Chapter CXXXI: The Guns of a Spanish Summer Part III.
We begin in the South of the country, as the clashes there had something of the private war about them; while fiercely fought and not without strategic consequences on the wider conflict, their short-term impact on the fighting in the rest of Spain was limited. The decisive clashes were in the Guadalquivir valley on the road from Cordoba to Seville, this was where the Republican 1st Armoured Division's offensive met the 'counter-attacking' Army of Africa. The 1st Armoured, and their French advisors, had felt the valley was ideal for the H35 to operate in; a wide, flat valley it had few chokepoints or bridges where the Monarchists could ambush them to get in close with Flandin Cocktails (petrol bombs), there was even a decent road, which was important given the H35s less than stellar off-road capability. This was all true and had the campaign continued as before there is little doubt that the Republicans would have easily reached Seville, perhaps even continuing on into Cadiz. But things had changed, the Army of Africa was a far more formidable opponent than the mix of militia and hastily trained tankettes the Republicans had thrashed previously. Just as importantly these forces had something the Monarchists Panzer Is had dearly lacked - a weapon that could destroy a H35 at range, a task that the newly arrived QF 2-pounders excelled at. The tactical choices of the two sides would only make things worse for the Republican side.
A Republican H35 tank after an energetic encounter with several Monarchist 2-pdr anti-tank gun shells somewhere outside Palma del Rio in the Guadalquivir valley. On paper this could be mistaken for a close match, the main gun on the H35 was the venerable SA-18, a 37mm calibre weapon, while the QF 2-pounder was 40mm calibre. Sadly for the Republican tankers the 2-pounder had the benefit of being designed some two decades later and the armourers had not been idle in this time. The 2-pounder could fire a shell twice the size at well over twice the speed of it's Great War era rival, this made it both more dangerous and gave it a far longer effective range. The consequences of this for Republican 1st Armoured were unfortunate, if mercifully brief.
Naturally the 1st Armoured had embraced the French doctrine and tactics that went along with their tanks and trucks, at the time this meant 'Methodical Battle' with an emphasis on planning, plenty of pre-arranged artillery and a minimum of local initiative. This doctrine met the two key political requirements of French politics; minimise casualties, by substituting firepower for men, and avoid a large professional army in peace time. While the Republicans were not as concerned by the former, if anything they were forced to substitute manpower for a lack of firepower, a doctrine that required a minimal number of trained officers very much appealed given how few of the pre-war Spanish army had stayed loyal. The battles outside Cordoba were to brutally expose the weaknesses in this approach, not least the critical issue that if the enemy did not behave as you had expected, your ability to react could be extremely limited. General Yagüe, the Monarchist commander, was well aware of the Republican advantages after the massacre of the Monarchist Panzer Is and had planned accordingly. Instead of trying to hold the few chokepoints on the road his AT guns were dug into the sides of the valley, expertly camouflaged with help from the Regulares, with only token units along the road who had orders to flee before taking serious casualties. The trap was set and the 1st Armoured obligingly drove into it, the main body of the division getting itself trapped in a murderous long-ranged anti-tank cross-fire while artillery rained down upon them. Methodical Battle allowed for some flexibility and local initiative, but was inherently fragile to wholesale deviation, this was a problem as the Republican staff had planned on the basis of avoiding being dragged into close combat with the Monarchists, the idea of the enemy forcing a long ranged exchange had never been considered. This left the Republican response disjointed, individual battalions, sometimes individual tanks, reacting as best they could, which was generally to fall back on the default tactics of trying to charge the enemy gun line. When there is no cover and the enemy guns are dug in, supported by pre-zeroed artillery and out-range you, this is a well known tried-and-failed tactic, which duly did not work. The escorting "motor dragoons" in their Lorraine 28 cross country trucks had better success, overwhelming several AT guns, but a lack of supporting artillery (Methodical Battle focused on quickly shifting fire between pre-planned targets, not quick reaction fire in response to requests) and splitting their effort between both flanks doomed that effort. By the time the Republican commanders regained control their main contribution was to organise the retreat back towards Cordoba. Harried all the way back up the valley most of the remaining H35s succumbed to enemy fire or mechanical problems, once they arrived at the city the only thought was digging in and rallying the population for the inevitable siege.
The fall of Cordoba, and the wider Republican front, was saved from collapse by the other prong of the Republican offensive, the coastal drive from Almeria towards Malaga by the Assault Guards. General Yagüe had weakened his other fronts to gather strength at the 'decisive point' (how much of his approach was due to the influence of the German advisors is fiercely debated but not strictly relevant), so the Assault Guards were able to make good progress against the second line troops left on the coast and soon reached the outskirts of Malaga. Recognising the threat to one of their key ports, the very port in fact that had brought the vital British AT guns into Spain, the Monarchists were forced to divert forces from Cordoba back to the coast. Further diversions proved necessary to head off a Republican spoiling offensive in Extramunda, leaving the main Army of Africa force too weak to force the city, saving Cordoba and stabilising the front. On the map it appeared to be a minor Republican victory, they had captured more territory (even if it wasn't particularly valuable), straightened out their lines and held onto one of the key cities in Southern Spain. Yet it was the Monarchists who were more satisfied by the campaign come the autumn, in exchange for minimal troop losses and some unimportant territory they had destroyed the single most effective tank force in Spain and stopped it rolling up the entire southern front. The challenge was not so much which side could rebuild their shattered armoured force first, but which could learn the right lessons (and get the right equipment and doctrines) to build a truly effective armoured division.
Canfranc International Railway Station, for scale the platform in the centre of the shot (the building with the domed roof) is approximately 240m long. This vast complex, nicknamed the Titanic of the Mountains for it's opulent extravagance, sat at the Spanish end of the Somport Tunnel and it's size was not (just) an indulgent show of power. Spanish and French railway gauges were different sized, making it impossible to run direct rains between the two countries, therefore the station was fully equipped with large platforms, sheds and cranes to rapidly tranship people and goods between trains. While never a success in peacetime, it opened less than a year before the Wall Street Crash of 1929 and was hit by a large fire in 1931, in wartime it offered a high capacity heavy rail link into France, provided of course that the French wished to supply the faction that controlled the station.
Compared to the this the Northern campaigns were far more one sided, yet significantly less intense. In essence the Monarchist Army of Catalonia wanted to retreat in good order and the Republican anarchist militias, after some early clashes, mostly let them. While battered, the Monarchists divisions were relatively well equipped, not least in light and medium machine guns, and managed an effective retreat, the two units 'leap frogging' over each other as they pulled back to the Ebro River line. In theory the anarchist militias, reinforced by the various Catalan forces that had not yet merged into larger units or been 'militarised', could have harried the retreating Monarchists and caused serious problems, after all there were very good reasons why Rey d'Harcourt was pulling his forces back. Unfortunately for the CNT-FAI the campaign soon demonstrated some new problems in applying anarchist principles to the art of war. On the defence a light infantry force with minimal supporting troops could work passably well, particularly when the units lacked heavy weapons and were defending urban areas that allowed easy 'informal' re-supply. However, when on the offensive the lack of firepower was far more serious and the lack of dedicated logistics troops became critical, to be blunt it was unclear how an anarchist logistic corps was supposed to work and so it mostly didn't. Thus, despite superior numbers, the CNT-FAI forces were unable to do more than stay in contact with the retreating Monarchists, at least until they reached the Ebro River, at which point the advanced slammed to a bloody halt as the Monarchists made a stand. Indeed Rey d'Harcourt purposely kept several bridgeheads on the eastern bank of the Ebro to make the future counter-attack easier, correct discerning that the pursuing anarchists would be unable to dislodge dug in troops once the front line was a manageable length and not a vast salient. While Rey d'Harcourt had snatched retreat from the jaws of annihilation, it was still a crushing Monarchist defeat that left Catalonia and North Eastern Spain in the hands of the Republic. Yet the CNT-FAI could not rest on their laurels, the industrial base of 'Anarchist Catalonia' provided a chance to re-equip their troops, as potentially did the captured Somport Tunnel to France, but a re-organisation was perhaps more urgent, the question was what that should organisation should be. Their ongoing fundamental, perhaps even existential, issue remained unsolved, were anarchist principles actually compatible with winning the war?
Finally we come to Central Spain, a theatre dominated by the Madrid-Valencia Axis. The two capitals exerted a constant influence on all military thinking in the region, even when not the notional objective of an operation the default tendency was still to interpret things from the perspective of how the threat/security of the two cities had changed. The first force to move were the communists, the International Brigades hurling themselves at the town of Almazán to 'avenge' the defeat of the T-26s earlier in the summer. These 'battles' sent a very highly motivated infantry force lacking in heavy weapons, artillery and training against a large number of well dug in Vickers machine guns, this went as well as you would expect and the attacks were only called off when the Brigadiers threatened to mutiny rather than risk another suicidal charge. This setback prompted the PSOE/PCE, and their Soviet political advisors, to order a change of plan, cancelling the planned push towards Burgos and sending overwhelming force to finally take the town. The PSOE/PCE militias had recently been "militarised" and were now divisions, far more importantly they had also been properly equipped and assigned supporting artillery and engineers. A liberal application of heavy artillery fire, and another very bloody infantry charge, finally got the Republicans over the river in numbers and forced the Monarchists out of Almazán, the Republican commander General Lister being feted as a hero for this 'incredible feat of arms'. The deliberations on what to do next were rudely interrupted by the Monarchist Northern Army who had re-routed their own 'Valencia Offensive' to deal with what they believed to be a terrible threat to Madrid. The initial clashes went well for the communists as they had the benefit of the urban conditions that had so hampered their efforts earlier, prompting ever more elaborate propaganda claims to be made, inflating the importance of the town further still. As both sides poured in reinforcements, the Monarchists to 'save Madrid' and the Republicans as a matter of pride to protect their propaganda victory, Almazán was slowly transformed from a town into a ruin. As the summer dragged on Monarchist numbers threatened to become decisive, almost the entire Northern Army and it's reserves had been committed to the attack, prompting the communists to appeal to the Republican government to attack elsewhere to relieve the pressure.
General Enrique Lister, committed PCE member, long time revolutionary and 'Hero of Almazán', seen here with his trademark jaunty had and leather jacket, along with the sartorially questionable choice of a tie. As the Republican militias 'Militarised', regularising their equipment and organisation and introducing proper ranks and a chain of command, the new divisions needed commanders. A graduate of the Soviet Frunze Academy and experienced revolutionary, Lister was chosen for the elite 11th Division and led them with distinction, and high casualties, during the summer campaign. However he was one of the exceptions, the communists preferring to shun the high profile front line roles and dominate the less showy yet vital jobs in the War Ministry controlling supply and discipline.
Give the lack of Republican co-ordination this appeal should have come to nothing, yet with effective control of the War Ministry the communists were able to convince the commanders along the Tagus river to launch a limited offensive towards Madrid. No-one expected Madrid to be taken, least of all the former Mancheguian militias of the 54th "La Mancha" Division that spearheaded the attack, but it was hoped it would distract the Monarchist. In this it exceeded beyond all expectations, convinced that the entire battle around Almazán had been a feint and that this was the real offensive towards Madrid, the Monarchist Military Council panicked. The Northern Army was responsible for protecting Madrid, yet had committed most of it's forces to Almazán, the few forces left on the river being pushed back by the Republican offensive. To stabilise the situation the Carlist
Requetes and the Porto-Irish division cancelled their planned attack on Santander and rushed south to meet the threat and defend the capital. The Requetes lived up to their reputation and rapidly pushed the Republicans back to the river Tagus, before boldly pushing on across the river to capture Toledo, their British supplied equipment, not least in the air, providing a decisive edge. While the Toledo arsenal had long since been emptied it was still a psychologically significant blow to the Republic, though worse was to come as the Requetes fanned out across La Mancha, aiming to take the whole agriculturally rich province before the harvest. The fateful decision was made to pull back to the next defensive line, the River Guadiana and the strong point of Ciudad Real, while the Republican Grand Army command released the strategic reserve to reinforce those sections of the line that could not be anchored on a river. Theses reserves, including the propagandist's favourites the brigade of US M2A2 tanks, stabilised the front and stopped the advance, though the Monarchists reaching the limits of their logistics doubtless also helped. Unfortunately none of this had helped the communists, the Monarchist Northern Army had kept up the pressure and finally pushed them out of Almazán and back to the Ebro, the PSOE/PCE eventually managing to rally and hold Zaragoza.
The situation in Spain at the start of September 1937, with the various gains and losses of the two factions marked as indicated. Neither side was particularly happy with the overall progress, every triumph seemingly matched with a disaster, but at the faction level there had been significant changes. For the Republicans the Anarchists had secured the North East, gaining them prestige, a rail link to France and an industrial base, while the Communists had seen a high profile defeat and were widely blamed for the loss of La Mancha. On the Monarchist side the Carlists (and the British) continued to enhance their reputation, while the much vaunted Army of Africa and their Germans had very little to show for a lot of hard fighting and lost tanks.
By the end of August the summer campaigns spluttered to a halt, all supply lines exhausted, all reserves committed. All except one, the Basque forces having carefully preserved their forces, waiting for the Monarchists to commit, saw their opportunity to strike. The La Coruna Offensive was a formidable effort and, by the standards of the rest of the war at the time, relatively well equipped. In the skies the Basque Air Force was numerous if varied, the Basque cause had attracted some interesting supporters resulting in a somewhat motley collection of aircraft ranging from ex-Latvian Bristol Bulldogs to Mexican Vought V-99M Corsairs (the 1920s O2U biplane version, not the 1940s F4U monoplane). On land the shipyards and metal works of the Basque country had been busy, supplying a range of armoured vehicles of varying quality including such delights as the 'Bilbao Modelo 1932' armoured car and the Tanque Euskadi (Basque Tank). While far from the best equipment in Spain, experience had shown that any tank, or aircraft, was better than none and no-one expected the under-strength garrisons of La Coruna and Ferrol to be capable of putting up any significant resistance to the Eusko Gudarostea (Basque Army). In the event however, the initial surprise attack and subsequent advance would be the highpoint of their campaign, as we shall see in the next chapter the Basque would be stopped and thrown back by Cervantes, Castaños and Spanish Venom.
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Notes:
Is this a cliff hanger? Sort of, I think we've all seen enough Spanish civil war battles and this seemed a good point to stop on. I am quite pleased with the new map with River names on it, I think it looks quite good. Due to the nature of the HOI2 map of Spain the rivers end up being quite important so I referred to them a lot, because all of this is very much based on what the AI actually did. Hopefully the map makes things a little bit clearer. You could argue either way on which side did better out of all that, I would lean towards Bloodily Inconclusive but other opinions are available.
Methodical Battle is a funny one, as stated driven by the French preference to minimise casualties and to work with a few well trained professionals directing a large army of mostly conscripts and under-trained officers. A big chunk of the reasons for avoiding a fully professional army was undoubtedly cost, while the Maginot Line did not eat up that much French defence expenditure (given how long it took to build and the fact concrete is fairly cheap, it wasn't that much in % of budget terms per year) the French inter-war state was not rich. I've also seen a lot of references to the left being afraid of a military coup and/or being ideologically committed to a 'citizens army', both of which sound plausible given the time period. I suspect it's probably a bit of all these reasons, most things are. Either way it gave the world Methodical Battle, which probably works quite well under the right circumstances and if you are properly equipped for it, sadly for 1st Armoured neither of those applied outside Cordoba. The French will learn from this, they have enough observers and 'volunteers' embedded, what they learn is a different question.
The Motor Dragoons in their Lorraine 4x6 trucks did well (as in survived) and this will not have gone un-noticed by the many observers. This in part because shooting Armour Piercing shells at advancing infantry tends not to go well, certainly compared to shooting High Explosives at them, or even better canister shot. Mark that as another chance for the British to learn that a HE shell for the 2-pounder (and all future tank/towed guns) is important, this will add to lessons from the Abyssinian War and Hobart shouting about it. I know the Ordnance Board was quite obstinate, but I am going to assume that by now this fact has got through to them.
Militarisation was a real process and it was heavily pushed by the communists as they did control the War Ministry. The militias probably did need some professionalising, but the way it was done does seem to be more about centralising political control and sidelining other factions than fighting effectiveness. With the French around the Soviet influence is reduced, so it's happening a bit slower than OTL, in particular the Anarchists are still resisting and have kept better control of Catalonia so can scrape up an industrial base of sorts.
The M2A2 tanks arrived in Spain back in Chapter LXXIX, the Latvian Bulldogs in Chapter CV and we briefly met the brave men of the Mancheguian militias in Chapter LXXI, so lots of long set up things starting to bubble up. I mention this because I'd be amazed if anyone would notice that without being prompted. The Mexican contribution to the Basque cause is new however and will be discussed in the next update, as well the unusual Basque armoured vehicles which were OTL but fairly rare, mostly because the Basque territory was far smaller and was captured by June '37. In Butterfly the Basque have more territory and have used the extra time and resources to churn out some more equipment, not least some unusual tank-like vehicles.
Up Next; Corsairs, Trubia, Cervantes, Castaños and Spanish Venom.