1887-88
Lemarque's reign over the reclaimed Paris was tenuous at best. Though Blanc's forces had pulled back far from the city limits, Paris had notorious leftist enclaves that did not take their ideals or Lemarque's occupation lightly. The Communards were farsighted enough to leave behind a stockpile of small arms - not enough for the citizens to expel the Armee, but enough to be an annoyance. D'Esperey suggested a firmer hand was needed, but many of his inferiors disagreed - though martial law was necessary, public executions of Communards was a step too far for many. The prevailing belief within the Armee was that although Blanc's and the English Parliament's claim to government was illegal, they were for all purposes fighting under the laws of conventional warfare - a belief which differed from the leadership of the Lemarque Government, who considered their enemies to be committing treason and therefore were not under the protections of traditional warfare. Nonetheless, Lemarque's most pressing concen was in incoming Blancist counter-attack. In the heat of July, Blanc assembled his forces along the Burgundian border - with the Burgundian revolt burning out of control, there was significant co-operated between the Burgindian rebels and the Blanc Government, including an exchange of arms, manpower, and ideas. Blanc's army was, however, not only composed of socialists and leftists - liberals who felt disaffected by Lemarque's more authoritarian slant and defectors from the Armee were lining up behind Blanc. On the 21st of July, Blanc surrounded Paris, separating Lemarque from the rest of the country. D'Esperey continued to roam the countryside, raiding villages which had declared for Blanc and drafting able bodied men into the Armee (which, with mass defections, was facing a manpower shortage).
Across the channel, the summer of 1887 had a far less exciting campaign. The English forces lacked the ability to hold onto any gains they made into the south, while the Faction Anglois (and the remaining Armee forces) did not have the numbers to make pushed into the north. It had become clear that London would be untakeable, at least without outside help, and much of the internal dialogue of the English Parliament was shaped by this - as long as the Anglois existed in England, a unified, democratic, and totally independent English nation was near impossible, but many within the English Parliament were devoutly in favour of English independence. Unintentionally, this also caused rifts with the Blanc Government - their most powerful potential friend - who were reluctant to form ties with a potentially separatist force when their own position on the union was not yet clear cut. Attempts to sway Scotland and Ireland into the conflict by calling upon their shared British heritage (and old ideas of a Pan-British Commonwealth) were similarly unsuccessful, as both Ireland and Scotland wished to bide their time and rebuild and already had an adequate protector in the Scandinavian Republic. Furthermore, the ideological split between liberal and socialist was far less obvious than in France, as the leftist militias of England represented only a tiny fraction of the English forces, while in Blanc's case Communards were almost half of his army. On the 3rd of August, Bristol (one of the most diverse cities in England) was captured by Parliamentarian forces after a lengthy siege, and Swansea was taken a week later - the western theater was far more successful for the English than the east, which while less violent and had far more sporadic fighting had bogged down into a static front line.
As winter rolled into France, it was becoming clear Blanc was gaining the upper hand. The behavior of d'Esperey in the French countryside was beginning to appall even moderates to such degrees that they signed up for Blanc's militias. In November, Lemarque managed to escape Paris under the cover of darkness, abandoning the Armee garrison, and plotted to evacuate the Armee Royale to England, with the hope of negotiating a separate peace with the more moderate Parliamentarians and using the natural barrier of the channel to allow the Armee to reorganise and take back the mainland at a later time. This was an unpopular proposal within the Armee, who firstly believed such a flight from duty to be dishonourable and secondly thought that realistically the best hope was to entangle the Kingdom of Burgundy into the conflict (who were still fighting their own civil war) as an ally of Lemarque. Bickering, contradicting orders, and continued desertion plagued the Armee Royale into the winter. Blanc, on the other hand, was benefiting from the gradual demise of the Lemarque Government, but as a consequence saw his own personal support in his own government shrink, as more and more moderates joined his side the proportion of socialists shrunk to less than half of his support base. The need to toe the line of compromise frustrated many, including PTF diehards who, at the beginning of the conflict, hoped to see a mass exchange of wealth and power put into place following a Blanc victory. Now, they would be lucky to even see a republic. In dark corners, radicals formed their own cliques critical of Blanc as a sellout and the mainstream PTF as a bourgeois influence on the socialist movement.
Nonetheless, Blanc's forces continued to excell on the battlefield. Normandy fell in February, and with it the last major port to England, ending both Lemarque's plan to flee to England and the lifeline between the Faction Anglois and the Armee. The mood in the Armee Royale turned from grumbling to outright mutinous as spring approached, and in March some officers began openly plotting to arrest Lemarque and seek a peace with Blanc. Henri XI (who had been stuck in Orleans for the entire conflict), had had enough, and ordered his personal guard to sneak him out of the country and into the Danubian Federation on the 12th of April, after which he formally renounced ties to the Lemarque Government. Two days later Bretagne, one of the most devoutly conservative areas in the country, defected to Blanc without a single shot fired. The writing was on the wall, as d'Esperey himself begun to plot his own exit strategy. Meanwhile, in England, the Faction Anglois fared much better, retaking Bristol almost a year after they had lost it on the 11th of June, but Norwich fell to the English at the same time. Both the English and the Faction Anglois, all too aware of the events unfolding in France, begun discussing in secret plans for a truce, as some suspected a Blancist France would be far too radical for the both of them and sparing a sudden change in circumstance neither side had the resources or the ability to pull of anything more than flawed victory.
When news of the English-Anglois discussions leaked to the Lemarqueists, d'Esperery deciding the time had come to strike. On the 10th of July, 1888, General d'Esperey arrested Lemarque (as he had done to Blanc years earlier), declared the Lemarque Government over, and surrendered to the Blancists in the town of Laon.
It is now the 11th of July, 1888. Fighting as stopped, at least temporarily. All characters react appropriately and suggest terms of peace. Full IAAR rules incoming.