Chapter 72: Death Comes Faster Than You Think (14 January – 23 November 898)
Chapter 72: Death Comes Faster Than You Think (14 January – 23 November 898)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … death prowls the world; it comes in equal measure and with no mercy for the young and the old, the powerful and the weak, the good and the evil – often with no warning; but who will be taken next? Eilif thinks he has found a war to satisfy his Council – but can he secure the votes when the critical time comes? Tyueykezhut seeks to subjugate Barsbek the Liberator – but have his plans been compromised by the unexpected death of Saksa the Monster, leaving Barsbek to focus on him alone? And Hakon seems to be rather enjoying his ‘banishment by marriage’, having set himself up as an adventurer in Britannia.
January-February 898
Old Hrörekr, still the Lawspeaker and convenor of the Þing, reported its wisdom and advice to the king as soon as it had concluded.
Eilif ordered the Huscarl Company over to Smaleskja, to form the focal point for the proposed mustering of levies and vassal allies for the campaign against Curonia. Subject of course to Council approval. Jarl Tyueykezhut’s large host (commanded by his new heir Shaman Kezhevat) was by then in Mozhasysk and heading to Bryansk, where one of Barsbek’s Chiefs had sent a small advance party, that seemed to be looping around to the north-east.
A few weeks later, Eilif reviewed the tasks he had the council working on. As always, the Queen Mother remained in Constantinople, working hard to drag Garðarikian technology out of primitivism. The rest remained at important tasks: the Chancellor in Narva attempting to contrive a claim (in case Dyre stubbornly refused to die in custody); the Steward trying to settle Norse tribes-people in Ladoga; the Queen and Seeress bringing the light of Odin to Luki; while the Marshal was still in Pskov, having successfully seen to the arrest of Dyre. His work there was now done, so he was brought back to the capital to train the troops.
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The beginning of February brought the Yaroslavian army into contact with the regiment from Novgorod Seversky: they had been unable to escape before Tyuey’s men fell upon them. First blood to the wily Jarl!
Agents in Mari reported on 7 February that the new High Chief Kinyak sought to build a war chest. Whether it may be for a reunification war or for some other adventure was of course unknown – but an attempt to rebuild Saksa’s realm was the most likely purpose.
During that cold February, tangible evidence of the march of new learning into Garðariki was revealed. Light infantry training in Ladoga improved [to Level 1] – very important in the ‘second county’ of the realm, which had a large levy, most of which was light infantry. And knowledge of castle infrastructure improved in Torzhok [also to Level 1], meaning improved buildings could be constructed – if Eilif were to assemble the money or prestige to build them. He was getting there, but really needed ships first to gain enough of those quickly enough, as his father had.
Word came through that Barsbek had begun to call his vassals into the war with Tyuey by 20 February but by the 24th, the Yaroslavian commander Shaman Kezhevat had killed half of the detachment from Novgorod Seversky in Bryansk and sent the rest fleeing to the south, for relatively small loss. A good start for Tyuey’s campaign.
March 898
By 17 March, the Huscarls were in Vyazma and nearing Smaleskja. Eilif was impatient and had called the full Council (with the Queen Mother’s proxy) to meet in Nygarðr. It was time to confirm the Council’s support for war with Curonia to conquer Orsha.
Eilif had been burned many times recently and assumed nothing. It was with some anxiety that he put the matter to a formal vote.
One by one, starting with Chancellor Tyuey to his right, each member gave a firm ‘aye’, finishing with his wife, the Queen and Seeress Ingrid, seated to his left. The vote was unanimous.
At last, Eilif thought, I have my war of conquest. Now I just have to win the thing. Though the memories of the disastrous war on Karelia remained etched on his memory, despite the later revenge of the raids there. So much could go wrong.
The first to reply was Tyuey himself, six days later. His note was short but welcome:
By that time, his main army was in Novgorod Seversky, putting it to siege. Barsbek’s main army, less than half the Yaroslavians’ strength, had arrived in Sugrov (having returned from the discontinued invasion of Mari). They were aiming to pass around Kezhevat and were heading for Bryansk. It would be a game of cat-and-mouse, by the looks of it.
The first Curonian troops were sighted in Orsha – a small company wisely retreating north-west towards Lepiel, no doubt to join up with compatriots coming from further west.
Eilif’s reply to Tyuey was similarly brief, but thankful.
The rest of the responses came in between 24 March and 1 April. As expected, Hrolfr and Grimr both agreed to send their forces – by now quite large levies. Grimr’s in particular, being so close, would be very useful in the initial stages. But a pleasant surprise was that Vihavald of Ingria, despite a slightly negative disposition towards Eilif, for the first time in many a year summoned the Ingrian levy to the cause! And Eilif’s nephew Buðli also proved his worth, mustering his by now fair-sized levy for the fight. All four were directed to concentrate their forces on the main army, which was assembling around the Huscarls, who by now were in Smaleskja, with Grimr’s main regiment.
As arranged, Tyuey was left with free rein to pursue his own business. This time Tihomir of Luki declined to come this time, though his response the previous time mitigated any ill-will that might have otherwise been engendered. All in all, Eilif was very well pleased: all that hard work to keep a good reputation and relationships with his vassals was paying off in their support for the just war of conquest on Orsha, which all agreed was rightfully a part of Garðariki. [Though perhaps not anyone outside the realm!]
April 898
On 21 April, reports were received that High Chief Yudki had begun to call his own vassals to arms, starting with Chieftess Saule of Grodno. Word was that Saule had accepted that day and Chief Sarunas of Lepiel did on 25 April. The Christian Chief Kerpycius of Podlasie reportedly declined, however.
As this news filtered in, momentous tidings came from far to the West: King Rögnvaldr the Victorious of Noregr, who was fighting a war of conquest against Scotland, had apparently been captured in battle and was now the prisoner of King Hugh the Fat of Scotland! It seemed he had been badly wounded in the process. Hugh now had Rögnvaldr over the proverbial barrel [100% war score]. Surely he would force the Norwegians into a shameful peace as a result?
By 26 April, Eilif’s advance guard, consisting of the Huscarls (led by Þorsteinn) and Grimr’s main Smaleskjan company, had arrived in Orsha to begin the siege there. More of Eilif’s personal levies and those of the vassals who had answered the call remained further back. Small contingents of Curonian troops had begun to assemble in Lepiel. Tyuey and Barsbek conducted opposing sieges in each others’ territory.
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May 898
In early May, events in the two wars – with Curonia and Chernigov – began to pick up in pace. In the west, Chief Kerpycius, despite reports to the contrary, seemed to have joined his liege after all – and commanded over 1,400 men, who he now marched east across Latgale towards Polotsk, threatening to outflank the attack on Orsha and strike at the Garðarikian heartland. Unlike in previous campaigns, Eilif – a formidable enough military man – had accompanied his forces to the front. He did not intend to engage in combat but had decided he should coordinate the movements of the various forces moving separately around the kingdom. The main-guard of almost 2,000 troops was by now in Smaleskja, due to arrive in Orsha between 8 and 28 May. In the south, Shaman Kezhevat had completed the Yaroslavian occupation of Novgorod Seversky and now marched back to confront the Chernigovans in Bryansk, in what he hoped would be the decisive battle of the war.
A couple of weeks after his capture, Rögnvaldr had been released by Hugh the Fat! There was no report of a ransom having been paid. But in addition to his recent maiming, Rögnvaldr had apparently returned stressed – and without his balls! Rather than forcing a peace on Noregr, King Hugh had practiced the same barbarity on Rögnvaldr as had been inflicted on Rurik back in Italy after he was captured on a raid. What was it with these Christians? They called themselves Kings and Dukes but were nothing but honourless heathen savages. Rögnvaldr had been brought low by this but the war continued. Only time would tell if Hugh had squandered an opportunity to end it on favourable terms.
In more news from the west of Europa, Hakon had popped up with his host in the Irish county of Connachta, plundering it and capturing many prisoners in the process, which he would ransom off in following days and weeks. The ugly brute was still trying to kill Sölvi Sverkersson, now one of Eilif’s commanders in the Curonian War.
And Hintsa the Spider of Häme was trying to shore up his position – whether against potential Swedish or Garðarikian aggression – by forming an alliance with Kemi.
As the month drew to a close, both wars were hotting up. The main army under Þorsteinn, numbering almost 3,000 including both of Grimr’s companies, was investing Orsha. Sölvi had command of the remaining forces, which were assembling in Smaleskja. The detachments of Vihavald, Hrolfr and Buðli were now ordered to report to him. Once assembled, they would deal with the Curonians who already had a small advance guard in Vitebsk (one of Grimr’s two counties), where their main force was heading under Kerpycius. In the south, the Battle of Bryansk had started on 24 May. By 30 May, the Yaroslavians seemed to be getting the upper hand, with double the enemy's numbers and Chernigovan morale falling, their right flank in retreat.
By that time, the siege of Orsha was about one-third complete: with the enemy garrison ten-to-one, it was predicted the siege would be over in about another three or four weeks. While tempted to assault, Þorsteinn was under orders to avoid unnecessary casualties.
June 898
The complex campaigns went to the next level in June. On 13 June, Orsha fell. The Curonians had almost 1,600 men concentrated in Vitebsk - but instead of besieging it, they headed on towards Toropets, in the Holmgarðian heartland, with another contingent following on from Polotsk. Buðli was in Torzhok and heading – unwittingly – into an ambush in Toropets, where they would be outnumbered three-to-one. Specific move orders could not be issued [otherwise I would have halted them in Torzhok]. The best that could be done was to cancel the order to join Sölvi in Smaleskja and hope they might find a way around the Curonians. Sölvi still waited for the Ingrian and Vladimiran regiments to join him before he would have the strength to attack Kerpycius himself. With Orsha secured, Eilif ordered Þorsteinn to now march north to Vitebsk: Kerpycius would be gone four days before they would arrive, but they might intercept the Curonian rear-guard and could then be in a position to follow up against Kerpycius if necessary.
In the south, the Battle of Bryansk had taken an unexpected turn. Even though the Yaroslavians still had the advantage in overall numbers, the Chernigovan centre seemed to have defeated their opposite division and had now seen off the Yaroslavian left flank as well. It came down to a battle between the enemy’s centre and Shaman Kezhevat’s left flank – but Yaroslavian morale had plummeted.
Ten days later, Buðli’s levy was in Toropets and making for Vyazma – but they would be too late. The Curonians would hit them before they could escape. Eilif hoped it was not too much of a slaughter, as he had come to respect his nephew for remaining a loyal and uncomplaining Jarl. Perhaps he may delay Kerpycius long enough for Sölvi and then Þorsteinn to catch them. Conversely, the enemy’s rear-guard would be caught in Vitebsk before they could escape: a river defence would not be enough for them to resist around seven times their number. In Bryansk, Tyuey’s men had been defeated, despite outnumbering their enemy by well over two-to-one. Kezhevat was no longer in command, with Chief Setyamka leading the retreat. Tyuey had suffered his first real defeat since he had been subjugated by Rurik years before.
July 898
In early July, Kerpycius had arrived in Toropets to ambush the Belo Ozero contingent, while Þorsteinn was soon wreaking similar destruction on the Curonians left behind in Vitebsk. By 5 July, both battles were nearing their end. Sölvi’s secondary army was finally assembled, with Eilif ordering them to march north to strike Kerpycius in Toropets: Buðli’s and his brave warriors would be avenged. Chernigov had completed the siege of Bryansk and now besieged the temple there.
By 9 July, the enemy had fled in Vitebsk and were being pursued. The same was happening to Buðli’s men in Toropets. On 13 July, Buðli (who was commanding his troops personally) had been defeated, fleeing to Vyazma after having lost almost 200 of his 544 men [no battle screen popped up as it was a vassal-only battle].
The Curonians now made for the capital of Holmgarðr. They were due to arrive on 7 August, but Sölvi would strike them well before they could make it there. Buðli’s fight had delayed the enemy sufficiently – their sacrifice would not have been in vain. Þorsteinn meanwhile had despatched the Curonian force in Vitebsk – a slaughter, with 155 enemy killed for on six Garðarikians. They too made for Toropets, where they would arrive eight days after Sölvi, hopefully in time to catch Kerpycius in the flank. The casualty report from the Buðli’s Battle of Starya Russa came in: he had lost 196 men for 24 Curonians. But Eilif assured his nephew, who had survived the battle, that the enemy would pay many times over in the end.
The next day, news came from the west that Rögnvaldr the Victorious had lost his final fight: maimed, castrated and depressed, he had died on 15 July. His son Olafr had succeeded him, but half of his father’s titles had gone to others. The war against Scotland continued, carried on in the father’s name by the son. Eilif wondered whether Hugh regretted having missed an opportunity to end it when he could have.
He charged bravely, with the vassal levies reinforcing his very strong centre flank. Kerpycius, facing him, was a wily commander but badly outnumbered. He could only hope his own flank commanders defeated their opposites and helped him before he was forced to retreat.
Six days later, Sölvi’s left flank had collapsed and the right was failing, though he was slowly gaining the upper edge in the centre. But he knew something Kerpycius did not: Þorsteinn was due to arrive with the main Garðarikian army any day now.
The first phase of the Battle of Toropets raged, when Eilif received a pleasant surprise. Without any action having been taken to force it, the population of Toropets had embraced Norse culture! They became the first in the realm outside Holmgarðr itself to do so. They must have been inspired by the spectacle of the battle and the Norse warriors come to save them. [A coincidence I suppose, but a pretty amazing one if it is!]
The next day, Þorsteinn arrived with almost 3,000 fresh troops – the second phase of the Battle of Toropets had begun.
August 898
The reinforcements swelled the Garðarikian centre to over 3,000 troops, who redoubled their efforts and began pushing forward harder. The two flanks now handily outnumbered their opposites, while the new commanders each had an edge over their respective opponents. [The A-Team was in town now!] By 2 August, the Curonian centre was in retreat, with Þorsteinn pursuing. A week later, the enemy’s left followed, while the Garðarikian left fought at close quarters with the Curonian right. On 15 August, the last enemy stragglers were being pursued off the battlefield.
While the battle raged in Toropets, reports of the new King of Noregr began to emerge. It seemed he had declared his ambition to become a Paragon of Virtue – while focusing on seduction in his private life! Fine for a Germanic ruler, it was supposed. Those heathen Christians wouldn’t have approved, though. Olafr was carrying forward the war on Hugh the Fat – and now seemed to be winning. If he ever got his hands on Hugh, it was speculated a Blood Eagle could be on the cards as retribution for what he had done to Olafr’s father.
Victory was declared in Toropets on 17 August – and it was a decisive one. The war was now moving heavily in Eilif’s favour – the Second Battle of Starya Russa [+41% warscore for that alone] satisfactorily revenged Buðli’s earlier misfortune and was a fitting celebration of the county adopting Norse culture. Eilif sent Þorsteinn west to besiege Zemgale while Sölvi would make for Lepiel, where he could also shadow the retreating Curonians.
On 25 August Buðli’s regiments had finished retreating and recovered sufficiently to be ordered once again to join Sölvi. It would take him some time to make it there from Ryazan, on the eastern border with Mordva. The Yaroslavian army was retreating to Pskov at that point, though Tyuey still held Novgorod Seversky while Barsbek sought to complete the second siege in Bryansk [warscore now 12% in Barsbek’s favour after his victory in Bryansk].
September-October 898
Chief Setyamka rallied the Yaroslavian army in Pskov on 2 September and they started their long march back south again – no doubt bent on revenging themselves on the Chernigovans. Towards the end of that month, word came that Hakon had managed to loot the Tuadhmhumhain tribe of over 16 gold. He seemed to make quite a bold and successful adventurer. Sölvi had begun his siege of Lepiel, Barsbek had fully occupied Bryansk and was back in Novgorod Seversky to retake it. And previously unnoticed, one of his vassals had taken a smaller force up to Tyuey’s capital of Yaroslavl and had taken it! Tyuey’s subjugation attempt was now in serious trouble, as his army made the long trek south – it was still in Luki by the end of September.
The retreating Curonians had finally rallied in Zemgale by 22 October – and were in danger of being ambushed by Þorsteinn! They headed towards Vilnius and would escape eight days before Þorsteinn – who was actually more interested in taking the county than engaging an already beaten enemy in the field - got there.
That same day, Barsbeck completed his reoccupation of Novgorod Seversky and headed back to Bryansk, with Setyamka closing in with over 3,300 Yaroslavians, by then in Toropets and heading towards Vyazma.
Meanwhile, Hakon must have gained access to ships, as he was next reported to be in Bremen, boldly raiding the Danish enclave there!
This made Eilif think of his old Novgorodian Band, the Garðarikian mercenaries last seen in Frankia, fighting for the Muslims and down to barely 150 men. Dan af Belo Ozero still commanded them and was now known as ‘the Frog’!
With the end of October, the routine work of sieges went on in Curonia, their reduced army was watched but ignored as it swung to the south of Sölvi in Lepiel. The main action was now back in the south again, as Setyamka approached Bryansk, seeking a rematch with Barsbek, who was now also heading there. They were due to meet on 22 November. Tyuey desperately needed a victory to reverse the course of his failing attempt to subjugate the resilient Barsbek.
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November 898
Sölvi won the siege of Lepiel Tribe on 18 November. With the surviving Curonian troops circling around to his south, he proceeded to begin reducing the temple holding of Chashniki. The siege of the tribal fort in Zemgale was only in its early stages.
As the war against Curonia proceeded according to plan, Eilif received shocking and surprising news: his sister Queen Ulfhildr of Sviþjod had perished of pneumonia. She was only 23 – way too young to die. She had produced an heir for Eirikr the Depraved, but the non-aggression pact the marriage had brought was ended. Eilif was not sure whether that was a good or a bad thing: it did mean that the recently seized maritime counties in Estonia and Finland were in play, also any Germanic holy sites under Swedish control. But Sviþjod remained powerful and any future war against them would be a stern test. In any case, Eilif now had just two living siblings: and one of them in the oubliette where it was hoped he would die. Perhaps it was better that the Queen Mother had been far away in Constantinople all these years: she had now outlived two of her five children (Helgi being the bastard son of Rurik from a previous woman, whose name was lost to history).
There was better news the following day: Eilif had completed his language studies with his Chancellor, to the benefit of his learning and diplomatic skills. He may remain completely naïve about matters of espionage, but Eilif was slowly surmounting his ‘dullness’ to become a generally competent ruler – greatly aided by a brilliant wife and able Councillors.
The Yaroslavian army had arrived in Bryansk on 22 November, only to find that Barsbek had stayed in Novgorod Seversky after all, avoiding another battle in Bryansk. He also seemed to have lost – or had sent away – around 300 troops. With almost two-to-one numerical superiority and sensing fear in the enemy, Setyamka struck south. He was confident in his superior numbers – including around 170 light cavalry of his own - and the enemy's apparent fear of a fight. The battle was due to commence on 13 December.
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Questions
Ch72 Q1: Chief Kerpycius. Kerpycius declined Yudki’s call to arms and is not listed as a combatant in the war score screen. But he is in the field, commanding a ‘Curonian’ army. At first I thought this might just be him as a commander or marshal (I checked and he is one of Yudki’s commanders) in charge of forces, not necessarily his own troops. But checking his character screen, it shows him as ‘defending against King Eilif the Just in Garðarikian Conquest of Orsha’. The mouseover didn’t actually specify whether his own levy was present. What is the experts’ read of what is happening here? Just Kerpycius in his capacity as a commander, or would his levies also be participating?
Ch72 Q2. Battle of Bryansk. It must have been one of those battles where a very strong centre manages to win against three more evenly sized divisions, and while the Chernigovans didn’t have a large advantage in heavy infantry, they had started with 300 light cavalry and 85 heavy cavalry – perhaps they had made the difference, in combination with the other arms. That’s my guess, anyway.
Ch72 Q3: Novgorodian Band – Sign-on Fee. I suspect I’ve kind of asked this question before, but now they are available for hire again … I know the monthly remittance of fees comes back to Eilif, but what of the one-off 151.3 gold sign-on fee if Eilif were to hire his ‘own’ mercenary band? Does that go to Dan/the band personally (ie is not recovered, in full or part)?
Death came in royal halls and on the battlefield alike, quicker than any of those who suffered it believed it would. But no deaths were better than those of the many Curonian heathens who fell at the Second Battle of Starya Russa in 898 AD. Made even more glorious by the adoption of Norse ways by the people of Toropets at the critical point of the battle. Blood and battle were never better!
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … death prowls the world; it comes in equal measure and with no mercy for the young and the old, the powerful and the weak, the good and the evil – often with no warning; but who will be taken next? Eilif thinks he has found a war to satisfy his Council – but can he secure the votes when the critical time comes? Tyueykezhut seeks to subjugate Barsbek the Liberator – but have his plans been compromised by the unexpected death of Saksa the Monster, leaving Barsbek to focus on him alone? And Hakon seems to be rather enjoying his ‘banishment by marriage’, having set himself up as an adventurer in Britannia.
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January-February 898
Old Hrörekr, still the Lawspeaker and convenor of the Þing, reported its wisdom and advice to the king as soon as it had concluded.
“Excellent, I will look to prosecute a conquest of Orsha next and let Tyuey make his own way against Barsbek.”
Eilif ordered the Huscarl Company over to Smaleskja, to form the focal point for the proposed mustering of levies and vassal allies for the campaign against Curonia. Subject of course to Council approval. Jarl Tyueykezhut’s large host (commanded by his new heir Shaman Kezhevat) was by then in Mozhasysk and heading to Bryansk, where one of Barsbek’s Chiefs had sent a small advance party, that seemed to be looping around to the north-east.
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The beginning of February brought the Yaroslavian army into contact with the regiment from Novgorod Seversky: they had been unable to escape before Tyuey’s men fell upon them. First blood to the wily Jarl!
During that cold February, tangible evidence of the march of new learning into Garðariki was revealed. Light infantry training in Ladoga improved [to Level 1] – very important in the ‘second county’ of the realm, which had a large levy, most of which was light infantry. And knowledge of castle infrastructure improved in Torzhok [also to Level 1], meaning improved buildings could be constructed – if Eilif were to assemble the money or prestige to build them. He was getting there, but really needed ships first to gain enough of those quickly enough, as his father had.
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March 898
By 17 March, the Huscarls were in Vyazma and nearing Smaleskja. Eilif was impatient and had called the full Council (with the Queen Mother’s proxy) to meet in Nygarðr. It was time to confirm the Council’s support for war with Curonia to conquer Orsha.
Eilif had been burned many times recently and assumed nothing. It was with some anxiety that he put the matter to a formal vote.
“All those who approve of war with High Chief Yudki for the conquest of Orsha, say ‘aye’” said the king quietly, after the Chancellor had read out the consequences of declaring war should they win, lose or be forced into a White Peace.
One by one, starting with Chancellor Tyuey to his right, each member gave a firm ‘aye’, finishing with his wife, the Queen and Seeress Ingrid, seated to his left. The vote was unanimous.
At last, Eilif thought, I have my war of conquest. Now I just have to win the thing. Though the memories of the disastrous war on Karelia remained etched on his memory, despite the later revenge of the raids there. So much could go wrong.
“Hrolfr, summon my levies immediately and have then all gather in Smaleskja,” Hrolfr nodded – it was a well-worn routine. “Tyuey, issue formal calls to arms to all my vassals. But I will not expect you to divert from your war on Barsbek, even if you are prepared to honour the call.”
“Most gracious, My King. I will consider my position and reply in due course.” Hrolfr and Grimr, both present at the meeting, made the same pledge. All believed they would very likely respond in the affirmative (they always had in the past), but appreciated the niceties being observed.
“Most gracious, My King. I will consider my position and reply in due course.” Hrolfr and Grimr, both present at the meeting, made the same pledge. All believed they would very likely respond in the affirmative (they always had in the past), but appreciated the niceties being observed.
“Of course I will honour my obligation and my troops are yours should you require them.”
By that time, his main army was in Novgorod Seversky, putting it to siege. Barsbek’s main army, less than half the Yaroslavians’ strength, had arrived in Sugrov (having returned from the discontinued invasion of Mari). They were aiming to pass around Kezhevat and were heading for Bryansk. It would be a game of cat-and-mouse, by the looks of it.
The first Curonian troops were sighted in Orsha – a small company wisely retreating north-west towards Lepiel, no doubt to join up with compatriots coming from further west.
“You do me great honour, Jarl Tyueykezhut. I appreciate your offer but leave you free to continue your fight with Barsbek, in which I wish you the best of luck.”
The rest of the responses came in between 24 March and 1 April. As expected, Hrolfr and Grimr both agreed to send their forces – by now quite large levies. Grimr’s in particular, being so close, would be very useful in the initial stages. But a pleasant surprise was that Vihavald of Ingria, despite a slightly negative disposition towards Eilif, for the first time in many a year summoned the Ingrian levy to the cause! And Eilif’s nephew Buðli also proved his worth, mustering his by now fair-sized levy for the fight. All four were directed to concentrate their forces on the main army, which was assembling around the Huscarls, who by now were in Smaleskja, with Grimr’s main regiment.
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April 898
On 21 April, reports were received that High Chief Yudki had begun to call his own vassals to arms, starting with Chieftess Saule of Grodno. Word was that Saule had accepted that day and Chief Sarunas of Lepiel did on 25 April. The Christian Chief Kerpycius of Podlasie reportedly declined, however.
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May 898
In early May, events in the two wars – with Curonia and Chernigov – began to pick up in pace. In the west, Chief Kerpycius, despite reports to the contrary, seemed to have joined his liege after all – and commanded over 1,400 men, who he now marched east across Latgale towards Polotsk, threatening to outflank the attack on Orsha and strike at the Garðarikian heartland. Unlike in previous campaigns, Eilif – a formidable enough military man – had accompanied his forces to the front. He did not intend to engage in combat but had decided he should coordinate the movements of the various forces moving separately around the kingdom. The main-guard of almost 2,000 troops was by now in Smaleskja, due to arrive in Orsha between 8 and 28 May. In the south, Shaman Kezhevat had completed the Yaroslavian occupation of Novgorod Seversky and now marched back to confront the Chernigovans in Bryansk, in what he hoped would be the decisive battle of the war.
Ch72 Q1: Chief Kerpycius. Kerpycius declined Yudki’s call to arms and is not listed as a combatant in the war score screen. But he is in the field, commanding a ‘Curonian’ army. At first I thought this might just be him as a commander or marshal (I checked and he is one of Yudki’s commanders) in charge of forces, not necessarily his own troops. But checking his character screen, it shows him as ‘defending against King Eilif the Just in Garðarikian Conquest of Orsha’. The mouseover didn’t actually specify whether his own levy was present. What is the experts’ read of what is happening here? Just Kerpycius in his capacity as a commander, or would his levies also be participating?
A couple of weeks after his capture, Rögnvaldr had been released by Hugh the Fat! There was no report of a ransom having been paid. But in addition to his recent maiming, Rögnvaldr had apparently returned stressed – and without his balls! Rather than forcing a peace on Noregr, King Hugh had practiced the same barbarity on Rögnvaldr as had been inflicted on Rurik back in Italy after he was captured on a raid. What was it with these Christians? They called themselves Kings and Dukes but were nothing but honourless heathen savages. Rögnvaldr had been brought low by this but the war continued. Only time would tell if Hugh had squandered an opportunity to end it on favourable terms.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
June 898
The complex campaigns went to the next level in June. On 13 June, Orsha fell. The Curonians had almost 1,600 men concentrated in Vitebsk - but instead of besieging it, they headed on towards Toropets, in the Holmgarðian heartland, with another contingent following on from Polotsk. Buðli was in Torzhok and heading – unwittingly – into an ambush in Toropets, where they would be outnumbered three-to-one. Specific move orders could not be issued [otherwise I would have halted them in Torzhok]. The best that could be done was to cancel the order to join Sölvi in Smaleskja and hope they might find a way around the Curonians. Sölvi still waited for the Ingrian and Vladimiran regiments to join him before he would have the strength to attack Kerpycius himself. With Orsha secured, Eilif ordered Þorsteinn to now march north to Vitebsk: Kerpycius would be gone four days before they would arrive, but they might intercept the Curonian rear-guard and could then be in a position to follow up against Kerpycius if necessary.
Ten days later, Buðli’s levy was in Toropets and making for Vyazma – but they would be too late. The Curonians would hit them before they could escape. Eilif hoped it was not too much of a slaughter, as he had come to respect his nephew for remaining a loyal and uncomplaining Jarl. Perhaps he may delay Kerpycius long enough for Sölvi and then Þorsteinn to catch them. Conversely, the enemy’s rear-guard would be caught in Vitebsk before they could escape: a river defence would not be enough for them to resist around seven times their number. In Bryansk, Tyuey’s men had been defeated, despite outnumbering their enemy by well over two-to-one. Kezhevat was no longer in command, with Chief Setyamka leading the retreat. Tyuey had suffered his first real defeat since he had been subjugated by Rurik years before.
Ch72 Q2. Battle of Bryansk. It must have been one of those battles where a very strong centre manages to win against three more evenly sized divisions, and while the Chernigovans didn’t have a large advantage in heavy infantry, they had started with 300 light cavalry and 85 heavy cavalry – perhaps they had made the difference, in combination with the other arms. That’s my guess, anyway.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
July 898
In early July, Kerpycius had arrived in Toropets to ambush the Belo Ozero contingent, while Þorsteinn was soon wreaking similar destruction on the Curonians left behind in Vitebsk. By 5 July, both battles were nearing their end. Sölvi’s secondary army was finally assembled, with Eilif ordering them to march north to strike Kerpycius in Toropets: Buðli’s and his brave warriors would be avenged. Chernigov had completed the siege of Bryansk and now besieged the temple there.
The Curonians now made for the capital of Holmgarðr. They were due to arrive on 7 August, but Sölvi would strike them well before they could make it there. Buðli’s fight had delayed the enemy sufficiently – their sacrifice would not have been in vain. Þorsteinn meanwhile had despatched the Curonian force in Vitebsk – a slaughter, with 155 enemy killed for on six Garðarikians. They too made for Toropets, where they would arrive eight days after Sölvi, hopefully in time to catch Kerpycius in the flank. The casualty report from the Buðli’s Battle of Starya Russa came in: he had lost 196 men for 24 Curonians. But Eilif assured his nephew, who had survived the battle, that the enemy would pay many times over in the end.
“There they are!” cried Sölvi as the enemy were sighted in Toropets on 24 July. “Have at them – their filthy heathen boots despoil our fine soil. Let their blood water our pastures instead. Odin owns them all. Forward!”
He charged bravely, with the vassal levies reinforcing his very strong centre flank. Kerpycius, facing him, was a wily commander but badly outnumbered. He could only hope his own flank commanders defeated their opposites and helped him before he was forced to retreat.
Six days later, Sölvi’s left flank had collapsed and the right was failing, though he was slowly gaining the upper edge in the centre. But he knew something Kerpycius did not: Þorsteinn was due to arrive with the main Garðarikian army any day now.
“Norselander!” was the cry as the massed levies of Eilif and Grimr smashed into the Curonians’ flank.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
August 898
The reinforcements swelled the Garðarikian centre to over 3,000 troops, who redoubled their efforts and began pushing forward harder. The two flanks now handily outnumbered their opposites, while the new commanders each had an edge over their respective opponents. [The A-Team was in town now!] By 2 August, the Curonian centre was in retreat, with Þorsteinn pursuing. A week later, the enemy’s left followed, while the Garðarikian left fought at close quarters with the Curonian right. On 15 August, the last enemy stragglers were being pursued off the battlefield.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
September-October 898
Chief Setyamka rallied the Yaroslavian army in Pskov on 2 September and they started their long march back south again – no doubt bent on revenging themselves on the Chernigovans. Towards the end of that month, word came that Hakon had managed to loot the Tuadhmhumhain tribe of over 16 gold. He seemed to make quite a bold and successful adventurer. Sölvi had begun his siege of Lepiel, Barsbek had fully occupied Bryansk and was back in Novgorod Seversky to retake it. And previously unnoticed, one of his vassals had taken a smaller force up to Tyuey’s capital of Yaroslavl and had taken it! Tyuey’s subjugation attempt was now in serious trouble, as his army made the long trek south – it was still in Luki by the end of September.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
The retreating Curonians had finally rallied in Zemgale by 22 October – and were in danger of being ambushed by Þorsteinn! They headed towards Vilnius and would escape eight days before Þorsteinn – who was actually more interested in taking the county than engaging an already beaten enemy in the field - got there.
Meanwhile, Hakon must have gained access to ships, as he was next reported to be in Bremen, boldly raiding the Danish enclave there!
“I wonder how he managed to get a nickname like that,” mused Eilif to Gumarich one cold evening in late October.
“I’m sure an interesting story lies behind it, Sire. He is now apparently residing in Saraqusta but is off-contract at present. The Band’s strength has recovered and now sits at over 1,500 men once more.”
Ch72 Q3: Novgorodian Band – Sign-on Fee. I suspect I’ve kind of asked this question before, but now they are available for hire again … I know the monthly remittance of fees comes back to Eilif, but what of the one-off 151.3 gold sign-on fee if Eilif were to hire his ‘own’ mercenary band? Does that go to Dan/the band personally (ie is not recovered, in full or part)?
With the end of October, the routine work of sieges went on in Curonia, their reduced army was watched but ignored as it swung to the south of Sölvi in Lepiel. The main action was now back in the south again, as Setyamka approached Bryansk, seeking a rematch with Barsbek, who was now also heading there. They were due to meet on 22 November. Tyuey desperately needed a victory to reverse the course of his failing attempt to subjugate the resilient Barsbek.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
November 898
Sölvi won the siege of Lepiel Tribe on 18 November. With the surviving Curonian troops circling around to his south, he proceeded to begin reducing the temple holding of Chashniki. The siege of the tribal fort in Zemgale was only in its early stages.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Questions
Ch72 Q1: Chief Kerpycius. Kerpycius declined Yudki’s call to arms and is not listed as a combatant in the war score screen. But he is in the field, commanding a ‘Curonian’ army. At first I thought this might just be him as a commander or marshal (I checked and he is one of Yudki’s commanders) in charge of forces, not necessarily his own troops. But checking his character screen, it shows him as ‘defending against King Eilif the Just in Garðarikian Conquest of Orsha’. The mouseover didn’t actually specify whether his own levy was present. What is the experts’ read of what is happening here? Just Kerpycius in his capacity as a commander, or would his levies also be participating?
Ch72 Q2. Battle of Bryansk. It must have been one of those battles where a very strong centre manages to win against three more evenly sized divisions, and while the Chernigovans didn’t have a large advantage in heavy infantry, they had started with 300 light cavalry and 85 heavy cavalry – perhaps they had made the difference, in combination with the other arms. That’s my guess, anyway.
Ch72 Q3: Novgorodian Band – Sign-on Fee. I suspect I’ve kind of asked this question before, but now they are available for hire again … I know the monthly remittance of fees comes back to Eilif, but what of the one-off 151.3 gold sign-on fee if Eilif were to hire his ‘own’ mercenary band? Does that go to Dan/the band personally (ie is not recovered, in full or part)?
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Death came in royal halls and on the battlefield alike, quicker than any of those who suffered it believed it would. But no deaths were better than those of the many Curonian heathens who fell at the Second Battle of Starya Russa in 898 AD. Made even more glorious by the adoption of Norse ways by the people of Toropets at the critical point of the battle. Blood and battle were never better!
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