonetheless, Lemarque's most pressing concen was in incoming Blancist counter-attack. In the heat of July, Blanc assembled his forces along the Burgundian border - with the Burgundian revolt burning out of control, there was significant co-operated between the Burgindian rebels and the Blanc Government, including an exchange of arms, manpower, and ideas. Blanc's army was, however, not only composed of socialists and leftists - liberals who felt disaffected by Lemarque's more authoritarian slant and defectors from the Armee were lining up behind Blanc. On the 21st of July, Blanc surrounded Paris, separating Lemarque from the rest of the country. D'Esperey continued to roam the countryside, raiding villages which had declared for Blanc and drafting able bodied men into the Armee (which, with mass defections, was facing a manpower shortage).

Across the channel, the summer of 1887 had a far less exciting campaign. The English forces lacked the ability to hold onto any gains they made into the south, while the Faction Anglois (and the remaining Armee forces) did not have the numbers to make pushed into the north. It had become clear that London would be untakeable, at least without outside help, and much of the internal dialogue of the English Parliament was shaped by this - as long as the Anglois existed in England, a unified, democratic, and totally independent English nation was near impossible, but many within the English Parliament were devoutly in favour of English independence. Unintentionally, this also caused rifts with the Blanc Government - their most powerful potential friend - who were reluctant to form ties with a potentially separatist force when their own position on the union was not yet clear cut. Attempts to sway Scotland and Ireland into the conflict by calling upon their shared British heritage (and old ideas of a Pan-British Commonwealth) were similarly unsuccessful, as both Ireland and Scotland wished to bide their time and rebuild and already had an adequate protector in the Scandinavian Republic. Furthermore, the ideological split between liberal and socialist was far less obvious than in France, as the leftist militias of England represented only a tiny fraction of the English forces, while in Blanc's case Communards were almost half of his army. On the 3rd of August, Bristol (one of the most diverse cities in England) was captured by Parliamentarian forces after a lengthy siege, and Swansea was taken a week later - the western theater was far more successful for the English than the east, which while less violent and had far more sporadic fighting had bogged down into a static front line.

As winter rolled into France, it was becoming clear Blanc was gaining the upper hand. The behavior of d'Esperey in the French countryside was beginning to appall even moderates to such degrees that they signed up for Blanc's militias. In November, Lemarque managed to escape Paris under the cover of darkness, abandoning the Armee garrison, and plotted to evacuate the Armee Royale to England, with the hope of negotiating a separate peace with the more moderate Parliamentarians and using the natural barrier of the channel to allow the Armee to reorganise and take back the mainland at a later time. This was an unpopular proposal within the Armee, who firstly believed such a flight from duty to be dishonourable and secondly thought that realistically the best hope was to entangle the Kingdom of Burgundy into the conflict (who were still fighting their own civil war) as an ally of Lemarque. Bickering, contradicting orders, and continued desertion plagued the Armee Royale into the winter. Blanc, on the other hand, was benefiting from the gradual demise of the Lemarque Government, but as a consequence saw his own personal support in his own government shrink, as more and more moderates joined his side the proportion of socialists shrunk to less than half of his support base. The need to toe the line of compromise frustrated many, including PTF diehards who, at the beginning of the conflict, hoped to see a mass exchange of wealth and power put into place following a Blanc victory. Now, they would be lucky to even see a republic. In dark corners, radicals formed their own cliques critical of Blanc as a sellout and the mainstream PTF as a bourgeois influence on the socialist movement.

Nonetheless, Blanc's forces continued to excell on the battlefield. Normandy fell in February, and with it the last major port to England, ending both Lemarque's plan to flee to England and the lifeline between the Faction Anglois and the Armee. The mood in the Armee Royale turned from grumbling to outright mutinous as spring approached, and in March some officers began openly plotting to arrest Lemarque and seek a peace with Blanc. Henri XI (who had been stuck in Orleans for the entire conflict), had had enough, and ordered his personal guard to sneak him out of the country and into the Danubian Federation on the 12th of April, after which he formally renounced ties to the Lemarque Government. Two days later Bretagne, one of the most devoutly conservative areas in the country, defected to Blanc without a single shot fired. The writing was on the wall, as d'Esperey himself begun to plot his own exit strategy. Meanwhile, in England, the Faction Anglois fared much better, retaking Bristol almost a year after they had lost it on the 11th of June, but Norwich fell to the English at the same time. Both the English and the Faction Anglois, all too aware of the events unfolding in France, begun discussing in secret plans for a truce, as some suspected a Blancist France would be far too radical for the both of them and sparing a sudden change in circumstance neither side had the resources or the ability to pull of anything more than flawed victory.

When news of the English-Anglois discussions leaked to the Lemarqueists, d'Esperery deciding the time had come to strike. On the 10th of July, 1888, General d'Esperey arrested Lemarque (as he had done to Blanc years earlier), declared the Lemarque Government over, and surrendered to the Blancists in the town of Laon.

It is now the 11th of July, 1888. Fighting as stopped, at least temporarily. All characters react appropriately and suggest terms of peace. Full IAAR rules incoming.
 
LE NATION.
THE DARKEST HOUR.

For decade after decade, France has been decaying, and true Frenchmen have long been powerless. Poor, brave Provence, after centuries and centuries, dragged under by the Anglois tide. We mourned that day, for it seemed like our last hope had died. In truth, however, the Legitimist dream had died long before, as the Plantagenets dragged proud France into the disgusting melange they have created around La Manche. But it is not the Anglois culture (I do not use the word nation, as besmirching proud France by elevating the melange to the status of "nation" demeans and violates her) that is our enemy. It is everything it represents, and everything London and Paris have imposed on us. Democracy. Parliamentarianism. Industrialism. The moral wickedness and degeneracy that the liberals have permitted and the socialists have accelerated. All of it had infected France, and there long seemed to be no cure. But two years ago, God sent us hope. He sent us a hero the likes of which France had not seen since Jeanne d'Arc.

He sent us Charles Lemarque.

The kings of House Valois were brave and noble men. They kept the dream of France alive for centuries, no matter what the melange attempted to do to it. They stubbornly endured, a reminder that against all odds, tradition and decency could prevail. But over that long, long time, the flame began to flicker and die. It was snuffed out even fifty years ago, and has only gotten worse. We do not grant the Valois our loyalty out of blind devotion nor bonds of blood. We granted them our loyalty because they loved France above all else, proud France, noble France, eternal France. But how did they repay our loyalty? With naught but a slow decline and death. France deserves better. France deserves a hero who is willing to shed blood. France deserves a man who will die for her.

She deserves Charles Lemarque.

This year has granted us opportunities, my friends. In the years before the Uprising, the French nation, those Frenchmen who had not succumbed to the siren song of liberalism and the melange, began to awaken. Eighty brave and proud Legitimists were elected to the National Assembly, and there was nothing the impotent Plantagenet bastards could do about it. And we roared to life in 1886. We gave blood, sweat and tears for our nation because we finally had hope of saving it. Lemarque, and d'Esperey before his unconsiciable betrayal, offered us a choice. Stand by in impotence, as we always have, and watch the Blancist rot destroy our nation. Or take up arms, even alongside the Plantagenet devil himself, and save it.

I made the right choice. I trust that many of you did as well.

But it was not enough.

Lemarque has lost, betrayed by his own second-in-command. His followers have deserted him and he has been brought low. But there is yet time. My friends, we must take advantage of the decadence of the Blancist liberal cancer and take matters into our own hands. Use their permissive squalor against them! Print pamphlets, organize, buy weapons! Free Prime Minister Lemarque, the last good man in France! He needs each and every one of us to finish the revolution against barbarism and degeneracy that he started. Do not allow him to herd the French nation into the grinder of decay like lambs to the slaughter! Rage against the dying of the light! The Plantagenet devil has fled the country; this, loyal Frenchmen, is our moment! Free the great hope of France and fight to the bitter end!

- E. Villers, Treasurer, Society of the Sons of Valois
 
((Private @Plank of Wood ))

To,
Jean-Paul Blanc, Premier of the Dual Monarchy,

I write to you upon our most glorious victory. While the need for bloodshed in the first place pains me, democracy has been restored and that is cause for relief and celebration. It has taken tremendous sacrifice, but it is now over.
Unfortunately, now comes the hard part. Our nation is bitterly divided and in need of leadership. I have no doubt you can provide that. Yet, I would ask your indulgence as I offer you my own humble opinions on what you and your government should do next.

Probably the most pressing issue is what is to be down about the monarchy and the Union. It was an issue that divided our forces during the war, but then we could also afford to ignore it. Now we must confront it head on. I am firm believer in the Monarchy and the Union, and I believe it is God’s will that it is preserved. England and France are stronger together, and we can not, despite their opposition to us, leave the Anglois out to dry. That will only invite further conflict. We will likely have to negotiate a deal granting more autonomy to England, but that is a small price to pay for unity and peace. Still, we should begin negotiations soon with both the Anglois and the English Parliament. The status of the actual monarch is another issue we must confront. Our monarchy was granted by God, and should remain. Yet, I do not believe the Henri VI is fit to remain in the position. He sided against us. His abdication may also serve to satisfy more radical elements among your followers as well.
Of course you must also establish a formal government to lead us. While I understand the need to keep the Communards onboard, I do believe you should seek a broad unity based government would be best, at least until new elections. Moderates and liberals make up the majority of your supporters and fighters, and leaving them out I fear would be a mistake. Thus I urge you to invite both liberals and socialists into your government. Hopefully such a diverse government can hold the nation together until the next elections.

Signed,
Augustine Hawkins
 
Before the English Parliament, holding a special delegation including select members of the Faction Anglois, the interim Deputy Prime Minister of England, John Roberts, speaks...

Welcome all, loyalists and nationalists, Englishmen and Anglois, to a special meeting of all of the important peoples in England.

I have come before you all proposing a compromise between our factions, which needn't be opposing each other in conflict any longer.

The Blanc government's collapse, followed shortly by the collapse of the Lemarque government has proven politics on the mainland are horrifically unstable, and throughout it all, here, on the isle of Britain, we have all been treated as a second thought to both sides of the conflict.

No doubt Lemarque thought we'd be easily subdued if only he could beat his enemies on the mainland first, and Blanc might've assumed that any situation in England would gladly work with his restored government.

I, for one, feel that this constant sense of being ignored by the mainland to be humiliating and wholly beneath those of us on the isle.

After all, which nation conquered the other? As I recall, the Plantagents were Kings of England first, and then, only later, Kings of France. Why is it that we are forgotten, then, and forced to play second fiddle to happenings on the continent? Why is it that our King flees his country whilst England has yet to renounce him? The Parliament of England isn't opposed to monarchy, quite the opposite in fact.

It is with these reasons that I propose before you all, that which I hope can be called a just a compromise. I call this bill I propose here before Parliament the Status of the Monarchy and Dissolution of Union Act.

Should we agree on this act, its provisions will immediately result in England's separation from the Dual Monarchy, and the establishment of a separate Kingdom of England, with a temporary Parliament made up of the members of this convention. The government will run not much unlike how the English Parliament ran before the breakdown in order here and in France. The temporary Parliament would be responsible for the more detailed laws, taxes, and administrative responsibilities.

This is where the "Status of the Monarchy" part of the legislation comes in.

I've... Discussed this somewhat with my colleagues, and yet, I still feel this the best answer.

We shall offer Henri XI the chance to become King Henry XI of England, should he renounce the crown of the "Dual Monarchy."

Should France wish to keep him as sovereign, that would be allowed, however, both nations would be entirely separate and able to follow their own domestic and foreign policies independent of each other.

If Henri XI refuses this offer, we shall go to his nearest kin that are not descended from him, and so on, until we find a Plantagent willing to lead England as its monarch.

And, that is, in essence, what I propose. In the end, it is balanced between the English Parliament and the Faction Anglois, as, with the members of Faction Anglois being part of an Interim Parliament, they will have a great power to ensure that many of their own proposals will be heard out, and even accepted, as this Parliament doesn't wish to abandon the Anglois, who are as much a part of our nation as the English, or the Welsh, or the Bretons!

We all inhabit this island, and we have all been taken for granted too long. It is time for us to seize back our futures, and decide for ourselves, for once in our lives!
 
Fellow citizens! Comrades! Like Martin Luther before me I nail this Declaration to the doors of the old Palace of Fontainebleau which once served as a home for tyrants!

Fontainebleau Declaration or Seventeen Points

With the aim of establishing civil peace and uniting all progressive political movements of the state, I, citizen Francois Egalite, propose to representatives of all progressive parties of England and France, to sign this Declaration and be guided by this Declaration when working out decisions on the future state structure.

1. Abdication of Henry and abolition of monarchy.

2. Reorganization of the Anglo-French Union on a voluntary basis, as a Union of two free and equal Nations united by common values of freedom, democracy and equality and not by the dynasty or the personality of the king

3. The expulsion from the country Henri XI and the Plantagenet family and confiscation in favor of the state all their lands, estates and wealth.

4. A honest and fair trial for former ministers of Lemarque government and Lemarque

5. Abolition of all titles and privileges, only one title can exist - a citizen of the Union

6. Installation of Universal Suffrage, male and female.

7. The plebiscite on the nature of the renewed Union, whether the renewed Union will be Bourgeois or Socialist Republic

8. Secularization and separation of Church and State, Church and education

9. Proclaiming as an official languages of a renewed Union both English and French languages; giving rights to local Communes to establish as a third official language language which widely spoken language in their community

10. Ban all monarchist and counterrevolutionary parties, organizations and newspapers

11. Establishing of eight-hour work day

12. Permission of all forms of trade unions and workers’ self-organization

13. Raising minimum wage and pensions

14. Creating safer work conditions

15. Healthcare reform

16. Granting the rights of local self-government to Dual Monarchy colonies

17. The intervention in the Burgundian civil war on the side of our French brethren, the transformation of the civil war into anti-feudal war for national liberation against Burgundian reactionaries and counterrevolutionaries.


Prolétaires de tous les pays, unissez-vous!

Signed,
Citizen Francois Egalite,
Fontainebleau, 14th July 1888

 
Fellow citizens! Comrades! Like Martin Luther before me I nail this Declaration to the doors of the old Palace of Fontainebleau which once served as a home for tyrants!

Fontainebleau Declaration or Seventeen Points

With the aim of establishing civil peace and uniting all progressive political movements of the state, I, citizen Francois Egalite, propose to representatives of all progressive parties of England and France, to sign this Declaration and be guided by this Declaration when working out decisions on the future state structure.

1. Abdication of Henry and abolition of monarchy.

2. Reorganization of the Anglo-French Union on a voluntary basis, as a Union of two free and equal Nations united by common values of freedom, democracy and equality and not by the dynasty or the personality of the king

3. The expulsion from the country Henri XI and the Plantagenet family and confiscation in favor of the state all their lands, estates and wealth.

4. A honest and fair trial for former ministers of Lemarque government and Lemarque

5. Abolition of all titles and privileges, only one title can exist - a citizen of the Union

6. Installation of Universal Suffrage, male and female.

7. The plebiscite on the nature of the renewed Union, whether the renewed Union will be Bourgeois or Socialist Republic

8. Secularization and separation of Church and State, Church and education

9. Proclaiming as an official languages of a renewed Union both English and French languages; giving rights to local Communes to establish as a third official language language which widely spoken language in their community

10. Ban all monarchist and counterrevolutionary parties, organizations and newspapers

11. Establishing of eight-hour work day

12. Permission of all forms of trade unions and workers’ self-organization

13. Raising minimum wage and pensions

14. Creating safer work conditions

15. Healthcare reform

16. Granting the rights of local self-government to Dual Monarchy colonies

17. The intervention in the Burgundian civil war on the side of our French brethren, the transformation of the civil war into anti-feudal war for national liberation against Burgundian reactionaries and counterrevolutionaries.


Prolétaires de tous les pays, unissez-vous!

Signed,
Citizen Francois Egalite,
Fontainebleau, 14th July 1888


Quietly remembers that Martin Luther represented the Emperor at Worms/Wurms in DoD against Calvin/Zwingli. And that no Seventeen Points existed from him or from his other reformers.
 
A Congress is being held at the headquarters of the Parti Travailliste Français. Albert Boisier, one of the more radical elements of the party, speaks.

Comrades, these recent years have been particularly brutal, and the lives lost to the war are countless. We may have put an end to the reactionnary government of Lemarque, but at what cost ? Paris is in ruins, thousands of civilians have perished and the rise of the Liberal faction in Blanc's Government means that the end of the civil war will see little to no progress towards what we strived for : A Republican Union, based on the values of equality, freedom and true democracy.

For now, we must continue to fight for what we always fought for : The abolition of the Monarchy, the Universal Suffrage for both mens and womens, the improvement of the workers condition, the separation of the Church and the State and the redistribution of the wealth. I have also signed the Fontainebleu Declaration and agree with Comrade François Égalité. We may not be the dominant faction but the struggle of the working class goes on.

While the Monarchy might not be abolished today, the abidcation of Henry XI is utterly important, as he collaborated with Lemarque and has approved the reactionnary dictatorship that was imposed on the people, this cannot be tolerated. I also call for the trial of the Lemarque Government, who must pay the damages of the civil war.

Alas, i fear that these times of peace might not last long. As some of us feared, the reactionnary and liberal elements of England are collaborating together and some are even calling for the return of Henry XI ! Once more, the bourgeois elite betray the people. We cannot let such a thing happen and if the return of Henry XI as a monarch of England is comfirmed, we will have to call for the liberation of the English people.

As for Blanc's Government, i must say that i am incredibly disappointed by our Prime Minister. By allowing the liberal faction to grow and by making too many compromises with the liberals, the PTF has been stained by the bourgeois influence. The Party and its future are both compromised and i fear that if the party is not cleansed from the bourgeois influence, this may be the last years or months of the PTF.



Pour la République,
Pour le Peuple,
Vive le Parti Travailliste Français !
 
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Name: Guenevere de Glostre-Lancastre (Philippe Le Marquand)
DOB: 1861 (1834)
Place of Birth: Londres (Bailliage dé Jèrri)
Nationality: Albio-Anglois* with Significant Hiberno-Anglois and Cambro-Anglois (Gallo-Anglois/Jerri-Anglois)
Career: Opera Singer, Actress, Political Theorist and Armchair General (Militia Leader, Gentry, Leek and Potato Farmer and Arch-Patriarch of the Channel Islands)
Ideology: Ultra-conservatism, "High Toryism", Religious Pluralism/ Ecumenism
Political Faction: Faction Anglois

One of the most prominent faces of the Faction Anglois is the rather strange patriarch of the Bailiwick of the Channel Islands, split from the Duchy of Normandy as a result of the Islander's bargaining during the Wars of French Succession. His family, the Le Marquands having dominated the local Islander politics for so long decided to try to exploit the chaos and achieve more in the Faction Anglois and receive rewards in the wider English areas as thanks for continued loyalty to the Lemarque government and its cause. After volunteering and being a rather dismal and failure-prone leader at the beginning of the conflict, he outgrew what many of his contemporaries viewed as simple inexperience and rapidly grew to be the greatest single leader of the Faction, though his power to impose his will is limited due to the Anglois tendency to splinter in internal disputes and the fact that Philippe is a convert to Protestantism and this has resulted in him being viewed as more than a bit queer. And queer in both senses as some have begun to accuse him of sodomy, as his mistress Guenevere has not given him any bastards nor his wife despite her occasional visits to him at camp during the unrest and civil war. What they don't realise is that Guenevere, a scion of a very distant** cadet branch of the Plantagenets and seeming mistress of Philippe is in fact far more than she appears. In fact, Guenevere who was named for an obscure Welsh literary figure by her Cambro-Anglois mother has long been an active political theorist in her private manuscripts and a student of history. During her career as an Opera Singer and Actress before the troubles she used her various hosts and male patrons to gain access to books of political theory and military history and theory so as to better entertain them during her private sessions after public performances. She recently was able to blackmail the elderly Philippe after his early defeats into taking him on as a public mistress on the road during the war. It is not in fact Philippe that does much of anything smart in truth, but her machinations from the shadows and her planning sessions during what his men currently believe to be the typical reality of life away from the wife are what has allowed him to flourish at all. Her seeming retirement and supposed current occupation give her plenty of time to do the important political and tactical matters while Philippe has more time to focus on the only thing he seems to be able to do truly exceptionally in logistics. Philippe often wonders if it would have been better for him to have been a sodomite in truth as it might have helped him avoid being ensorcelled by his tormentor.

(So essentially, the true character is all the former details given but the public face of them is the latter with the ideology and faction being the same. If this is too complex/unique then I'll drop the female stuff and just stick to Philippe)

*Feel that with the term Anglois that we'd see Albio- used for Anglo- to avoid having a monstrosity such as "Anglo-Anglois".
** Very distant is even being potentially generous, there wouldn't even be a hint of purple much less blue if you checked their blood.
 
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The past couple of years had been rough for Smith and his fellows, loosing roughly a fifth of their initial group, including several leaders had hurt. Eventually he had been chosen to next lead the group as he was considered the best man remaining. Taking pages from his experiences of the first War of Independence, the group had done as well as they could with what little they had, however attrition did whittle down the group further over time. Hearing of the ceasefire and talks that have begun occurring between the English Parliament and Faction Anglois, as well as the fall of the Lemarque Government to the forces under Blanc, Jacques Smith would take the chance to relax for a short while, rather difficult with how things have turned out at this point, before turning his attention to said talks. After thinking things through for some time, “Capitaine” Smith, as his militiamen called him much to his annoyance, would write and subsequently send out letters to other Faction Anglois leaders.

À mes collègues,

Some of you may not know me, and to those who don’t, my name is Jacques Smith, a minor commander within the Faction Anglois et un veteran of the first English War of Independence. While I could speak about how our campaign has been relatively successful at holding the borders, not that it is important to know at this moment with the ceasefire, the real reason I send these letters out to state my opinion on the possibly dark times ahead. As terrible as making a deal with the English is, I believe that this may be the best chance to protect our people. With the enemy willing to make a deal, we must take whatever guarantees of rights we can get from the English Parliament. We all know what the alternative is, that damned radical monster known as Blanc. Better we work with the enemy we know and have lived, extremely tenuously, alongside than the one across the Channel that threatens our traditions and beliefs even more than the English. A united England stands a better chance than a bloodied and divided one before the the radicals that now control France. This may be our only chance at a mutually beneficial peace that ensures the safety of our people and our homes.

Je vous souhaite à tous la bonne santé,
Jacques Smith
 
Jack Chester, Assistant Minister for the Home Department, addresses the English Parliament:

I should first like to thank my right honourable friend John Roberts for his patriotic and eloquent address to this assembly. It is gladdening in such dark times as these that men such as Mr Roberts are able to stand up and be counted, providing leadership which has been so sorely lacking on the mainland.

Twice in the lifetimes of many of us, conflict has raged across this island which we have shared peacefully together for centuries. That is in itself a tragedy, for no matter where we have come from, or what tongue we speak or how we choose to earn a living, we are all citizens of England.

As such, we are entitled to certain natural rights of freedom and property which for too long have been supressed by the Parisian government. Who can forget the Liberale supermajority which drowned out all the massed voices of England, be they Liberal, Unionist or Anglois? Where was their regard for the needs of this island? More latterly, Lemarque's dictatorial cabal have sought to undermine the freedoms which we all hold dear - the right to vote, the right to a fair trial, the right to protest against injustice. They have attempted to subjugate all of the Dual Monarchy underneath their iron rule, yet inflicted nothing but chaos upon us all.

I have come before you today to say that enough is enough. The English have been ignored by successive governments for too long, and the Anglois have been abandoned by Lemarque's destructive obsession with Paris and Blanc. I am therefore proud to announce that I support the Deputy Prime Minister's bill to dissolve the Union and fully consider the status of the English Monarchy.

Many of you will know that I have not arrived at this decision lightly. I have supported a just and equitable union all my life, but it is clear to me now that only by extricating ourselves from the instability which has taken hold in France, can we build a better home here on our island.

But my friends, our efforts cannot stop with securing independence for England. We must establish a fair and just system of government which brings all into the political process, be they Welsh, English, or Anglois. Our government must move to guarantee the right to universal suffrage. The English nation must recognise the diversity of the peoples who comprise it, and enshrine the rights of all peoples in law. We must also provide the necessary protections which are owed to those who power our industry and manufacture our world-famous products.

I have seen hundreds of honest men, from Manchester to London unable to provide for their families because they were injured in the appalling conditions of their factories and not compensated by their employers.

I have met with many poor and downtrodden, from Newcastle to Bristol, who aspire to improve themselves, but lack the helping hand of a responsible government to set them on their way.

This, my fellow countrymen, must be our mission after independence - to end injustice for all. To provide the means for our citizens to seize their prosperity. To build a New Jerusalem on this, our beautiful home of England.
 
Colonel Oliver Drummond-Fairfax addressing soldiers of the English National Army in Norfolk after new the King had fled the Dual Monarchy. Consequently, it was published and redistributed in newspapers across the country.

We, here and now, in England find ourselves on the crossroads of destiny. We hold in our hands the future of the millions born and yet to be, as well as the honour of the thousands dead in the years of war that have gone by. Blood has been spilt to afford us this chance to achieve for the future of this nations our rights and our liberty once more, and we must now secure it for our children, and theirs and every generation of the English people that come after us.

There are those in this army and within our parliament that quake in terror of the thought of what we may unleash, and they foreshadow nothing but a day of judgment in which England shall be struck from the history of civilisation. I, however, see hope. I see a chance for a new nation to rise phoenix like from the ashes of war and civil strife. No longer a realm of despots, but a republic. A republic built upon the solid foundations of English liberties and freedom and the rule of law. A republic that judge men by who they are, not who their ancestors were.

This conflict has not been a civil war within the Dual Monarchy, but a revolution by the English, fought at its most vicious in England, and by our strength of arms to liberate England. What help came to this army from Monsieur Blanc? Or the other communards? Our noble allies against the Plantagenets? Nothing!

Now that we have thrown off the chains of Henri Plantagenet, we most be wary not to put on those of Monsieur Blanc. If Parliament cannot gain a solid guarantee from the Blanc Government and the National Assembly that we be a freed nation and an equal member and equal citizens, with as just laws and rights in the new federation that is to succeed the Dual Monarchy, then we should go our own way.

The great issue shall now become the survival of England. And we must remain armed and guarded to assure it does. England goes on; England prevails.
 
Philippe le Marquand proposes the following for peace terms in England, and across the channel for the future of the Dual Monarchy both personally in ENA-FA meetings and by proxy to remnants of the former Lemarqists and the Blanc "government":

1. That the Plantagenet Monarchy be maintained, though the Monarchs powers be diminished to that of a more constitutional sovereign. The monarch's duties in regards to control of the government be limited solely to the power of legislative assent/veto with all duties relating to forming a government being delegated to the position of Speaker of the Estates-General who will be appointed from the body by a 3/4 margin. (This is fairly radical in terms of limiting a monarch and especially from an ardent reactionary, but its intended to show some recognition that Blanc has the upper hand in France and that the monarch was too active in the instigation of the crisis. Also the 3/4 margin is to make it essentially unanimous but to avoid incidents similar to that which happened recently in the UK in parliament)

2. That Henry XI be taken to have abdicated by his flight, and for the throne to be taken by Dauphin of Wales (next heir). Should this heir refuse that the monarchy pass down until it is accepted or failing this that the Valois candidate be voted on or a parliamentary republic established.

3. That the Dual Monarchy be split into many local areas that have the right to local taxation (think council/state tax) and have the responsibilities for education, infrastructure, justice, healthcare and collecting of national tax. With the national government being responsible for the military, elections across the whole Dual Monarchy and all foreign policy. That these local polities have devolution such that they have their own assembly, that they may name to whatever they wish. And that all previous internal divisions be abolished.

4. That these local areas be so, with the land listed:
  • A central government only area comprising of Normandy to the border with Burgundy and down south as far as and including Bordeaux but no further. This area will have all responsibilities governed by the national government and the Estates-General. This to be known as the Central or French region.
  • An Occitan region covering the rest of the Kingdom of France including Savoy but excluding Navarre. This to be known as the Aquitaine region.
  • A Faction Anglois area consisting of the Channel Islands, the Isle of Man and England from Bristol, then down south to exclude Oxford plus Oxfordshire and yet include London and then up north to reflect the realities of the front to include Suffolk and further south areas not mentioned by exclusion. This area to be known as the Anglois region or Albion.
  • An English region covering all areas in the Kingdom of England not already mentioned but excluding Wales. This to be known as the English region or England.
  • A Welsh region, a Breton region and a Basque region. These to be known as Wales, Brittany and Navarre respectively.
  • All regions including the areas solely under central national administration to have a vote in their local assemblies every 10 years over whether to sub-divide further, dissolve back into the central government, merge with another region or keep things as is. This can only be changed by national vote in the national Estates-General and can only be changed individually and not collectively. So Brittany wanted to having to keep voting for the status quo would require vote in the national Estates-General but such a vote would not cover Navarre.
5. Special cases to be made such that automatically than in 5 years the regions of Wales, Brittany and Navarre will vote on re-inclusion, unity with any of their neighbouring regions, divide further or keep the status quo. From then on those special regions will have their ten years count from then on such that they have a different political speed to the other regions in recognition of their continued loyalty to the Anglois ideal and the Dual Monarchy.

6. That Bristol be governed by the Anglois region, with it voting on whether or not be annexed into the Welsh region (if it still exists), the Anglois region or the English region in 7 years with no option for it to continue as a free city outside the rules regarding subdivision by existing regions every 10 years.

7. That this be considered ratified and that this being so that a general election for all local assemblies and for the nation Estates-General to be called to occur as soon as possible such that true peace will be decided by the people of the land and not by the guns and militias of the land. That this special session will determine how long between elections we will have with this no reality and to bring peace to our beloved united land.

(In this as an IAAR, have the votes be that you vote nationally and that you pick one region to vote in and get those two votes.)
 
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Rough idea of the local subdivisions, I'm proposing.

Rendered "endearingly" in lovely Paint.