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The Sixth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – December 896 (a summary of advice from Chapter 68)
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Ch68 Q1: Absorption of Uusimaa.Without any announcement as to how it happened and a check of the two chiefs and their histories giving nothing, I’m wondering how this might have happened without a war being fought. A request by Onni to Lalli to submit to his overlordship? Just curious.
That does look like swearing fealty (very likely through Onni's request). Though usually you need to be a king for a count/chief to accept your vassalage, same culture/religion de-jure vassals may agree if you are powerful enough. I'm not looking up the Finnish duchy layout now, but that may have been the case here.
As I very much doubt he had the time to disband his levies, attack Lalli and capture him immediately .
Oh wow until this day I didn't know such an option existed. After your post I checked the wiki and apparently the following table describes how:
Code:
Factors Value Description
I am a king! -5 (blocking) Kings cannot be vassalized diplomatically.
False religion -5 (blocking) Even if the same religious group as liege.
Distant realm -5 (blocking) You need a land border with the character, if you're not their de jure liege.
Weaker than I am -6 (blocking) Military must be superior to the vassal
Base reluctance -2
Not my de jure Liege -3
Foreign culture -4 or -3 -3 if same culture group
Small difference in rank -3 At least two ranks difference (Baron-Duke, Count-King, Duke-Emperor) to negate
Power -5 to +5 Amount varies based on relative military power. If you're weaker than the target, "Weaker than I am" will trigger instead of a negative Power modifier
Opinion -2 to +1
So, are there any non-king tier Norse realms around? There was one upstart who invaded some provinces to our north, is that a kingdom?
EDIT: of course if I read in detail what I posted, I would've seen that we either need Germanic culture Duke level or foreign culture count level realms in de jure Rus kingdom, or both Germanic culture and count level if outside the de jure Rus kingdom. This leaves us with, uuh, I'm guessing there aren't any independent Norse counts anywhere, or at least anywhere close to bordering us; and there are only 2 counties in de jure Rus kingdom that we don't have (which Saksa the Monster has).
1) I'd guess you have the right of it. Had the lower title changed hands, you could look at the title history to deduce what happened. But that doesn't apply in this case.
Yeah, tried looking at the title history at the time but, as you say, nothing recorded as it was not a usurpation.
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Ch68 Q2: Succession Politics. I know this is a long-term proposition and it may at present be in my in-game interests to keep supporting Dyre for purposes of realm unity should Eilif die soon. But Styrkar already now has claim on a couple of the core Holmgarðian provinces anyway and, for role-playing and sentiment purposes, it seems right to try to support Styrkar. Especially given the mutual hatred between the two brothers and the groom and heir ambition. But if there are any tactical points worth raising, I’m all ears, whether Eilif would do them in role-playing mode or not.
I'm not sure about the technical details of this, but I could've supported the good nephew as the Dyre antipode until I know my son will be better than him purely for RP reasons.
Fair point, but I guess I wanted to start early for game reasons, and with the son for RP reasons: heir grooming, and long-awaited first son – he was a long time coming!
Withdrawing your support for Dyre would cost some relation towards him (not that you care, being rivals ), while my experience with Elective Gavelkind is limited enough to give real advice here . Though as I understand it, any son of the previous ruler gets some of his father's titles and the opportunity to declare independence. Thus there would be no difference right now if you'd support Styrkar or Dyre.
Yes, I checked Styrkar’s inheritances and he gets a few of the central counties. If necessary, Dyre may need to be ‘dealt with’ in due course – but probably not unless it is approaching Styrkar’s majority and both Eilif and Dyre remain in the land of the living – almost 16 years off, yet! Though maybe knocking Dyre off before he can produce a son might be expedient, too … one thought I had was adopting the military focus and then challenging him to a duel (as long as one or the other is killed, it will unify the realm. And mean the king (whichever one it is) has access to boats.
Not to sure about the latter, but two kids including an heir – happy with that. Just so we don’t now end up with too many sons who end up hating each other!
They’re certainly doing a good job of it – and we may do a bit more later if we can line Chernigov up for a subjugation war. Some years off that though, I think.
When looking at the map, I can't help but want Barsbek as a vassal to us. He'd do great I wonder if there's a CB for that other than the once in a lifetime thing. Not to seize lands for us but to vassalize.
I said it before And have to add again, characters such as Barsbek can be great RP devices in a court
I was evident from his words that he had something in his sleeve, but he probably spent a lot of prestige for that big host and all that for a province. Good for us and less good for Tyuey.
Why not Ingrid herself? She has awesome stats! I don't remember the specific details but the educator must have at least 2 traits over 12 and have a 4 star education himself/herself.
Ships will be good as long term investment, more lucrative raiding means money & prestige although I'll never say no to a small conquest somewhere to flex some muscles, especially so if there's a choice piece of land somewhere Do you have your eye on something specific yet?
Yes, I’ve been wanting ships for a while now. With the Swedes taking what is now Reval (Estonia), Uusimaa has been my other long-term ship-building target. It remains a possibility: now owned by Satakunta which has a large event army but is currently being defeated by the Swedish conquest of Suomi. Perhaps I should take Uusimaa before the Swedes get that too? Other options are reviewed at the end of the next chapter (noting I had already played the session through to its end point).
Revenge is complete for now. It will surely take Tuure years to recover! Speaking of which - may Halfdan slowly manage a recovery? Should he fail against Tyuey, likely not (though apparently all these defeats did leave him with enough prestige to motivate a tribal host, so he at least gets points for trying).
I must admit I was impressed that Halfdan was able to raise a decent host – but I thought he would have been better off freeing up his southern counties first, perhaps. Then again, given Tyuey’s war is for Kolumna, then that makes it the big warscore prize and therefore a more urgent target. And when he set out, he thought he’d have the numbers. We shall soon see how he fares …
Very true. And with Eilif’s realm prosperity ambition now fulfilled, the slate is clean. The next chapter will have more on possible options – and also some interesting information on the Monster.
Only if you a) believe in the stork myth and b) think the cited explanation of its origins might have been correct. So, I guess the answer for most of us will be ‘no’!
Thank you one and all for the comments and advice – always very much appreciated. The next chapter will be out within the next day: it covers the rest of the session I’d already played through and takes us to the next major decision point.
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Chapter 69: The Long View (14 December 896 – 8 April 897)
Chapter 69: The Long View (14 December 896 – 8 April 897)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif is now the father of a son – who he would like to make his heir; but his brother Dyre [the Mufasa of this story] wants the crown for himself! Jarl Tyueykezhut prosecutes his latest war on Könugarðr and a large battle beckons; the raid on Karelia finally begins to draw to a close; while Saksa the Monster keeps winning in war while destroying himself through hard living; and the Swedes continue to expand into Finnish lands.
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December 896
Eilif greeted news of the return of his brother Dyre from a raid with a pang of irritation and jealousy. He was forced to gather meagre pickings from poor neighbours in the frozen north while Dyre had the shipyards to at least launch modest raids in the true Viking way. If only he could grab those ships from his murderous brother. Or at least get some for himself!
By mid-December, Finland was a busy place. The Swedes had now tightened their grip on the lands of Onni of Satakunta, while on 17 December the tribal holding of Savo fell, delivering a small initial windfall. [Though the raiders would now have to wait until the beginning of the next month to start gathering the remaining of the gold.]
In the south, two more dramas played out. Halfdan’s new host was closing in on Kolumna (the object of the claim war) – but he would miss catching the smaller Yaroslavian army by just one day! Meanwhile, Tyueykezhut’s new host was marching down from the north, presumably to join up with the levies and then take the fight back to the Könugarðian host – commanded by High Chief Vechkas. Saksa had recruited yet another tribal army, seen heading south to Moramaren route to the Holy War with Bulgaria – which looked almost won anyway [warscore 98% to Saksa].
But Saksa himself was not a well man. His health seemed to be getting worse all the time. He was a stressed, depressed drunkard who had now acquired a wound and was vomiting. The cumulative toll on his well-being was significant. He may always win on the battlefield, but his personal life seemed to be a disaster. Eilif decided to just wait him out before he tried anything in that direction. Saksa would hopefully squander the ability to raise more hosts, who might then disperse if unemployed or Saksa died early (which seemed more likely by the month). But for now, he had a massive army and was not to be trifled with.
The normal business of ruling went on, with Eilif’s reputation for harsh but fair justice burnishing his image.
This event just fired as is, with no lead-up decision to take. A free lunch!
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January 897
Another new year began, and the Chancellor briefed King Eilif on his campaign in the south, which was now coming to a crescendo.
“My King, Halfdan’s men are now besieging Kolomna and will probably take it within four weeks. But that has given my men time to concentrate to the north into a single force. They will be in Moskva in eight days, then will find the best path to Kolumna.”
“I hope they take the hook around through Mozhaysk and don’t try to attack straight over the Oka River, Tyuey.” Strategy is actually one of Eilif’s strength – as a theorist anyway: he has been shielded from actual fighting and he never got to lead his mercenary band in combat.
“All I can do is trust in Kezhevat’s leadership and hope for the best. We have the numbers now, but that is never a guarantee.”
A week later:
“Ah, Hrolfr, do come in!” Eilif’s Marshal has come to the door of the strategy room and is beckoned in.
“Thank you, My King. I bring more news from the south, as I presume the Chancellor keeps you informed of his own war down there.”
“Yes, yes, he does. What have you to report, Hrolfr?”
“We only got the report of the battle as it was drawing to an end, but Vladimir of Bulgaria had sent a force north to contest with Barsbek of Chernigov, who has been raiding the Bulgarian heartland. By 2 January they had apparently been fighting hard for some time. But Barsbek managed to just outlast the Bulgarians, who a week later were seen fleeing south-west in disorder.”
“Another very busy neighbour, that Barsbek.”
“He certainly is, My King. We can’t really tell how many casualties either side suffered from the start, but it looks like they were substantial.”
“Well, I hope so, Hrolfr!”
As the month came to an end, Tyuey advised two things had happened in quick succession: The Könugarðians retook Kolumna and then the main Yaroslavian army met them outside the town gates. Tyuey’s men had a significant numerical advantage and had already put the enemy’s left flank to flight by 29 January. But they had attacked over the Oka River after all, so would suffer a tactical penalty as a result.
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February-March 897
As the two armies slugged it out in Kolumna, word was received that Vladimir had finally realised his Holy War against Mari was unsustainable and had met Saksa’s terms – no doubt including some reparations and the loss of prestige.
Unexpected good news was recorded by Gumarich der Schreiber on 20 February: Narva had converted to the Germanic faith! This was no doing of Eilif’s – it must have been Dyre’s efforts. This was something useful his brother had done, at least.
Two days later, Chancellor Tyueykezhut spoke privately to the king. He had a suggestion to make.
“My Liege, you govern a realm with different languages and customs and we must also deal with foreign realms on occasion. I think you might benefit from learning them.”
This was a well-targeted gambit, as Eilif was always sensitive to others drawing his intelligence into question and he welcomed ways to dissuade people he was a dullard.
“That’s an excellent idea, Tyuey! I’ll start straight away.”
“Very good, My King. And perhaps, when I have need of your assistance one day, you may look kindly on any little request I may make.”
“Of course, Tyuey, of course.”
After a savage battle where hundreds had died on each side after many days of fighting, the Yaroslavians proved victorious in Kolumna. The unfortunate Könugarðians fled south again, while Tyuey’s men went about the business of retaking Kolumna, which of course was needed to press the claim against Halfdan. It seemed Könugarðr just couldn’t take a trick!
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In the cold north, the raid on Savo was finally completed. The coffers were replenished again and Eilif’s prestige had never been higher. Tuure was humbled and rendered almost useless as a potential ally to Mari for some time to come, and Eilif felt justice had been done to avenge his early humiliation. The raiders marched back to Kexholm, their job done. For now, anyway.
At the same time, in Finland the Swedes had now occupied Uusimaa’s tribal holding: the war against Onni for Suomi must be approaching its conclusion.
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April 897
The raiders returned to Garðarikian soil on 8 April and were immediately stood down. The Huscarls were given orders to march back across to Chud: the initial view of Eilif was to quickly seize Romny, which should still be weakened from the recent raid. It formed part of the de jure Empire of Russia and might make a good first acquisition for the next round of expansion. But this order could be changed easily enough, as there were other possibilities.
But first, Eilif saw to some domestic responsibilities: he took the raising of his children seriously and wished them both to have the most effective education as they grew.
For his son Styrkar, for whom he had chosen a military path, he selected old Þorsteinn, the greatly experienced and loyal raider and commander, to act as Guardian.
For his daughter Skuld – his concubine Edla’s child – he followed the advice of the Þing[thanks @diskoerekto] and asked Queen Ingrid to take the child under her wing. Renowned as perhaps the smartest and most accomplished person in the realm, Ingrid was very pleased to do so – and thought the better of Eilif for having asked her.
Saksa the Monster, though recently victorious against the Bulgarians, was now weakened militarily and physically. The war won, his vast tribal hosts had dispersed. He now had a moderate sized personal levy of a little over 1,300 men, though he usually commanded the obedience of his many subordinate chiefs when he called them to arms, so his effective strength was greater than that. But over 5,000 warriors had melted into the countryside and he would not find it so easy to muster that many again. And, worse for the Monster, the wound he had apparently picked up in the fighting had reportedly become infected, further damaging his already very poor health. Eilif thought all he had to do was sit and wait, and the opportunity to grab some traditionally Garðarikian counties would eventually come.
The three border counties held by Mari that are part of the de jure Kingdom of Garðariki.
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The Wider World
Eilif called his council together for a major discussion on future plans. They started by reviewing a map recently acquired from Queen Mother Ingjerðr in Constantinople. It showed the known realms of Europa, the Mediterranean and Arabia.
Closer to home, the Chancellor had prepared a map showing de jure kingdoms – some (like Garðariki) already existed in fact; some (like Finland or Perm) only in theory. The current provisional target for expansion, Romny (High Chiefdom of Veps) was part of de jure Perm.
Finland had been a hot topic of discussion in Garðariki even back to the reign of Rurik. Some lands had been acquired there, but some at the Þing had counselled against gathering too many, lest on succession an ambitious pretender decided to form the Kingdom of Finland and thus break away from Garðariki entirely.
“My King, the realm at present has four of these de jure counties. It would take another five – that is, a majority of the 16 counties in the de jure realm – to theoretically be able to form it.”
“I see, so taking Uusimaa, for example – with its two shipyards – would be safe enough? Perhaps others as well?”
“I believe so, My King.”
“Check with the legal experts at the Þing anyway, could you?”
“Of course.”
Ch69 Q1: Finland.@diskoerekto et al – I could collect a few more Finnish territories and still be quite safe from the worst succession problems, couldn’t I? Other than the normal ones I’ll have to put up with until I can change to feudalism, anyway! Sweden taking Reval (formerly Kaleva) was irritating, though, and they’ll soon have Suomi.
“What of Barsbeck? He seems at his peak now but subjugating him would be a grand thing. What claims do we have against him?”
“He is strong My King,” interjected Hrolfr. “Fighting him would be glorious, but hard, at least at present. And he could call on additional hosts and his vassals to assist.”
“As to claims, My Liege,” chimed in Tyueykezhut, “we can push one on Sharukan or simple conquests on three of his other border counties. The only subjugation claim is that once-in-a-lifetime war available to you.”
“I see. And what is the view of the Council about attacking Barsbeck?”
It turned out there was a large majority in favour of attacking straight away! 'Not because it was easy, but because it was hard!’ The glory hounds that dominated the Council wanted the challenge, however dangerous. Eilif’s mother would vote in favour of whatever he sought. Only Queen Ingrid spoke against such a move.
“They are too strong right now, my husband. Why tackle him when he is at his strongest? Look what happened to your father in Karelia and to those who assailed the Monster.”
As usual, the Queen was the smartest and coolest head in the room. The glory hounds would have to calm themselves.
“All right them, I’d better get your views on the possible conquest of Romny then,” asked the King. He was still getting used to having to consult his ‘empowered’ council about such moves.
As it happened, the call was close. Most of the glory seekers considered it too meagre a challenge, unworthy of a great realm. Queen Ingrid approved, as it was simply a much easier target. With his mother’s support, Eilif looked to his Marshal.
“I have long argued that Romny is a good target – my first preference for conquest, actually. I would be in favour of attacking them, My King!”
Good old Hrolfr. It wasn’t yet put to a vote and other factors could intervene, but the indications were he might win a close vote on the matter.
Ch69 Q2: Council War Votes.So, my reading (but complete lack of experience) in council votes is that this is an indicative estimate and something could change (favour-calling, etc) in an actual vote. Is that broadly right?
“And what about Uusimaa? That is, the Council’s view of that as a target if we were to pursue it for its shipyards and to block further Swedish expansion?”
A war to conquer Uusimaa would have unanimous support: expansion of the realm for the glory hounds, and Onni was not too powerful for the pragmatic Queen to object. Though the large Finnish army currently in Ingria was a complication. Perhaps it would be a good idea to wait until after the Finns’ war with Sweden was over and see if the tribal army Onni had summoned disbanded.
“What claims could we make on Mari, Tyuey?”
“There are many, King Eilif. Setting aside the subjugation casus belli, there is a series of border conquest or de lure claims we could make – all of a one county at a time nature.”
“They are now far weaker than they were, My King – we could attack them now if we wished!” Hrolfr looked eager – and the rest of the council nodded in agreement – even Queen Ingrid.
The glory-seekers thought Mari was now a weaker proposition, but were keen to grow the realm, while Ingrid assessed Mari was now much weaker than Garðariki and so it was a safe prospect. Eilif was not so sure – Saksa’s vassal allies did not seem to be factored into their calculations.
“Thank you everyone,” the king concluded. “My current thinking remains to take Romny quickly, then Uusimaa afterwards. The Swedes will have to include a peace agreement with Onni to take Suomi, so that should prevent them taking Uusimaa for probably another five years. Chernigov will have to wait until a better opportunity arises. The same with Mari and claiming the eastern marches – as a minimum, we want Saksa to shuffle off then we can see what emerges from what we can hope is a messy succession.”
The king’s summary was met with nods of approval around the table.
“Tyuey, good luck with concluding your claim war on Kolumna,” Eilif was still considering whether to offload Vologda onto him but had held off that for now. He might use it when he needed to curry favour with the powerful Jarl. “As is our usual practice, please put these possibilities for near and longer term moves to the next Þing to seek their views.”
Ch69 Q3: Next Steps – External Targets.Immediate goals are, in rough order: Romny and Uusimaa. Later, whichever of Chernigov (the lifetime subjugation maybe) or Mari (conquering a border county in de jure Garðariki). And the calculations the AI makes with the Council members: I assume it only looks at the target’s demesne levy, rather than vassals who may respond in support. These are the external expansion targets, and you may have others you reckon worth pursuing. But there is another, darker possibility that Eilif did not see fit to broadcast in the Council meeting …
How do you solve a problem like Dyre?
As the council members left, Eilif kept looking at the map, thinking dark thoughts about his brother Dyre. Perhaps it was time to push things with him. Adopt a war focus and then challenge him to a duel? If he killed him, he was heir to most of Dyre’s holdings. Though he could lose (though he was now favourite to win), or Dyre may not be killed, or if he was Eilif would be branded a kin-slayer. But he wanted to do something before Dyre had an heir of his own, which would further complicate matters.
Or perhaps he could push the issue of the Dyre's murder plot: he had never formally asked Dyre to stop as he knew what the answer would be. But if he made a formal order as king to withdraw it and Dyre refused, he could legitimately seek to imprison him [I assume]. And if Dyre resisted, well … it would be war [I'm assuming again].
Then again, maybe he could just risk the chaos and opprobrium of revoking some of Dyre’s titles … starting with the shipyards of Narva? If Dyre refused, it would be war – and the act of revocation may persuade some of Eilif's vassals to refuse a call to arms if it became necessary. But it would give Eilif access to ships sooner rather than later and help to consolidate the realm.
Ch69 Q4: Imprisonment for Dyre?If I ask Dyre to end the plot against Eilif, he would almost certainly refuse. So, if he push it anyway and he does refuse, does that mean I could imprison him without the tyrant penalty? Then if I captured him (otherwise it’s war I presume, which is quite likely as I’d only have a 35% chance of imprisoning him according to the screen) and threw him into say the oubliette and he died there, would that count as kin-slaying? Can you revoke someone of all their titles if they’re in prison? Or is it still the same calculation?
PS: rereading this, Eilif does in fact have claims on all these titles: would the revocations there still 'cost him prestige and anger his other vassals'?
Revoking his main title (the Jarldom of Tver) or the chiefdom of Narva were also options, but these would alienate the vassals and cost prestige – although Eilif now had enough of that to be able to do it. He didn’t care about the opinion malus on Dyre himself, of course. Dyre would resist and there would be a revocation war – that could get messy.
In terms of Dyre’s current strength, part of the temptation to strike now was all the losses he had taken of late. Even if all Dyre’s vassal allies answered a call to war and none of Eilif’s did, he was still confident of being able to beat him – but as time went on, Dyre would regather strength. And maybe produce an heir. His main power base was Pskov: the two northern counties of Austerbotn and Kexholm were less powerful but would raise contingents.
Dyre’s two principal vassals were in the south: they may not become involved, but worst-case planning suggested their participation should be assumed. The two of them could raise another 850 troops between them. Compared to that, Eilif could call on just over 2,600 troops without calling his vassals to arms. That would still provide a clear numerical advantage – unless any other members of the realm decided to join Dyre’s cause.
Ch69 Q5: Dyre: Revocation and War?So let’s say war does break out because of a revocation or a failed imprisonment attempt, the odds don’t look too bad. But I’m only guessing at the possible additional implications. Have I missed any important ones? Any common contingencies in such situations I should be aware of? How severe and long-lasting might the effects be on Eilif’s reign, even if he does win? Any and all technical and strategic advice more than welcome! In essence, does now seem a good time to pull the trigger on Dyre and, if so, should it be duel, imprisonment or revocation first up?
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Questions
Ch69 Q1: Finland.@diskoerekto et al – I could collect a few more Finnish territories and still be quite safe from the worst succession problems, couldn’t I? Other than the normal ones I’ll have to put up with until I can change to feudalism, anyway! Sweden taking Reval (formerly Kaleva) was irritating, though, and they’ll soon have Suomi.
Ch69 Q2: Council Votes.So, my reading (but complete lack of experience) in council votes is that this is an indicative estimate and something could change (favour-calling, etc) in an actual vote. Is that broadly right?
Ch69 Q3: Next Steps – External Targets.Immediate goals are, in rough order: Romny and Uusimaa. Later, whichever of Chernigov (the lifetime subjugation maybe) or Mari (conquering a border county in de jure Garðariki). And the calculations the AI makes with the Council members: I assume it only looks at the target’s demesne levy, rather than vassals who may respond in support. These are the external expansion targets, and you may have others you reckon worth pursuing. But there is another, darker possibility that Eilif did not see fit to broadcast in the Council meeting …
Ch69 Q4: Imprisonment for Dyre?If I ask Dyre to end the plot against Eilif, he would almost certainly refuse. So, if he push it anyway and he does refuse, does that mean I could imprison him without the tyrant penalty? Then if I captured him (otherwise it’s war I presume, which is quite likely as I’d only have a 35% chance of imprisoning him according to the screen) and threw him into say the oubliette and he died there, would that count as kin-slaying? Can you revoke all of someone's titles with impunity if they’re in prison? Or is it still the same calculation? PS: rereading this, Eilif does in fact have claims on all these titles: would the revocations there still 'cost him prestige and anger his other vassals'?
Ch69 Q5: Dyre: Revocation and War?So let’s say war does break out because of a revocation or a failed imprisonment attempt, the odds don’t look too bad. But I’m only guessing at the possible additional implications. Have I missed any important ones? Any common contingencies in such situations I should be aware of? How severe and long-lasting might the effects be on Eilif’s reign, even if he does win? Any and all technical and strategic advice more than welcome! In essence, does now seem a good time to pull the trigger on Dyre and, if so, should it be duel, imprisonment or revocation first up?
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Eilif has much to think about and is particularly interested in the thoughts of the Þing on these great issues. He will be spending much time poring over maps, and reports of dispositions, whatever direction he may turn in.
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The Seventh Þing of Eilif’s Reign – April 897 (a summary of advice from Chapter 69)
The Seventh Þing of Eilif’s Reign – April 897 (a summary of advice from Chapter 69)
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Ch69 Q1: Finland.@diskoerekto et al – I could collect a few more Finnish territories and still be quite safe from the worst succession problems, couldn’t I? Other than the normal ones I’ll have to put up with until I can change to feudalism, anyway! Sweden taking Reval (formerly Kaleva) was irritating, though, and they’ll soon have Suomi.
Yes you can get 4 more without risking anything, and I'm not sure what is the size of the risk anyway. I mean having less than 5 imeans zero risk in terms of auto Kingdom creation, but what I don't know is having more than 5; is it 1% risk or 50% risk or 100% risk? Best is to collect only 4 I guess?
The following is from the wiki:
“In addition, Elective Gavelkind has several unique features for junior heirs. First, on succession in kingdoms and empires, new kingdoms might be created for junior heirs. The outgoing ruler must control 51% of the de jure kingdom and meet any other specific requirements for creating that kingdom. Since many kingdoms have additional AI requirements, mostly related to culture, this means player realms are more vulnerable to split than AI realms!”
So even if we have more, if the land is divided between multiple people it seems we can get away with it. But as with many things related to inheritance this is a bit fuzzy.
I say Uusimaa first, and see what we can get next. Suomi and Uusimaa was my 2 main targets along with Narva, and whatever we get until we get to the kingdom creation risk province limit. Suomi seems to be going, so maybe Satakunta instead of that for the second one? By the way, what was the CB Sweden used? I hope they don't get all the provinces there.
I don't have anything to add to the above advice (as I've said before, my experience with EG is limited ).
What I am certain about is that should the titles be split, then whoever inherits Garðariki wouldn't have much trouble reintegrating Finland through a claim war.
A good point. I don’t want to limit my ambitions too much from fear of manageable consequences.
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Ch69 Q2: Council Votes.So, my reading (but complete lack of experience) in council votes is that this is an indicative estimate and something could change (favour-calling, etc) in an actual vote. Is that broadly right?
If it's a law voted for and it shows council consideration, yes. But for any action with instant effects (such as any diplomatic action, including a declaration of war), the vote happens as it is shown, a favour may already influence it (malcontent advisors in particular tend to have all voting for them in my experience).
Thanks guys, and @alscon in particular for that extra nuance.
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Ch69 Q3: Next Steps – External Targets.Immediate goals are, in rough order: Romny and Uusimaa. Later, whichever of Chernigov (the lifetime subjugation maybe) or Mari (conquering a border county in de jure Garðariki). And the calculations the AI makes with the Council members: I assume it only looks at the target’s demesne levy, rather than vassals who may respond in support. These are the external expansion targets, and you may have others you reckon worth pursuing. But there is another, darker possibility that Eilif did not see fit to broadcast in the Council meeting …
Good thinking. I'd say using the subjugate on Saksa would be wasting it since he only has 3 provinces that we really want. In contrast, Barsbek's provinces are all in the de jure Empire of Rus. When Saksa dies of his healthy lifestyle and his realm shatters, those 3 provinces even can come to our realm themselves just like the Konugardarian ones through our active vassals. Or if those Rus provinces become independent rulers we can just ASK them to swear fealty to us since they're in our de jure kingdom (what I learned last episode )
IIRC the AI didn't take tribal vassals into account before HF, which is why Vladimir's holy war was... a very optimistic attempt, to put it mildly.
As for the course of expansion, county conquests against weak targets are always something easily manageable, and as for a stronger target? Well, if Sviþjoð intrudes into the Garðarikian sphere of influence, it may be time to teach them just what that means... (or does Eilif have a NAP with them? If the faith should be reformed, the Rurikids need to head west if you don't want to put your faith into the AI's efforts.)
What has to be kept in mind is that as long as Barsbek lives and his rebel stack isn't annihilated, it keeps reinforcing. So subjugating him might add a very powerful vassal to the realm with little love for the king.
OK, I’m holding off on HF for now as the associated patch broke this game and I’ve had to stick to the previous version for it.
Eilif is keen on picking up a few of those weak targets – but can he swing it? And yes, there is a marriage NAP with Eirikr of Sviþjoð – who is still only 17. Reform is a longer term goal though and I agree it doesn’t look like any of the others will do it.
And I guess you’re saying that subjugating Barbek could be a little like bringing typhoid mary home for afternoon tea? Will have to see what he does in the future when thinking about using that CB on him, then.
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Ch69 Q4: Imprisonment for Dyre?If I ask Dyre to end the plot against Eilif, he would almost certainly refuse. So, if he push it anyway and he does refuse, does that mean I could imprison him without the tyrant penalty? Then if I captured him (otherwise it’s war I presume, which is quite likely as I’d only have a 35% chance of imprisoning him according to the screen) and threw him into say the oubliette and he died there, would that count as kin-slaying? Can you revoke all of someone's titles with impunity if they’re in prison? Or is it still the same calculation?
PS: rereading this, Eilif does in fact have claims on all these titles: would the revocations there still 'cost him prestige and anger his other vassals'? [Comment: I didn’t reread closely enough though (another newbie trap). He is first in line to inherit Dyre’s lands, but when I rechecked on firing the game up again, I found I had made an error here, as you will see in the next chapter – later today my time.]
This should work, but I have a feeling the vassals can still find something to get pissed off at. I'm thinking once one is a traitor and in jail stripping him off his titles should be free of hassle, but even if not at least he wouldn't be able to father children from the oubliette?
If you put him in the obuillete it will not count for kin-slaying. If he refuses to end his plot you can imprison him without penalty(If it is successful) but I dont think you will be able to revoke his titles without tyranny normally, but I actually think you having claims would allow you to do that while only angering him and not your vassals.
Good advice. And I was incorrect (per above extra comment): it was inheritance Eilif had, not claims – I’d blithely assumed he would have them but checked again and he didn’t. So revocation without a claim would definitely be tyranny.
4) There are tooltips for all consequences. So no surprises. Therefore:
1.If you can directly revoke titles without tyranny penalty, do so. Ithink the plot and maybe the claims should allow this. Repeat until there's a penalty. At worst, he'll refuse, you'll have your war, and you have an easier time taking.
2.Demand he end the plot if he'll refuse. Otherwise let it be as it gives you excuses to do things to him. But anyone supporting the plot should be dissuaded.
3.Put your spymaster to work in his primary holding. Surely there's dirt to be dug up on him. Or invented. If nothing else, this should increase arrest chances.
4.If you go for an arrest and he starts a war, that will count as a title revocation reason. If he's arrested, none is added, so it just makes applying the other reasons easier.
5.If you capture him at any point, never let him see the light of day again.
6.You can always go for a kidnapping plot, too.
1. Per above, no claim, so tyranny applies from the start, sadly.
2. He would refuse, I’m sure, but with no claims and a reason for imprisoning him, perhaps better not to make the demand. And there is now no-one backing it (after the repeated dissuading of Hakon).
3. Good tactical advice, though the spymaster is also well employed still in Constantinople. And Eilif is after something more – immediate.
4. Useful to know. You will see how it transpires!
5. Agree wholeheartedly!
6. Hmm, haven’t tried that or seen one written up in an AAR. Sounds interesting – I’ll have to check it out some time!
Any plotter can be imprisoned without being flagged a tyrant, there's no need to ask him to stop first. Only plot backers cause tyranny if you haven't given them a chance to repent before. In any case, there's an action of the marshal to increase your chance of imprisoning a vassal (perhaps not for tribals, I rarely use it). I'd guess Hrolfr can bring the imprisonment chance to about 50%.
If he dies in the dungeon, that's bad luck for him. You only get kinslayer through actively killing him, if he dies of starvation and poor hygiene it's clearly not your fault . You can revoke the titles of prisoners as you want, but you can only revoke one traitor's title without being labeled a tyrant. If you have a claim, others won't care.
Hakon having been warned off, it’s just Dyre, so no need to ask then. Great advice re the Marshal action. Eilif has noted it!
Also good to have the confirmation of his ‘accidental’ passing = not kin-slaying. In this case, if arrested, I guess he’s not a traitor per se (presuming that is if he resists, revolts, is captured in a war and is then imprisoned). And per above, I got it wrong about having the claims, so the tyranny risk remains – unless and until Eilif can generate any.
Sound advice. You will see how much Eilif is able to do next episode. Though my incorrect reading of the claim circumstances earlier make the revocations more fraught than I had hoped they would be. But you have to start somewhere.
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Ch69 Q5: Dyre:Revocation and War?So let’s say war does break out because of a revocation or a failed imprisonment attempt, the odds don’t look too bad. But I’m only guessing at the possible additional implications. Have I missed any important ones? Any common contingencies in such situations I should be aware of? How severe and long-lasting might the effects be on Eilif’s reign, even if he does win? Any and all technical and strategic advice more than welcome! In essence, does now seem a good time to pull the trigger on Dyre and, if so, should it be duel, imprisonment or revocation first up?
On the long run, all characters will be dead and every bad deed will be forgotten. I mean, nothing unbearable will happen but there still will be headaches. I'd say no to duel, it made more sense before Eilif had heirs but now if Eilif loses (having better chance doesn't mean Dyre has zero chance) it will just be another succession where stuff gets divided and also Eilif's once in a lifetime CB wasted before he used it. Imprisonement sounds good to me if you put on your mind to finish this now. Revocation in my opinion can get messy.
Doing nothing and waiting for some ill to befall Dyre, plotting to kill him or just waiting until Dyre peacefully dies and his eventual heir being on good terms with you are all other options.
If you wish to go against Dyre, then asking for revocation first is the worst course. He'll refuse, and you'll end up at war - and in the end he'll be in Eilif's dungeon. Imprisoning him has the chance to skip the "war" part.
Should Dyre end up in prison though, it may be a good idea only to seize the shipyards Eilif desires. For as long as he's in prison, you have a vassal neutralized from acting against you - and you'll end up inheriting both his titles and wealth anyway.
Haha! Nice one. Given Saksa’s many nasty afflictions, that could well be the cause. It should be a disease option or something a member of the Fellowship of Hel can curse someone with!
There will be a detailed view of that in the next update – and some interesting developments, too. But in general, apart from the event armies, Saksa has a small-medium sized levy but lots of vassals who generally answer his calls to arms.
you're welcome and if there is a character with multiple stats over 12 and has a 4 star education trait, he/she could make a good dedicated teacher. As far as I remember though the 4 star own education is more importan if a person with both of the qualifications cannot be found.
Good to take provinces from the de jure Empire of Rus. Once we have 53 provinces we can declare the Empire. We have around 27 I guess? 21 Rus and 6 Ruthenian more or less. With the once in a lifetime thingy we will get a bunch fast. I wonder which ruler will be the one to do that, I hope soon
Eilif his now still only in his later twenties – he inherited young so who knows, it may be his life’s work to get as close as possible. Though theres also religious reform, ships, raiding, etc. So many things to do and they all take time.
Makes sense, in the meanwhile we can pick one province realms and grow, flexing our muscles. I hope Barsbek also grows so that when we subjugate him we subjugate a bigger realm. I'm not sure if there's anything we can do to make him more active, but if there's we should. He'll both deplete his collection of money, prestige and piety calling warrior bands and be a juicier realm to add to ours.
The Monster wasting his tribal resources for very little reason can only be good. But one has to wonder if his death would be so good - save for being a coward, Kinyak seems capable enough.
For Tyuey though, this period went very well - gained Eilif's favour, defeated Halfdan in battle...
And so it is now time to provide my best of advice for the king concerning the future of the realm.
Interesting comment. My main hope re Mari is messy a succession break-up and internal feeding frenzy. And the observation re him blowing his piety does not go unobserved in the next chapter …
As for Tyuey, yes. But he is getting on now and what will happen to his big fiefdom once he shuffles off? I don’t really know the game and succession mechanics well enough yet to have a firm idea but feel a bit of chaos could result. And it should (hopefully) break up the big slice of power and territory Tyuey has assembled since he was subjugated by Rurik early on.
And very welcome advice it is!
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Great advice and comments as always, very useful indeed – re Dyre’s case only compromised a little by the incorrect advice I provided initially. Next episode written and illustrated, just need to upload, edit, format and publish.
Chapter 70: A Hot and Cold Council (8 April – 27 September 897)
Chapter 70: A Hot and Cold Council (8 April – 27 September 897)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif’s patience with Dyre’s antics has almost come to boiling point – will he act on it? Tyueykezhut’s war for Kolumna in Könugarðr suffered a setback when he lost the key province, but his recent battlefield win has put him back in the box seat; Eilif looks for new targets but must now be mindful of the will of his Council – and they are proving a bit capricious; Saksa the Monster is now at peace after winning the Holy War Bulgaria had launched on him – but for how long? And Barsbek the Liberator of Chernigov remains a hive of activity – will raiding be enough for him? Can he keep his liberating drive in check?
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April 897
“King Eilif, I have that advice you were after following the report of the latest Þing,” said the Chancellor, Jarl Tyueykezhut, as he stood before his king in the council room at Nygarðr.
“Ah yes, do tell, Tyuey.”
“First, to confirm, the non-aggression pact with King Eirikr of Sviþjod remains fully in force through marriage bonds. He also retains a high opinion of you, my King.”
“So, we need fear no attack from that quarter, but neither can we seek to take either of those two ship-building counties they have recently acquired while that remains in force.”
“Just so, My King. As to your brother, Jarl Dyre. While you remain set to inherit his titles, you have no legal claims on any of them. If you tried to revoke any of them – by decree or through war – I’m afraid you would be looked upon as a tyrant. There would be widespread unrest among your other vassals, for whom this would be a very worrying precedent.”
“I see. Even you, Tyuey.”
“Even me, sire.”
(3 sec)
“Well, that’s a pity. I’ve worked too hard to have good relations with my vassals to spend that good will for another county. Thank you, Tyuey, that is all for now. Gumarich, could you please send a messenger to Marshal Hrolfr? I’d like to see him. If he’s asked about the reasons, have the messenger say nothing. I just need to consult him about a military matter.”
“At once, my King.”
Hrolfr was soon standing where Tyuey had been a few minutes before.
“Hrolfr, you have been doing excellent work these many months assisting with the recruiting and training of the army. But I now have another task for you.”
“Of course, King Eilif.”
“Your are to take a small party of your best men to Ostrov, my brother Dyre’s seat in Pskov. There, you are to seek to arrest him. With your presence, we believe there is an even chance he will surrender or decide to fight. If it is the latter, ensure you have a quick escape route into the countryside – as it will be war.”
“I will bring him to you if it is humanly possible, my King.” The steely look in Hrolfr’s eyes – born of a long and distinguished military career – confirms his grim determination. “How stringent do you want me to be with him when I have him?” As he says ‘stringent’, he pauses almost imperceptibly and subtly raises a quizzical eyebrow.
“Be firm but fair – no violence unless he resists. But put him in chains. Let him know he is being arrested for soliciting the murder of his King and brother – the would-be fratricide.”
“It will be done, my King.” And with that, Hrolfr was soon away and riding to Pskov with his picked troops.
Three days later, confronted with the grim-faced Hrolfr, Dyre submitted to his arrest. Given the charges, there was no rush to arms in his court. But he was in no way pleased!
A few days later, with Dyre safely in the dungeon, Eilif consulted with his Chancellor. Tyuey was becoming ever more powerful, as he consolidated his conquests of former Könugarðian provinces. Dyre really wanted him positively disposed – to hopefully discourage him from seeking independence and also to make it more likely he would answer a call to arms with his powerful levy, should the need ever arise.
“Tyuey, Ukko of Vologda has been a minor thorn in my side for quite some time, despite your efforts to persuade him of my better intentions.”
“Yes, a troublesome chief, that. I think he needs a firm hand.”
“I agree, Tyuey. And I am aware that you very much desire to provide that to him. It has been a matter that has perhaps prevented us from being on better terms these last years.”
“I won’t deny it, King Eilif.”
“Indeed not. Well, I propose to resolve that today. I will inform Ukko that his vassalage will be transferred to you, with immediate effect. Let this be the beginning of a new closeness between us, as befits a king and his most powerful Jarl and Chancellor.” And I can say good riddance to that pimple on the Loki’s hairy arse from Vologda – hell be your problem now, Tyuey, Eilif thinks to himself.
At this time, Tyuey’s war with Halfdan for Kolomna still dragged on [45% warscore] as he was still besieging Kolomna after Halfdan retook it. Tyuey’s opinion of Eilif was moderately unfavourable [-15%, including -25% due to his desire for Vologda].
“Most generous, My Liege, thank you very much! I’ll soon have Ukko in line.” The often-unhappy Jarl broke into a rare smile. He assumed he would find it far easier to control Ukko, as they were of the same religion.
From that time, the ageing Tyuey [58 years old by then] held his king in higher regard, making their working relationship more relaxed than it had been, if no less formal. The same could not be said of the discontented Ukko of his new liege: he immediately became a sour presence in Tyuey’s court. [ie. -63 opinion on transfer!] But Ukko’s independence faction-of-one was gone, of course. No immediate threat, but always a concern that other might have joined.
The very next day, Eilif’s jailer sought permission to report directly to the king.
“A most sensitive matter, he says, My King,” said Eilif’s Secretary Gumarich as he relayed the request.
“Let him in, and see that we are not disturbed, Gumarich.”
The jailer, a hunched and brutal man, was a lame former soldier who had been wounded in one of Rurik’s raids. He tended to take his frustrations out on his prisoners – when given the opportunity, anyway.
“King Eilif, I’m right grateful you let me talk to you, private-like. I won’t keep you long.”
“I think I can guess part of what you are going to say, but do tell me what it is.”
“Your brother, my King, he’s been complaining about his conditions. Doesn’t like his cell. Giving the lads a gob-full, asking for ‘more suitable accommodations’. Like me prison ain’t good enough for ‘im.” The jailer (whose name is lost to posterity) hawked and spat a vile green stream onto the floor at that. Then, realising what he had done, started to apologise profusely. “I’m right sorry, my king, on yer nice clean reeds ‘n all!”
“Worry not – I can understand your anger, my good man.”
Dyre was lucky Eilif was known for his sense of justice and did not have a cruel streak – or he might have ended up less the man he was. As their father had suffered in Italy. Though it wouldbe a good way to ensure he had no sons to inherit, Eilif thought grimly, before banishing it from his mind.
“My brother has a point. I do believe he deserves more suitable accommodation. We are blood, after all.”
The jailer does his best to disguise his unhappiness and disappointment at this. He’d hoped for some more sport with his high-born prisoner.
Eilif could ignore the request – and Dyre would be pissed off. He could put him under house arrest, which would make Dyre hate him marginally less than he already did. Or he could release him, hoping he had learned his lesson. Or … Eilif quickly made his decision.
“His dark cell with the other prisoners is too good for him. Throw the ingrate into the oubliette!”
Dyre should have known from their father's fate that it was dangerous to challenge a captor's choice of incarceration!
“Oh yes, Sire. It’ll be me pleasure!” The jailer limps away, a happy man again. His cackling laughter could be heard as he left the room and disappeared down the corridor.
This would be the first time since the founding of the original Kingdom of Holmgarðr that the oubliette had been used. And the beauty of it was, there was no need to ‘get it ready’, clean it out, remove vermin, filth and so on. Those things all added to the desired effect!
Ch70 Q1: Blots and Kinslaying.So, Dyre is a prisoner. If he doesn’t die in the oubliette beforehand, I assume that means I could let him die honourably in a Great Blot, should I hold one come November (mwahaha)? And would that count as kin-slaying? Or would his death be sanctified by his sacrifice to the Gods?
Later that afternoon, Eilif once again spoke with his Chancellor – the atmosphere just that little bit warmer than it had been these last almost eight years.
“So, with no formal claim on Dyre’s lands, although I still stand to inherit them if he dies, I risk being branded a tyrant if I try to revoke his title in Narva.”
“Yes, Sire, I’m afraid that’s true. It would also lower your prestige in the realm among all your vassals, although you could bear that better now.”
“Right. I will think this over and give you my instructions in a week or so.”
In what was proving an eventful month, Tyuey announced that his troops had retaken Kolomna on 19 April – and he was in the process of summoning Halfdan to the bargaining table, convinced he would be able to impose his terms this time [warscore now to 100%].
But Tyuey’s rare good mood was soon spoiled. Just four days later, he appeared in Eilif’s chamber for instructions on what was to be done about Dyre’s titles. But before they moved onto that, he vented on something that the two men now shared in common – irritation with Ukko!
“The weasel! I can see now what you have had to put up with, My King,” fumed the morose Jarl. “He has founded a faction to install my brother Kezhevat as Jarl of Yaroslavl! The effrontery! The treachery! The betrayal by family!”
“Oh, that’s terrible Tyuey. Ukko’s scheming and upstart brothers – you have my sympathy.” This was mostly genuine, given their recently improved relationship. But Eilif only just managed to conceal the ironic amusement he felt at this development. He did ask for it, he wrote in his private journal later that night.
“But I must be patient – my physician has told me to try to be more positive in my thoughts. I will try to find a way around this. I did seek Ukko as my vassal – I will see if he can be persuaded to see the error of his ways.”
“Good luck with that, Tyuey; keep your expectations modest is my advice! But that is not the purpose of our meeting today. I want you to wind up your influencing efforts in Ingria and travel to Narva straight away. There, you must search the records and use your persuasive powers to establish my legitimate claim on Narva. I want the troops and the shipyards it can provide. I’m relying on you to see this through.”
“As you command, Sire. It may take some time, but I will do what I can.”
And the big news kept coming before the month was over. High Chief Barsbek the Liberator of Chernigov was the latest to challenge the so-far invincible High Chief Saksa the Monster of Mari! [A King Kong vs Godzilla match-up if ever there was one.] He had been unable to sustain his ambition to see his realm prosper in peace and left his carousing behind to once again go to war.
Barsbek’s aim was simple – he wanted to take the border province of Khopyor. It was Tengri against Suomenusko, the two ascendant powers of the south pitted against each other. No-one had picked this outcome – and Eilif looked on with delight.
Barsbek’s timing looked quite good: Saksa had used much (probably too much) of his religious reputation in defeating the Holy War of Vladimir of Bulgaria, and the great host he had assemble for that defence had disbanded. Barsbek retained his own additional host and, on paper, outnumbered Saksa by more than two-to-one in troops.
But despite his recent activities, Saksa retained enough piety to call forth one more defensive religious host against his Tengri attacker. And he was usually very adept at ensuring his vassals joined his cause. This should be an interesting match-up. The other open question was Saksa’s failing health: would he even survive a possibly long and difficult war against this serious foe? One with a great military reputation and prodigious powers of persuasion and diplomacy?
Thinking on piety and defensive religious hosts, Eilif thought to check High Chief Päiviö of Veps (Chief of Romny). Apart from having way too many dots above the letters in his name, he also had a significant religious reputation.
Päiviö would likely summon 2,000 religious warriors out of thin air if a formal declaration of war was made. Even if Eilif mobilised his entire demesne levy and some vassals supported an attack, giving him an edge in numbers, the likely price to paid for once flea-bitten frigid northern province was likely to be too high. The earlier experience with Karelia still haunted the Rurikid clan. So Romny was off the menu for now. He would have to think of something else.
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May 897
Tyuey’s negotiations with Halfdan came to a successful conclusion on 3 May. He gained another province, for himself and for the kingdom.
Interestingly, and despite Ukko’s shenanigans, Tyuey actually appointed Ukko as his regent at this time! He was clearly going to try persuasion to bring the man around. Eilif had his doubts, but it was up to his Jarl to sort his vassals.
And speaking of vassals, with Tyuey’s victory, Eilif reviewed the power and opinions of his vassals and those of Tyuey. It made for some interesting but sobering reading.
Tyuey’s current troop strength was significantly more powerful than his king’s, whether measured by current or total notional strength. Ukko’s opinion of his liege Jarl seemed to be even worse than it had been, but the rest of Tyuey’s longer-term vassals all seemed very pleased with him. For Eilif, with Dyre sidelined, his three other most powerful vassals were all now favourably disposed to his rule.
With Satakunta still maintaining its large standing army and fighting against Sweden, Romny deemed not worth it and a revocation war on Dyre not yet prudent either, Eilif thought he might grab a bit of the disintegrating Könugarðr for himself, by taking Roslavl, bordering on Smaleskja. But when he ran this idea by the Council, he received a rude shock. All the ‘glory hounds’ were against the idea – Könugarðr was now considered too weak to constitute an honourable fight! It hadn’t stopped all his southern vassals from taking pieces – including three of those (Tyuey, Hrolfr and Grimr) who would vote against the idea if it was pushed to a vote! Hypocrites!
And even worse, the Queen Mother Ingjerðr had changed her viewpoint from being a loyalist for her son to joining the ranks of the glory-seekers! There was now a solid phalanx of five of them to contend with. So they would all be cold now on this idea and anything similar – only his practical wife, Queen Ingrid, would side with him in this instance. Any vote would be lost soundly with Eilif incurring the tyrant brand if he pushed ahead anyway. Frustrated yet again, he ordered the Huscarl Company – which had just arrived in Ingria – to proceed to Holmgarðr, while he thought of something else.
Ch70 Q2: Council Viewpoints.More out of interest, but is there much method to how the perspectives of Councillors change and whether there’s much one can do to influence that? I’m talking here about whether they are glory hounds, loyalists, pragmatists etc. And noting that, since the last time we looked a few months back, the Queen Mother went from being a loyalist to a glory hound, for example.
Hot on the heels of making him his regent, on 8 May Tyuey made Ukko his Marshal! That was likely to have provided a major boost to Ukko’s loyalty. Tyuey was clearly serious about wooing him over.
Another interesting morsel of information came to the capital in mid-May. Young King Eirkr of Sviþjod, at the tender age of just 17, had earned the nickname ‘the Depraved’!
“What on earth must he have done to be called that, I wonder!” Eilif exclaimed to Gumarich when he read the message. Perhaps it was his lustful ways?
The next day, reports from one of Tyuey’s outposts in Bryansk said that an army of over 2,700 men from Chernigov was approaching the border with Khopyor. The game was on! At the same time, Marshal Hrolfr advised that Tyuey’s army had downsized back to ‘normal’ levels – an on-call personal demesne levy of around 1,750 men. But the Jarl had much prestige and piety [over 500 of each], so would be no easy target for any potential aggressors. So long as he lived and retained all that power in his own hands, at least. After succession, the great Yaroslavian Jarldom may well break up – as had Rurik’s great demesne on his death.
By 21 May the Swedes had finally taken the last hold in Uusimaa – the whole of Satakunta was now under occupation and Onni's wife and children imprisoned by the Swedish king [warscore 100%]. Onni’s large tribal army (still over 2,300 men) was by then in Kexholm, but the ‘Depraved’ Eirikr had over 6,700 in Uusimaa itself: Onni couldn’t hope to save the situation and must surely concede. Meaning Uusimaa should soon be ripe for the picking!
A week after that, Barsbek proclaimed a new ambition for all to hear and know: he wanted to become the King of Khazaria! He owned just two of the de jure counties himself – the rest were in the hands of Könugarðr, Bulgaria, Mari (Saksa) and the Yabguids. Funnily enough, his current claim on Khopyor would not directly contribute to that ambition. He really needed to start consuming that eastern enclave Bulgaria still owned. Meanwhile, Saksa had used the last of his religious reputation to summon a religious army: it almost matched Barsbek’s main force in size and was following up some of the smaller levies already heading to Khopyor for the confrontation. There was also word of him issuing calls to arms to all his vassals – it was assumed Barsbek would do the same for his (fewer in number as they were).
Barsbek's ambition (above) and the current ownership of those lands (below).
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June-July 897
Onni agreed to terms with Eirikr on 2 September. Suomi was ceded to the Swedes and renamed Finland.
Eilif quickly checked with the Council – they were all in favour of attacking Onni of Satakunta to claim Uusimaa.
In the Chernigov-Mari war, at that time Hrolfr estimated Saksa’s strength as about 3,200 and Barsbek’s at just over 2,800. Of course, this would not take vassals allies into account [both had about 2,000 event troops each].
The next day, the Huscarls (by then back in Holmgarðr) started marching all the way back to Kexholm! Onni had disbanded all his troops and had to find the funds to start ransoming back his family members from Eirikr – who hopefully would not do anything too depraved to them!
Then some news that prompted much head-shaking and amazement throughout the region made its way to Eilif’s study. The Monster had declared a revocation war on one of his own Chiefs on the eastern edge of Mari! One of only two who had so far answered his call to arms for the war against Barsbek! And strangely, young Chief Balgor of Uzen remained at war with Barsbek as Saksa’s ally. These horse lords of the steppe certainly had strange ways!
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As summer was reaching its height in mid-July, Saksa’s main host was in Mordva and would reach Khopyor on 2 August. Unfortunately, Garðariki had no direct visibility over what would happen there. They would have to deduce outcomes from secondary reports.
As July drew to a close, the Huscarls were ready in Kexholm and Onni’s levy had barely regenerated (only 17 men available): taking Uusimaa would be a pushover! Which was exactly the problem. With his large defensive army disbanded, the Council had now gone cold on the idea of conquering Uusimaa – how frustrating!
Eilif, having got an initial go-ahead, had not thought to check again after Onni had demobilised – and all the glory seekers now thought such a project beneath the realm. Again, as with Roslavl, only Queen Ingrid would side with him. So close, but out of grasp again unless he became a tyrant to his vassals. This was becoming very tedious.
Ch70 Q3: A matter of timing?I suppose if I had immediately declared war on Onni after he had concluded his peace with Eirikr but before he had disbanded his army, the Council would have approved it. But them he would have presumably kept his 2,300-strong army, sitting in Kexholm. More just musing out loud: I wasn’t going to do that anyway. It was more just the waste of time positioning for the conquest without having rechecked to Council after he demobilised. You learn something new every time.
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August 897
Someone with no such problems was King Rögnvaldr of Noregr. He had just won his prepared invasion of Holland, carving out a new Jarldom for himself from the hide of Lotharingia. Fittingly, he earned the moniker ‘the Victorious’ from that. Eilif looked on this feat with respect and envy. He hoped his day would come, as it had for the old King of Noregr.
Once again frustrated in his aims for conquest, Eilif thought he may position himself to take advantage of Barsbek’s attack on Saksa. With the additional claim war in the east and Saksa’s illness, he wanted to be able to pounce if the timing seemed right. He sent word to the Huscarls to counter-march, this time with orders to go all the way to the border with Mari: the de jure Garðarikian counties there may be in play! As word reached the troops, Eilif received word that old Þorfinn, the mad ex-Marshal and latterly commander of the field army, had died of natural causes on 15 August, aged 60. A replacement would need to be found.
Meanwhile, it looked like the irresistible force of Barsbek had met the immovable object of Saksa in Khopyor, but there was no indication as yet as to a victor, meaning the combat must still be going (having been due to start on around 2 August). It would hopefully be a bloody battle for both of them. Both men seemed to have called up most of their vassals by then. Balgor was still listed as one of Saksa’s allies but would presumably be too busy fighting Saksa to help him against Barsbek!
Looking to internal Garðarikian candidates for commander first, Hrolfr’s list by merit showed that Chief Vihavald of Ingria was the leading candidate. Although the only non-Germanic man on the list, he was one of the vassals who was getting quite close to a positive attitude. Making him a commander to replace Þorfinn would help a little. It was done.
Just a little more and he could be swung in favour of his king. As usual, cultural and religious differences were the main obstacle. But at least Eilif had established himself to the extent that his reign was no longer considered short.
It was also noticed at this time that the Völva position at court was again vacant. The old crone who had appeared a while back to take it must have died or wandered off, unheralded.
Then, just a week later, the field army lost another commander. Sverker, the stalwart raider and accomplished field commander, had fallen off his horse one day as he accompanied the Huscarls back south. From the accounts given it may be deduced today that a stroke was the most likely cause. He survived, but was rendered incapable. Another vacancy had to be filled. As it happened, the next candidate in line at court was his son, Sölvi – the one who the far-off nephew of the king, Hakon, was still trying to have murdered.
Eilif decided to do right by Sverker and appointed Sölvi to his father’s position. Þorsteinn assumed formal command of the field army. When speaking to Sölvi, the new commander had remarked to the king that he wished to marry so that he could continue the ‘family business’ of soldiering for the Rurikids. Thinking this an admirable sentiment, Eilif said he would see what he could do.
He was as good as his word. In a serendipitous match, Gyða, who had just lost her father Þorfinn the week before, was the match! The children of two renowned commanders were joined – and Eilif hoped he would live to see them have sons who would follow in their grandfathers’ footsteps one day.
This helped improve the King’s mood somewhat after what had been a frustrating period where he wanted war but could not find one because of his Council’s vainglorious ways.
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September 897
A month passed with no great news to report. Then near the end of September, in came in all of a sudden. Hrolfr was the first to report during a Council meeting.
“My King, we have news of the Barsbek and Saksa. Barsbek has taken Khopyor, which gives him a powerful bargaining chip. It looks like both sides have taken considerable casualties, but Barsbek clearly won at least one battle, perhaps two against different forces. We are not aware for sure where either of their main hosts are, but one small group of routing Marian troops has been spotted fleeing north-east in Mordva.”
“This is good news, Hrolfr. I will wait for a while and then am minded to hit Saksa, to start taking the border provinces that rightly belong to us. Perhaps in just over a month, we can hold the first Blot in Garðariki for many years, then take the fight to the Monster. Be ready when the time comes.”
“Of course, My King: Saksa is a worthy opponent. We will also have to keep an eye on whatever forces Tuure has managed to rebuild in Karelia, assuming he honours his alliance with Saksa. Perhaps we could use some of the vassal allies to help secure the north while the rest of us head east?”
“Good thinking, Hrolfr. I only hope that a goodly number respond when I issue the call.”
And just to make sure, Eilif checked his council for views on war with Saksa. The approved wholeheartedly, pragmatist and glory hound alike. For now, anyway. He had finally found something they could all get behind, and Saksa was in the worst position he had been since his meteoric rise began years before.
Next to speak was Chancellor Tyueykezhut, back briefly for the meeting from his work in Narva.
“My King, you mentioned the Blot earlier. As we have discussed previously, all should be ready in just over a month. If you wish to hold it, you must not declare war before then.”
“Yes, understood Tyuey. Is there any limitation on declaring war once the Blot preparations have begun? Or must we remain at peace until it is completed?”
“I’m not too sure of your heath- ah, Germanic ways, My King,” replied Tyuey, hastily trying to correct his slip of the tongue. Before Eilif could ask, he gently held up a supplicatory hand. “And I will ask Hrorekr to put it to the Þing as soon as possible, Sire,”
Ch70 Q4: Blot and War.Just a simple question. Can you declare war after the Blot preparations have been commenced, or must you wait for it to finish completely. And having only done one and that very early on) roughly how long do they take to run through from announcement to finish?
“On another matter, King Eilif, there is word of a large outbreak of disease to the south of the Caucasus Mountains. They call it the ‘small pox’ and it is apparently a very nasty ailment. There are also some smaller outbreaks of the measles, but no other reports or disease anywhere else in Europa or the Mediterranean.”
“I will make an offering to Freya to seek her protection from these afflictions for our people, husband.” Queen Ingrid had similarly made a short trip back from her proselytising work in Luki for the important Council meeting.
“Thank you, Ingrid. I can’t think of anything more we can do against these curses of the Gods. Gumarich, I believe you have a report from my mother’s network of agents?”
“I do, My Liege. There is the usual wide range of plots among vassals and more common folk in the realm. The best news is that your brother’s longstanding plot to kill you has been shut down as a result of his imprisonment.”
“Excellent news indeed, Gumarich. Anything else of significance?”
“Just that Hakon persists with his vile plot to kill Commander Sölvi, but it is him alone that supports it and there seems little chance of it succeeding.”
“We will keep an eye on all this and we have no influence over Hakon to make him stop, but the rest can have their fun for now.”
“My King, I thought you might be interested in how the Novgorodian Band fares," Hrolfr suggested after the spies' report had been reviewed. "We have had a letter from Dan af Belo Ozero – all the way from far-off Aquitaine.”
“Please, tell us what he says.”
“He remains under contract to the Salimid Emirate, which is part of the great Umayyad realm. Emir Barakat claims Urgell in northern Hispania from King Carloman ‘the Accursed’ of Aquitaine. The Band is way to the north in Lusignan. While Barakat’s war goes poorly, Carloman has had his capital taken by the Danes. Your relation by marriage, younf King Rögnvaldr, claims Nantes as his own and pushes his cause vigorously.”
“It is interesting indeed to have a small glimpse of these great and rich realms of the west. How I wish we had the ships to raid their coasts, as in the old days of my father!” At that, Eilif looks a bit leerily at the glory hounds in his Council that have discouraged him from gaining those ships in Uusimaa. “So, has the strength of the band recovered at all?”
“A little. They approach 350 in strength – a long way from their peak, but better than the last time we heard.”[When they were down to around 150, from memory.]
“Right. And what of this Carloman? He rules a great realm and carries a famous name. And why is he called ‘the Accursed’?”
“Perhaps I can help there, My King,” offers Tyuey. “It seems those who know him considered him to be possessed by demons or some such.”
“Quaint views these heathen Christians have.”
I just thought I’d provide this as a little item of interest for all of you who are familiar with French goings-on – a very popular focus for games and AARs. Including a few I follow closely.
“Thank you all. Our meeting today is finished. I look forward to hearing again from the Þing, to a Great Blot to be held soon and then for a cleansing flame to be put to the Monster – it is long overdue.”
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Questions
Ch70 Q1: Blots and Kinslaying.So, Dyre is a prisoner. If he doesn’t die in the oubliette beforehand, I assume that means I could let him die ‘honourably’ in a Great Blot, should I hold one come November (mwahaha)? And would that count as kin-slaying? Or would his death be sanctified by his sacrifice to the Gods?
Ch70 Q2: Council Viewpoints.More out of interest, but is there much method to how the perspectives of Councillors change and whether there’s much one can do to influence that? I’m talking here about whether they are glory hounds, loyalists, pragmatists etc. And noting that, since the last time we looked a few months back, the Queen Mother went from being a loyalist to a glory hound, for example.
Ch70 Q3: A matter of timing?I suppose if I had immediately declared war on Onni after he had concluded his peace with Eirikr but before he had disbanded his army, the Council would have approved it. But them he would have presumably kept his 2,300-strong army, sitting in Kexholm. More just musing out loud: I wasn’t going to do that anyway. It was more just the waste of time positioning for the conquest without having rechecked to Council after he demobilised. You learn something new every time.
Ch70 Q4: Blot and War.Just a simple question. Can you declare war after the Blot preparations have been commenced, or must you wait for it to finish completely. And having only done one and that very early on) roughly how long do they take to run through from announcement to finish?
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Eilif must put up with a Council that doesn’t always do what he wills it to, dominated by those who seek glory for its own sake, even to the possible detriment of the practical interests of the realm. But that is what he must work with in these ‘empowered’ times.
With acknowledgement to GRRM’s ASOIAF/AGOT (a series I had read through before it ever came to TV). But it did seem appropriate.
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The Eighth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – September 897 (a summary of advice from Chapter 70)
The Eighth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – September 897 (a summary of advice from Chapter 70)
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Ch70 Q1: Blots and Kinslaying.So, Dyre is a prisoner. If he doesn’t die in the oubliette beforehand, I assume that means I could let him die ‘honourably’ in a Great Blot, should I hold one come November (mwahaha)? And would that count as kin-slaying? Or would his death be sanctified by his sacrifice to the Gods?
It would be, but looks like there are strings attached. I’d rather it was a rope attached to his neck, but Eilif’s gratification will have to be delayed.
I have no concrete info on this I never played Blot but game mechanics wise it feels like it will not be fratricide. Although, disregard this post when deciding
I didn't know this offhand, but unfortunately my research in various sources seems to consistently point in one direction: Sacrificing close kin at a blot is considered kin-slaying, just as executing them or deliberately killing them in a duel.
Interesting. Part of me is still tempted, for all that inheritance and not having to go through a murder plot, but I could really do without the penalties.
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Ch70 Q2: Council Viewpoints.More out of interest, but is there much method to how the perspectives of Councillors change and whether there’s much one can do to influence that? I’m talking here about whether they are glory hounds, loyalists, pragmatists etc. And noting that, since the last time we looked a few months back, the Queen Mother went from being a loyalist to a glory hound, for example.
As previously noted, you can almost always buy a Favor from a councilor, then call it in to have them support your vote, or else offer them a Favor from you in exchange for their support (though this can sometimes result in them calling it in for something that goes against your best interests...), which always overrides other preferences. As @diskoerekto notes, though, it is often easier to change a councilor entirely than it is to change their vote
As for the Queen Mother's shift in stance: Judging by the information on the page, I suspect that she's upset at Eilif for imprisoning Dyre -- even if they're rivals, they're still both her children, after all. I'd check her opinion modifiers for something along the lines of "Imprisoned my Son" or "Imprisoned X" and see how it factors into the overall opinion calculation.
Good call: I checked and there was a -50 ‘imprisoned my child’ penalty. With all the positives, she still has a good (+62) opinion of Eilif, but yes, that must have been enough to tip her from loyalist. Fair enough too.
2) Their traits play into it, mostly. But especially loyal ones might become loyalists (above 95 opinion), and especially disloyal (anything below 0) might become malcontent.
I don’t think her traits have changed recently, but haven’t been checking (far away as she has been for decades, in Constantinople). I think it will have been the opinion change, per above.
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Ch70 Q3: A matter of timing?I suppose if I had immediately declared war on Onni after he had concluded his peace with Eirikr but before he had disbanded his army, the Council would have approved it. But them he would have presumably kept his 2,300-strong army, sitting in Kexholm. More just musing out loud: I wasn’t going to do that anyway. It was more just the waste of time positioning for the conquest without having rechecked to Council after he demobilised. You learn something new every time.
you're correct here, and sometimes the council is just being idiots. Now the problem is, except for the once in a lifetime CB, all the wars council would approve would be against a strong army (unless you can catch a realm already fighting another war like Mari) and for only 1 province. You can try replacing some council members but there's already a fine balance there and I believe being Norse pushes the council members to being glory seekers.
Although, I'm not 100% sure if Onni's army would've stayed or gone.
Of note: While researching the above info, I noticed that the Glory Hounds' "Enemy is too weak!" trigger is met if your realm is about three times stronger than theirs, with possible allies (including tribal vassals) factored into the calculation on both sides.
3) I think you have the right of it. That can be the trade-off: depending on your council they might not want an easy fight. Of course, they often aren't the ones doing the fighting.
That's right. Any tribal troops remain as long as you are at war, which is why - if you want to make the most out of them - at the end of each war fought, you'd pause, disband any levies, and declare another war with your tribal armies still raised. Also why that mechanic was changed.
Makes sense – I’ve read a bit in @coz1 ‘s latest AAR about that. Less out-of-thin-air host procurement actually sounds more balanced and realistic.
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Ch70 Q4: Blot and War.Just a simple question. Can you declare war after the Blot preparations have been commenced, or must you wait for it to finish completely. And having only done one and that very early on) roughly how long do they take to run through from announcement to finish?
To be on the safe side, I'd wait until the blot finishes and you get the appropriate modifier. I'm not 100% certain on blots in particular, but I know that ongoing feasts can be broken up due to war, and the "afterparty" seems to use the same feast mechanics.
4) If it's anything like the Christian tournaments, declaring war after its started will cancel the Blot. And I believe it can take a couple of months to run all the way through. I'd fight the war now.
Quick testing (Botulf Frille, November 1066 - with some extra console gold) reveals that as soon as you've declared that you will launch a blòt, you can declare war and keep the blòt. I don't think that mechanic has changed in the last patch.
I think he won't stop until he declares the kingdom of Ruthenia as he is a nationalist rebel leader (he is a Khazar and I'm not sure if Khazar is the de jure culture of the kingdom of Ruthenia but still he's a liberator and he's operating in Ruthenia so that must be it) and in fact that's one reason he might be useful to us as a vassal. We already have a bunch of Ruthenian provinces and Barsbek is trying to conquer a lot of them to be able to create the title. If he is our vassal, when he's 6-7 provinces away from creating the title we'd already be able to do so so his liberating lust will be working for us.
oh this is surprising for me too, I thought Barsbek was going for Ruthenia but is he in fact going for Khazaria? This makes sense and answers my question about him being a Khazar trying to have a kingdom in Ruthenia. I think my earlier plan can be regarded as crap. Still he can be an interesting character in our court
Good RP, but as a side note keep in mind Martial 12 and 16 are major cutoff points where good tactics have increased chances of happening (8-12-16 major, 10-14 minor ones and a few 7, 9-13-17 and a few 18). So commanders having over 18 martial is of no use that I know of, and at least 16 is highly desirable. >18 martial + some good commander traits is the best combination.
Helpful info! I knew a bit of that from before, but had forgotten most of it. I’m hoping that Sölvi, like his father, can pick up a trait or two from fighting.
I hope something good comes of the match! Sölvi is one of the first of the new generation of leaders that arose from Rurik’s early efforts in this area.
THIS is why I don't let my Council have ANY power at all. They are aides and helpers. Nothing more! Unless I gain even more lands....then I might need to give them power to help keep the Realm in one piece. But that is a future bridge to burn when I get to it.
I hear you! I was pretty reluctant to grant it, but it was part of my pathway out of unreformed tribalism and I wanted to experiment with/learn from it a bit. But … snarl! The jumped-up toadies!
Yes, the old guard are mostly gone now. Old Hrörekr, now just the Lawspeaker, lives on though, after that miraculous reprieve many years ago now when I had to reboot from an earlier save game! Shows how random mortality can be if there was no underlying health problem. Sliding doors …
Ukko clearly is a most troublesome vassal. He does remind me of Hakon in some way, with the difference that he's not trying to murder anyone (or does he? ) and that he's landed. But at least he's Tyuey's problem now.
Yes, I thought the same re Hakon (who has been suspiciously quiet of late – I don’t trust him not to emerge with something nefarious). Yes, Tyuey can look after him – and seems to be doing a pretty determined job of bringing him around. I’ll be curious to see if it works. Ukko was only worth so much effort from me at the kingdom level. I was hardly going to elevate him to Council, for instance. Or make him Regent!
The Monster's timing with the revocation war seems to be as bad as Eilif's luck with war declarations. (Though I can explain it: as the attacked, Saksa got an opinion bonus with his vassals, enough for his revocation plot to get the sufficient backing. Not that it's smart to fire it.)
Yes, an interesting mix of mechanics there. You would have thought declaring on a vassal who had joined you as an ally might have been a bit too much or a reach, but Saksa has clearly earned the nickname of ‘the Monster’ appropriately.
Has Rögnvaldr managed to claim Zeeland with his invasion? This would be good news for the Norse reformation, as Noregr just needs to subjugate one of the two other kingdoms (or be subjugated...) to control three holy sites. Then it's just a matter of moral authority and the king's piety.
Chapter 71: Good News, Bad News (27 September 897 – 14 January 898)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … With his evil brother Dyre safely in prison, Eilif looks for a war of conquest ambitious enough to satisfy the glory-seekers in his council; Tyueykezhut has won his war for Kolomna ... but his eye remains restless; Saksa the Monster fights Barsbek the Liberator in a knock-down, drag out battle between two notorious and victorious warlords – who will win?
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September-October 897
After the Þing of September 897, King Eilif wrote to his mother in Constantinople, asking why she no longer offered the same support in Council that she once had. The response laid out her thoughts.
“My Son and King, your continuing imprisonment of your brother Dyre, no matter the legal justification, brings pain to my heart. I still support you, but until this shadow between us is lifted, my enthusiasm must be reserved.”
Eilif in turn wrote back: “But Mother, as my Spymaster, you surely know that he deserved it! He would not renounce his plot to murder me and challenged me to duels twice. I had to act – for my honour and the safety of the realm.”
“Yes, that is so,” came the reply by fast courier. “But now it is done, you should give him a second chance. And the oubliette? That is just too cruel. Release him and you will once again have my undivided support, my son.”
Eilif’s reply was emphatic. “That I cannot do, mother. I was sorely tempted to offer him to the Blot this winter but have mercifully stayed my hand. He remains a serious threat to me and my young family and will stay in prison. That is my final word on the matter.”
Ch71 Q1: Imprisonment Malus.Having checked after hints from the Þing, it became clear that a ten-year -50 ‘imprisoned my son’ penalty had affected the relationship between Eilif and his mother and Spymaster, Ingjerðr. She remained strongly positive, but not at the 95+ level that should have made her a loyalist on the Council. My question is if Dyre dies in prison, would the penalty then disappear, or would it go for the rest of the ten years or be changed into some follow-on ‘let him die in prison’ penalty?
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On 1 October, the spy network reported that Chief Ukko of Vologda had ceased plotting against his new liege Jarl Tyuey. It seemed like the charm offensive had succeeded!
Mid-October brought news that Saksa continued to live up to his monstrous epithet. He had burned another Christian doctor (a French Catholic this time) at the stake.
Also living up to character, the ever-active Jarl Tyuey dropped another surprise on his king on 22 October.
Given the King’s tentative plans to attack Saksa and Barsbek’s preoccupation with that tough war … he nonchalantly announced: “Oh, by the way King Eilif, I have launched a war to subjugate High Chief Barsbek of Chernigov. I trust you will wish me luck.”
He was nothing if not bold. While his immediate levy looked under-powered for the task, he could call on vassals to assist and had the prestige to summon another tribal army of 2,500 men if he wished. This would bring the whole of Chernigov into the realm if it succeeded – but Tyuey would be enormously powerful. Though he would have a rather dynamic and perhaps unhappy vassal. If he won, would Tyuey again think of independence? All this gave Eilif pause for thought. But he continued in his plan to attack Saksa – perhaps that would also even things up again, too.
A few days later, Tyuey’s initial muster was underway.
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November-December 897
Old King Rögnvaldr of Norway was determined to continue his victorious ways with a conquest of Caithness in the north of Scotland.
While King Eirikr of Sweden looked to Breda for another playground in which to practice his depravity.
Eilif fumed that it seemed to be easy enough for his Norse colleagues to have their wars of expansion, whereas he was seemingly thwarted by his glory-hungry council at every turn.
“At least this war on Saksa will present an opportunity, anyway,” he mused aloud to Gumarich as he mulled over the reports.
In late November, Jarl Tyuey ordered his latest tribal army mustered. He never did these things half-heartedly! [At least it would use up his last big stockpile of prestige].
And just to rub some salt into the wounds to his pride, the ‘other’ (Young) King Rögnvaldr of Denmark won his claim on the rich Frankish county of Nantes on 12 December.
Music from the period of Eilif Rurikid's reign was discovered and recorded by the group Moving Pictures in 1982. Enjoy!
This made Eilif consider holding a Blot after all, to help cheer himself up. But on checking the prison, he found the other rebel leader had quietly died in the meantime, meaning only his brother Dyre and the long-term prisoner the simpleton Feverdyn remained. Perhaps he could get some more Blot-worthy prisoners in the war with Mari.
So the declaration was made. Obran Osh would be brought into the realm: the Council offered unanimous support.
The levies were summoned and sent to the border, while Eilif decided to call all his available vassals to war, though with Tyuey already involved in his war with Barsbek, he was not expected to comply. And Ingrian chiefs never did. But he was curious to see who would turn up. Clearly not Dyre!
Four days later, no vassals from either Garðariki or Mari had responded to any calls – the messages were still making their way out to the respective counties. But Karelia had not joined in the war – their alliance with Mari seemed to have dissolved at some point.
Four responses from Eilif’s vassals were received between 23 and 25 December, diligently filed away by Gumarich der Schreiber for future posterity – and our reading pleasure. Only one of the responders so far had failed to join: Hrolfr and Buðli offered their support – as did Tihomir of Luki (a pleasant surprise). Only Vihavald of Ingria, as expected, rejected the call.
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January 898
The first day of 898AD brought good and bad news. The reliable Grimr of Smaleskja once again answered his king's call, while the preoccupied Jarl Tyueykezhut declined. All up, vassal allies would basically double the size of the Garðarikian army for the coming campaign. They were all called to join the Huscarls on the border with Mari. Hrolfr’s men were closest: with his main contingent, they would have enough to begin advancing into Obran Osh to commence the siege.
“King Eilif,” called an unusually animated Jarl Tyuey on 13 January. “I bring good news – Saksa the Monster has died! His brother High Chief Kinyak has inherited the title.”
“Ah, that is good news, Tyuey. It should make my job easier, we’re almost ready to march into Obran Osh now.”
The next day, Tyuey was back.
“Ah, My King, you know how I had good news yesterday about Saksa? More good news – his realm has been broken up, with his brother Kinyak getting the main title and the rest of the realm being handed out to his two young sons, who have split off from Marian suzerainty.”
“Even better, Tyuey.”
“Yes, Sire. But there is just one little catch.”
“Oh? And that is?”
“Kinyak did not inherit Obran Osh. That has been included as a western march of the new realm of Murom, which went to one of the sons.”
“So?”
“It means the declaration of war is no longer valid as it is not now part of Mari. The war has therefore ended indecisively. The same thing happened to Barsbek, as Khopyor went to the other son, with the realm of Mordva being re-established.”
“Well, that’s inconvenient for all three of us then. I need to disband the levies and declare again to conquer Obran Osh; Barsbek has wasted his occupation of Khopyor; and your opponent is no longer distracted to the east, Tyuey.”
“True, My King, though I am still confident I have Barsbek’s measure.”
“Muster the Council, Tyuey. I will declare on this youngster to take Obran Osh for Garðariki.”
“As you wish, King Eilif, but I hardly think it is now a fair fight. Young ruler, splintered realm. Where’s the glory in that?”
“I don’t care about the glory, Tyuey! I just want a short war and some new territory!”
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Next Steps
The levies were duly dismissed. But only Queen Ingrid saw a renewed war for Obran Osh as justified. The rest agreed with Tyuey. The conquest of Obran Osh was off! Curses, Eilif thought to himself and confided in his private journal. Foiled again! [OK, now I am starting to consider which Councillors I can afford to replace with die-hard, powerless loyalists. Problem is I have three political appointees to keep happy, for a start.]
And they were still of the same opinion (5-2 against) regarding Könugarðr, where Eilif was keen to conquer the border county of Mstislavl. And becoming labelled a tyrant (or a kinslayer, for that matter) would badly endanger his ability to summon some of his vassal allies to wars.
Eilif then cast his eye south. What else might he look to conquer that was part of the de jure Empire of Russia, was available, and which the Council would agree was a glorious enough pursuit to back?
Chernigov was one option. The option to subjugate it was gone, but a claim by one of Tihomir’s courtiers in Luki could be pushed on Sharukan (though that wasn’t very attractive). On the border, the ‘Russian’ counties of Chernigov or Novgorod Seversky could be conquered. Though that would have to be done before Tyuey won his subjugation war and took the whole lot.
Ch71 Q2: Cross-claims.My assumption here is that because Tyuey is Eilif’s vassal and is already prosecuting a subjugation war, Eilif cannot compete in that regard. But because they are two different types of claim, Eilif could try for a quick grab of one of the border counties. Though if Tyuey wins first, that war would lapse as well?
“Tyuey, I would very much like to take Kiev (the old capital of Könugarðr) away from those infidel Hungarians. It is a potential capital of the Empire of Russia our house would one day wish to form. Can I make a valid claim for it?”
“The good news is that the previous King Árpád the Victorious died last October. The Hungarian realm is still formidable and would make a worthy and glorious opponent, but the succession has weakened the new King Árpád Linütika’s personal power.”
“Yes? And?”
“Ah, the bad news is you have no legitimate claim. Kiev does not share a border with Garðariki, unfortunately. Though it will once I win my subjugation claim on Barsbek.” Tyuey is, as always, very confident. Even if it never seems to make him happy.
“Right.”
“Though, King Eilif, by a quirk of law, you can make a conquest casus belli on any coastal province. The Hungarians have five of them on the Black Sea. You would have to march over land to get there, but it would be a glorious challenge.”
“Though not very wise, husband,” chimed in Queen Ingrid, ever the pragmatist. “And they’re not even part of the de jure Russian Empire.”
“My King, I appreciate your position here,” ventured Grimr. “My lands border on Orsha, once part of Könugarðr but now owned by the Curonians. I would pick it as my first target in any war. And it is considered part of the de jure Russian Empire we seek to proclaim one day.”
“He has a few vassals who may assist him and a reasonable levy, but would not be able to call a band of holy warriors or a tribal army,” mused Marshal Hrolfr. “The other Romuvans would not like it, but they are hardly a major force in the region. And his realm is dispersed.”
The other ‘glory hounds’ around the table nod at this. Even without Grimr’s enthusiasm for Curonia as a war target, there was enough in it for them to back the proposal, even though Curonia was still seen as a weaker opponent. And Ingrid approved because they were weaker.
“I would therefore have the Council’s support for the conquest of Orsha?” All nodded, including the Queen Mother’s representative. “Then Hrolfr, what would we be facing if we did attack? What of High Chief Yudki’s vassals?”
“Lepiel is the neighbouring county. Chief Sarunas would likely support his liege but has fewer than 200 men in his levy. The main danger with him, however, is his piety. He could summon holy warriors in his master’s cause.”
“Please seek the views of the Þing on the likelihood of that, Hrolfr. It is crucial to our possible invasion. Even with the support of my own loyal vassals, it could make the fight a difficult one.”
Ch71 Q3: Vassals and Holy Warriors.How likely is it that Sarunas would do this? It could make this a tricky fight if he does. If it is assumed he would summon them, if we occupy his county first with a blocking and besieging force, would that prevent him from summoning not only his own small levy, but potential holy warriors as well? Or could they appear somewhere else in Curonia?
“Of course, My King. Moving on to Chief Kerpycius of Podlaise, he has a levy of over 400, but is an Orthodox Christian who by all reports dislikes his liege and may ignore a call to arms. He is a very pious man, but as a Christian I’m not sure he could summon holy warriors as a pagan could.”
Ch71 Q4: Tribal Christians and Holy Warriors.My strong assumption is that as a Christian, Kerpycius would not be able to summon holy warriors (2,000 per 200 piety) even if he wanted to. Anything I need to be wary of about him?
“Again, that sounds right to me Hrolfr, but check with the scholars and experts, just in case. It isn’t a situation we’ve encountered before.”
“As you command, King Eilif. Finally, there is the young Chieftess Saule of Grodno. She also has a levy of over 400. She generally supports the High Chief, so we would have to bank on her coming to his aid. All in all, excepting the possibility of holy warriors, even if all of Yudki’s vassals responded, you should be able to handle them yourself. If the same number of troops from the vassals responds as they did for the discontinued war on Mari, you should still be able to handle the Curonians even if they do bring one army of holy warriors. Though it would be a closer fight and it would take quite a while for all the Garðarikian forces to be mustered and then assembled into a single large army on the border with Orsha. Then again, some of the larger regiments – Grimr’s forces and your own levies – would be reasonably close.”
“Thank you Hrolfr and to my loyal Councillors. I will consider any more advice from the forthcoming Þing and decide our next move tonight.”
As the meeting broke up, Eilif took Jarl Tyuey aside and asked him how Ukko was performing since being transferred and causing such trouble initially.
“Actually, he’s largely come around, King Eilif. Not only has he ceased plotting his independence, but he now professes to be a grudging supporter. I’m quite pleased – it has taken quite a bit of effort.”
Tyuey the Man-Manager Par Excellence. He should publish a self-help tome for would-be rulers on how to bring around troublesome vassals!
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Questions
Apart from any general strategic advice on where to go next or possibilities not considered above, here are the specific questions for the latest Þing.
Ch71 Q1: Imprisonment Malus.Having checked after hints from the Þing, it became clear that a ten-year -50 ‘imprisoned my son’ penalty had affected the relationship between Eilif and his mother and Spymaster, Ingjerðr. She remained strongly positive, but not at the 95+ level that should have made her a loyalist on the Council. My question is if Dyre dies in prison, would the penalty then disappear, or would it go for the rest of the ten years or be changed into some follow-on ‘let him die in prison’ penalty?
Ch71 Q2: Cross-claims.My assumption here is that because Tyuey is Eilif’s vassal and is already prosecuting a subjugation war, Eilif cannot compete in that regard. But because they are two different types of claim, Eilif could try for a quick grab of one of the border counties. Though if Tyuey wins first, that war would lapse as well?
Ch71 Q3: Vassals and Holy Warriors.How likely is it that Sarunas would do this? It could make this a tricky fight if he does. If it is assumed he would summon them, if we occupy his county first with a blocking and besieging force, would that prevent him from summoning not only his own small levy, but potential holy warriors as well? Or could they appear somewhere else in Curonia?
Ch71 Q4: Tribal Christians and Holy Warriors.My strong assumption is that as a Christian, Kerpycius would not be able to summon holy warriors (2,000 per 200 piety) even if he wanted to. Anything I need to be wary of about him?
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In the latest haul of documents from the Rurikid scroll trove was a contemporary painting on wood of Eilif considering the weighty decisions of the day. Gumarich noted that it was painted in the aftermath of Saksa’s death and the contemplation of next steps for Gardariki’s’ s manifest destiny.
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The Ninth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – January 898 (a summary of advice from Chapter 71)
The Ninth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – January 898 (a summary of advice from Chapter 71)
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Ch71 Q1: Imprisonment Malus.Having checked after hints from the Þing, it became clear that a ten-year -50 ‘imprisoned my son’ penalty had affected the relationship between Eilif and his mother and Spymaster, Ingjerðr. She remained strongly positive, but not at the 95+ level that should have made her a loyalist on the Council. My question is if Dyre dies in prison, would the penalty then disappear, or would it go for the rest of the ten years or be changed into some follow-on ‘let him die in prison’ penalty?
I'm not really sure about this (although couldn't find an opinion modifier when I asked Wiki the Red about letting somebody die in prison), but does the circumstances allow for a tyranny-free banishment? If so that can be a good way to solve this problem once and for all. In any case, even if there's not a dying related opinion penalty, the imprison penalty will likely stay (but again, I'm not sure)
There's definitely no additional penalty. I honestly never paid attention to that penalty of the mother, but I would suspect that it goes away once Dyre is out of prison (in whatever way that would happen .)
OK, it seems clear there should not be an additional penalty, will just have to see (if Eilif is fortunate enough to have Dyre die in jail any time soon) whether the priosn penalty does in fact go away, or linger – like a foul spirit! Which would be very appropriate for Dyre. Re banishment, possibly (I’d have to look to see if it’s an option – next session, have already played the next one through), what would happen to his titles? I want him to die so Eilif inherits them.
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Ch71 Q2: Cross-claims.My assumption here is that because Tyuey is Eilif’s vassal and is already prosecuting a subjugation war, Eilif cannot compete in that regard. But because they are two different types of claim, Eilif could try for a quick grab of one of the border counties. Though if Tyuey wins first, that war would lapse as well?
You could. Actually, whatever Tyuey would occupy would also add warscore for you, so you may get to 100% faster than him - if he doesn't get any warscore from a battle, which doesn't seem likely. Though as soon as Tyuey wins, of course the war is invalidated, or you'd be fighting your own vassal.
Hmm, all a bit iffy, really, though it remains a technical possibility I suppose. And if Tyuey doesn’t win the subjugation, does any resulting treaty that may arise bind me as liege as well? Meaning I’d have to wait before having my own go at him? I’m not at war with Barsbek – just Tyuey.
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Ch71 Q3: Vassals and Holy Warriors.How likely is it that Sarunas would do this? It could make this a tricky fight if he does. If it is assumed he would summon them, if we occupy his county first with a blocking and besieging force, would that prevent him from summoning not only his own small levy, but potential holy warriors as well? Or could they appear somewhere else in Curonia?
I'm not sure about this but I think this shouldn't affect the decision making, it will be an easy victory or a difficult victory and seemingly the only war we can have at the moment so we should go for it regardless. Directly besieging the province is an interesting idea but again I have no idea if it would work or not.
So no need for the tricksy manoeuvre and it probably wouldn’t have worked if it was?
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Ch71 Q4: Tribal Christians and Holy Warriors.My strong assumption is that as a Christian, Kerpycius would not be able to summon holy warriors (2,000 per 200 piety) even if he wanted to. Anything I need to be wary of about him?
Christian rulers cant raise holy armies until the holy orders(templars, knights hospitaler) form and you should get a popup when they do. If youre not sure just look them up in the title searcher.
by the way, I say, just before declaring war also check if you can go for a konugardhr subjugation. who knows maybe the councillors change their minds.
Makes no difference, I’d tested it out: it is for any war against the chosen country, no matter the CB (as far as my limited experience can tell, anyway. Others may know more.)
Ah, I wanted us to war with the Romuvans for quite some time now. One has to war with every different religious group in turn so that coalitions don't form as easily. After this one, we can directly move on to Minsk as well (if the glory hounds let us)
Yes – it should be a character trait/event: “x% chance character becomes Frustrated (-1 diplomacy) every time the Council unreasonably thwarts his/her warlike aims; may develop into Angry or Depression”. Or something like that.
A lot of frustration for Eilif in this chapter. But at least the threat of Saksa is gone for good, and one has to wonder if Mari will reunite.
Tyuey on the other hand looks like he's not frustrated for a while now, even in dealing with Ukko. Barsbek is a strong target, but he's got a good chance here.
Yes, will be interesting to see what happens with Mari. It was quite evenly divided, but Kinyak may want to subjugate his two young nephews.
Tyuey does seem to have mastered Ukko – for now, anyway. He’s a kind of ‘loyal but determined opposition’ character: not a Hakon, more one who will use legal means (albeit tricksy ones) to make his presence felt. We haven’t seen the last of him!
And Barsbek? As with the ‘title bout’ of Barsbek v Saksa (where Barsbek was ahead on points when Saksa’s death stopped the fight), he remains a formidable opponent. As does Tyuey (who may not be the sovereign liege of Garðariki, but is as - or more - powerful than most independent rulers in the region).
All the boat targets seem to be beyond his grasp at the moment. But things can change … circumstances, alliance, council members and/or their attitudes. But Yudki does look the best prospect on offer for now. The Chernigovan stuff seems a bit iffy for now. Eilif is minded to let Tyuey and Barsbek have their little tiff then see where the cards fall …
I am basically going to second what @alscon says, as his thoughts align with my own.
It does appear that the Norns have been making sport of Eilif lately. Hopefully the threads of his destiny will weave their way to a more glorious course soon...
Those pesky Norns – Past and Present have been a real problem for him. Perhaps the Future will be better? Though watch out what you ask them for :
Double, double toil and trouble;
Fire burn and caldron bubble.
Fillet of a fenny snake,
In the caldron boil and bake;
Eye of newt and toe of frog,
Wool of bat and tongue of dog,
Adder's fork and blind-worm's sting,
Lizard's leg and howlet's wing,
For a charm of powerful trouble,
Like a hell-broth boil and bubble.
A bit Macbethian though for young Eilif’s tastes, I think. Too, well, Hel-ish! Best leave the future a mystery, perhaps: tempting the Fates never works well!
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Next session played, will come out in two parts. Some quite interesting events and action, near and far. Look out for Hakon making his presence felt … and the Fates intervening with characters close to home and in more distant climes.
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Chapter 72: Death Comes Faster Than You Think (14 January – 23 November 898)
Chapter 72: Death Comes Faster Than You Think (14 January – 23 November 898)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … death prowls the world; it comes in equal measure and with no mercy for the young and the old, the powerful and the weak, the good and the evil – often with no warning; but who will be taken next? Eilif thinks he has found a war to satisfy his Council – but can he secure the votes when the critical time comes? Tyueykezhut seeks to subjugate Barsbek the Liberator – but have his plans been compromised by the unexpected death of Saksa the Monster, leaving Barsbek to focus on him alone? And Hakon seems to be rather enjoying his ‘banishment by marriage’, having set himself up as an adventurer in Britannia.
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January-February 898
Old Hrörekr, still the Lawspeaker and convenor of the Þing, reported its wisdom and advice to the king as soon as it had concluded.
“Excellent, I will look to prosecute a conquest of Orsha next and let Tyuey make his own way against Barsbek.”
Eilif ordered the Huscarl Company over to Smaleskja, to form the focal point for the proposed mustering of levies and vassal allies for the campaign against Curonia. Subject of course to Council approval. Jarl Tyueykezhut’s large host (commanded by his new heir Shaman Kezhevat) was by then in Mozhasysk and heading to Bryansk, where one of Barsbek’s Chiefs had sent a small advance party, that seemed to be looping around to the north-east.
A few weeks later, Eilif reviewed the tasks he had the council working on. As always, the Queen Mother remained in Constantinople, working hard to drag Garðarikian technology out of primitivism. The rest remained at important tasks: the Chancellor in Narva attempting to contrive a claim (in case Dyre stubbornly refused to die in custody); the Steward trying to settle Norse tribes-people in Ladoga; the Queen and Seeress bringing the light of Odin to Luki; while the Marshal was still in Pskov, having successfully seen to the arrest of Dyre. His work there was now done, so he was brought back to the capital to train the troops.
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The beginning of February brought the Yaroslavian army into contact with the regiment from Novgorod Seversky: they had been unable to escape before Tyuey’s men fell upon them. First blood to the wily Jarl!
Agents in Mari reported on 7 February that the new High Chief Kinyak sought to build a war chest. Whether it may be for a reunification war or for some other adventure was of course unknown – but an attempt to rebuild Saksa’s realm was the most likely purpose.
During that cold February, tangible evidence of the march of new learning into Garðariki was revealed. Light infantry training in Ladoga improved [to Level 1] – very important in the ‘second county’ of the realm, which had a large levy, most of which was light infantry. And knowledge of castle infrastructure improved in Torzhok [also to Level 1], meaning improved buildings could be constructed – if Eilif were to assemble the money or prestige to build them. He was getting there, but really needed ships first to gain enough of those quickly enough, as his father had.
Word came through that Barsbek had begun to call his vassals into the war with Tyuey by 20 February but by the 24th, the Yaroslavian commander Shaman Kezhevat had killed half of the detachment from Novgorod Seversky in Bryansk and sent the rest fleeing to the south, for relatively small loss. A good start for Tyuey’s campaign.
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March 898
By 17 March, the Huscarls were in Vyazma and nearing Smaleskja. Eilif was impatient and had called the full Council (with the Queen Mother’s proxy) to meet in Nygarðr. It was time to confirm the Council’s support for war with Curonia to conquer Orsha.
Eilif had been burned many times recently and assumed nothing. It was with some anxiety that he put the matter to a formal vote.
“All those who approve of war with High Chief Yudki for the conquest of Orsha, say ‘aye’” said the king quietly, after the Chancellor had read out the consequences of declaring war should they win, lose or be forced into a White Peace.
One by one, starting with Chancellor Tyuey to his right, each member gave a firm ‘aye’, finishing with his wife, the Queen and Seeress Ingrid, seated to his left. The vote was unanimous.
At last, Eilif thought, I have my war of conquest. Now I just have to win the thing. Though the memories of the disastrous war on Karelia remained etched on his memory, despite the later revenge of the raids there. So much could go wrong.
“Hrolfr, summon my levies immediately and have then all gather in Smaleskja,” Hrolfr nodded – it was a well-worn routine. “Tyuey, issue formal calls to arms to all my vassals. But I will not expect you to divert from your war on Barsbek, even if you are prepared to honour the call.”
“Most gracious, My King. I will consider my position and reply in due course.” Hrolfr and Grimr, both present at the meeting, made the same pledge. All believed they would very likely respond in the affirmative (they always had in the past), but appreciated the niceties being observed.
The first to reply was Tyuey himself, six days later. His note was short but welcome:
“Of course I will honour my obligation and my troops are yours should you require them.”
By that time, his main army was in Novgorod Seversky, putting it to siege. Barsbek’s main army, less than half the Yaroslavians’ strength, had arrived in Sugrov (having returned from the discontinued invasion of Mari). They were aiming to pass around Kezhevat and were heading for Bryansk. It would be a game of cat-and-mouse, by the looks of it.
The first Curonian troops were sighted in Orsha – a small company wisely retreating north-west towards Lepiel, no doubt to join up with compatriots coming from further west.
Eilif’s reply to Tyuey was similarly brief, but thankful.
“You do me great honour, Jarl Tyueykezhut. I appreciate your offer but leave you free to continue your fight with Barsbek, in which I wish you the best of luck.”
The rest of the responses came in between 24 March and 1 April. As expected, Hrolfr and Grimr both agreed to send their forces – by now quite large levies. Grimr’s in particular, being so close, would be very useful in the initial stages. But a pleasant surprise was that Vihavald of Ingria, despite a slightly negative disposition towards Eilif, for the first time in many a year summoned the Ingrian levy to the cause! And Eilif’s nephew Buðli also proved his worth, mustering his by now fair-sized levy for the fight. All four were directed to concentrate their forces on the main army, which was assembling around the Huscarls, who by now were in Smaleskja, with Grimr’s main regiment.
As arranged, Tyuey was left with free rein to pursue his own business. This time Tihomir of Luki declined to come this time, though his response the previous time mitigated any ill-will that might have otherwise been engendered. All in all, Eilif was very well pleased: all that hard work to keep a good reputation and relationships with his vassals was paying off in their support for the just war of conquest on Orsha, which all agreed was rightfully a part of Garðariki. [Though perhaps not anyone outside the realm!]
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April 898
On 21 April, reports were received that High Chief Yudki had begun to call his own vassals to arms, starting with Chieftess Saule of Grodno. Word was that Saule had accepted that day and Chief Sarunas of Lepiel did on 25 April. The Christian Chief Kerpycius of Podlasie reportedly declined, however.
As this news filtered in, momentous tidings came from far to the West: King Rögnvaldr the Victorious of Noregr, who was fighting a war of conquest against Scotland, had apparently been captured in battle and was now the prisoner of King Hugh the Fat of Scotland! It seemed he had been badly wounded in the process. Hugh now had Rögnvaldr over the proverbial barrel [100% war score]. Surely he would force the Norwegians into a shameful peace as a result?
By 26 April, Eilif’s advance guard, consisting of the Huscarls (led by Þorsteinn) and Grimr’s main Smaleskjan company, had arrived in Orsha to begin the siege there. More of Eilif’s personal levies and those of the vassals who had answered the call remained further back. Small contingents of Curonian troops had begun to assemble in Lepiel. Tyuey and Barsbek conducted opposing sieges in each others’ territory.
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May 898
In early May, events in the two wars – with Curonia and Chernigov – began to pick up in pace. In the west, Chief Kerpycius, despite reports to the contrary, seemed to have joined his liege after all – and commanded over 1,400 men, who he now marched east across Latgale towards Polotsk, threatening to outflank the attack on Orsha and strike at the Garðarikian heartland. Unlike in previous campaigns, Eilif – a formidable enough military man – had accompanied his forces to the front. He did not intend to engage in combat but had decided he should coordinate the movements of the various forces moving separately around the kingdom. The main-guard of almost 2,000 troops was by now in Smaleskja, due to arrive in Orsha between 8 and 28 May. In the south, Shaman Kezhevat had completed the Yaroslavian occupation of Novgorod Seversky and now marched back to confront the Chernigovans in Bryansk, in what he hoped would be the decisive battle of the war.
Ch72 Q1: Chief Kerpycius.Kerpycius declined Yudki’s call to arms and is not listed as a combatant in the war score screen. But he is in the field, commanding a ‘Curonian’ army. At first I thought this might just be him as a commander or marshal (I checked and he is one of Yudki’s commanders) in charge of forces, not necessarily his own troops. But checking his character screen, it shows him as ‘defending against King Eilif the Just in Garðarikian Conquest of Orsha’. The mouseover didn’t actually specify whether his own levy was present. What is the experts’ read of what is happening here? Just Kerpycius in his capacity as a commander, or would his levies also be participating?
A couple of weeks after his capture, Rögnvaldr had been released by Hugh the Fat! There was no report of a ransom having been paid. But in addition to his recent maiming, Rögnvaldr had apparently returned stressed – and without his balls! Rather than forcing a peace on Noregr, King Hugh had practiced the same barbarity on Rögnvaldr as had been inflicted on Rurik back in Italy after he was captured on a raid. What was it with these Christians? They called themselves Kings and Dukes but were nothing but honourless heathen savages. Rögnvaldr had been brought low by this but the war continued. Only time would tell if Hugh had squandered an opportunity to end it on favourable terms.
In more news from the west of Europa, Hakon had popped up with his host in the Irish county of Connachta, plundering it and capturing many prisoners in the process, which he would ransom off in following days and weeks. The ugly brute was still trying to kill Sölvi Sverkersson, now one of Eilif’s commanders in the Curonian War.
And Hintsa the Spider of Häme was trying to shore up his position – whether against potential Swedish or Garðarikian aggression – by forming an alliance with Kemi.
As the month drew to a close, both wars were hotting up. The main army under Þorsteinn, numbering almost 3,000 including both of Grimr’s companies, was investing Orsha. Sölvi had command of the remaining forces, which were assembling in Smaleskja. The detachments of Vihavald, Hrolfr and Buðli were now ordered to report to him. Once assembled, they would deal with the Curonians who already had a small advance guard in Vitebsk (one of Grimr’s two counties), where their main force was heading under Kerpycius. In the south, the Battle of Bryansk had started on 24 May. By 30 May, the Yaroslavians seemed to be getting the upper hand, with double the enemy's numbers and Chernigovan morale falling, their right flank in retreat.
By that time, the siege of Orsha was about one-third complete: with the enemy garrison ten-to-one, it was predicted the siege would be over in about another three or four weeks. While tempted to assault, Þorsteinn was under orders to avoid unnecessary casualties.
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June 898
The complex campaigns went to the next level in June. On 13 June, Orsha fell. The Curonians had almost 1,600 men concentrated in Vitebsk - but instead of besieging it, they headed on towards Toropets, in the Holmgarðian heartland, with another contingent following on from Polotsk. Buðli was in Torzhok and heading – unwittingly – into an ambush in Toropets, where they would be outnumbered three-to-one. Specific move orders could not be issued [otherwise I would have halted them in Torzhok]. The best that could be done was to cancel the order to join Sölvi in Smaleskja and hope they might find a way around the Curonians. Sölvi still waited for the Ingrian and Vladimiran regiments to join him before he would have the strength to attack Kerpycius himself. With Orsha secured, Eilif ordered Þorsteinn to now march north to Vitebsk: Kerpycius would be gone four days before they would arrive, but they might intercept the Curonian rear-guard and could then be in a position to follow up against Kerpycius if necessary.
In the south, the Battle of Bryansk had taken an unexpected turn. Even though the Yaroslavians still had the advantage in overall numbers, the Chernigovan centre seemed to have defeated their opposite division and had now seen off the Yaroslavian left flank as well. It came down to a battle between the enemy’s centre and Shaman Kezhevat’s left flank – but Yaroslavian morale had plummeted.
Ten days later, Buðli’s levy was in Toropets and making for Vyazma – but they would be too late. The Curonians would hit them before they could escape. Eilif hoped it was not too much of a slaughter, as he had come to respect his nephew for remaining a loyal and uncomplaining Jarl. Perhaps he may delay Kerpycius long enough for Sölvi and then Þorsteinn to catch them. Conversely, the enemy’s rear-guard would be caught in Vitebsk before they could escape: a river defence would not be enough for them to resist around seven times their number. In Bryansk, Tyuey’s men had been defeated, despite outnumbering their enemy by well over two-to-one. Kezhevat was no longer in command, with Chief Setyamka leading the retreat. Tyuey had suffered his first real defeat since he had been subjugated by Rurik years before.
Ch72 Q2. Battle of Bryansk.It must have been one of those battles where a very strong centre manages to win against three more evenly sized divisions, and while the Chernigovans didn’t have a large advantage in heavy infantry, they had started with 300 light cavalry and 85 heavy cavalry – perhaps they had made the difference, in combination with the other arms. That’s my guess, anyway.
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July 898
In early July, Kerpycius had arrived in Toropets to ambush the Belo Ozero contingent, while Þorsteinn was soon wreaking similar destruction on the Curonians left behind in Vitebsk. By 5 July, both battles were nearing their end. Sölvi’s secondary army was finally assembled, with Eilif ordering them to march north to strike Kerpycius in Toropets: Buðli’s and his brave warriors would be avenged. Chernigov had completed the siege of Bryansk and now besieged the temple there.
By 9 July, the enemy had fled in Vitebsk and were being pursued. The same was happening to Buðli’s men in Toropets. On 13 July, Buðli (who was commanding his troops personally) had been defeated, fleeing to Vyazma after having lost almost 200 of his 544 men [no battle screen popped up as it was a vassal-only battle].
The Curonians now made for the capital of Holmgarðr. They were due to arrive on 7 August, but Sölvi would strike them well before they could make it there. Buðli’s fight had delayed the enemy sufficiently – their sacrifice would not have been in vain. Þorsteinn meanwhile had despatched the Curonian force in Vitebsk – a slaughter, with 155 enemy killed for on six Garðarikians. They too made for Toropets, where they would arrive eight days after Sölvi, hopefully in time to catch Kerpycius in the flank. The casualty report from the Buðli’s Battle of Starya Russa came in: he had lost 196 men for 24 Curonians. But Eilif assured his nephew, who had survived the battle, that the enemy would pay many times over in the end.
The next day, news came from the west that Rögnvaldr the Victorious had lost his final fight: maimed, castrated and depressed, he had died on 15 July. His son Olafr had succeeded him, but half of his father’s titles had gone to others. The war against Scotland continued, carried on in the father’s name by the son. Eilif wondered whether Hugh regretted having missed an opportunity to end it when he could have.
“There they are!” cried Sölvi as the enemy were sighted in Toropets on 24 July. “Have at them – their filthy heathen boots despoil our fine soil. Let their blood water our pastures instead. Odin owns them all. Forward!”
He charged bravely, with the vassal levies reinforcing his very strong centre flank. Kerpycius, facing him, was a wily commander but badly outnumbered. He could only hope his own flank commanders defeated their opposites and helped him before he was forced to retreat.
Six days later, Sölvi’s left flank had collapsed and the right was failing, though he was slowly gaining the upper edge in the centre. But he knew something Kerpycius did not: Þorsteinn was due to arrive with the main Garðarikian army any day now.
The first phase of the Battle of Toropets raged, when Eilif received a pleasant surprise. Without any action having been taken to force it, the population of Toropets had embraced Norse culture! They became the first in the realm outside Holmgarðr itself to do so. They must have been inspired by the spectacle of the battle and the Norse warriors come to save them. [A coincidence I suppose, but a pretty amazing one if it is!]
The next day, Þorsteinn arrived with almost 3,000 fresh troops – the second phase of the Battle of Toropets had begun.
“Norselander!” was the cry as the massed levies of Eilif and Grimr smashed into the Curonians’ flank.
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August 898
The reinforcements swelled the Garðarikian centre to over 3,000 troops, who redoubled their efforts and began pushing forward harder. The two flanks now handily outnumbered their opposites, while the new commanders each had an edge over their respective opponents. [The A-Team was in town now!] By 2 August, the Curonian centre was in retreat, with Þorsteinn pursuing. A week later, the enemy’s left followed, while the Garðarikian left fought at close quarters with the Curonian right. On 15 August, the last enemy stragglers were being pursued off the battlefield.
While the battle raged in Toropets, reports of the new King of Noregr began to emerge. It seemed he had declared his ambition to become a Paragon of Virtue – while focusing on seduction in his private life! Fine for a Germanic ruler, it was supposed. Those heathen Christians wouldn’t have approved, though. Olafr was carrying forward the war on Hugh the Fat – and now seemed to be winning. If he ever got his hands on Hugh, it was speculated a Blood Eagle could be on the cards as retribution for what he had done to Olafr’s father.
Victory was declared in Toropets on 17 August – and it was a decisive one. The war was now moving heavily in Eilif’s favour – the Second Battle of Starya Russa[+41% warscore for that alone] satisfactorily revenged Buðli’s earlier misfortune and was a fitting celebration of the county adopting Norse culture. Eilif sent Þorsteinn west to besiege Zemgale while Sölvi would make for Lepiel, where he could also shadow the retreating Curonians.
On 25 August Buðli’s regiments had finished retreating and recovered sufficiently to be ordered once again to join Sölvi. It would take him some time to make it there from Ryazan, on the eastern border with Mordva. The Yaroslavian army was retreating to Pskov at that point, though Tyuey still held Novgorod Seversky while Barsbek sought to complete the second siege in Bryansk[warscore now 12% in Barsbek’s favour after his victory in Bryansk].
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September-October 898
Chief Setyamka rallied the Yaroslavian army in Pskov on 2 September and they started their long march back south again – no doubt bent on revenging themselves on the Chernigovans. Towards the end of that month, word came that Hakon had managed to loot the Tuadhmhumhain tribe of over 16 gold. He seemed to make quite a bold and successful adventurer. Sölvi had begun his siege of Lepiel, Barsbek had fully occupied Bryansk and was back in Novgorod Seversky to retake it. And previously unnoticed, one of his vassals had taken a smaller force up to Tyuey’s capital of Yaroslavl and had taken it! Tyuey’s subjugation attempt was now in serious trouble, as his army made the long trek south – it was still in Luki by the end of September.
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The retreating Curonians had finally rallied in Zemgale by 22 October – and were in danger of being ambushed by Þorsteinn! They headed towards Vilnius and would escape eight days before Þorsteinn – who was actually more interested in taking the county than engaging an already beaten enemy in the field - got there.
That same day, Barsbeck completed his reoccupation of Novgorod Seversky and headed back to Bryansk, with Setyamka closing in with over 3,300 Yaroslavians, by then in Toropets and heading towards Vyazma.
Meanwhile, Hakon must have gained access to ships, as he was next reported to be in Bremen, boldly raiding the Danish enclave there!
This made Eilif think of his old Novgorodian Band, the Garðarikian mercenaries last seen in Frankia, fighting for the Muslims and down to barely 150 men. Dan af Belo Ozero still commanded them and was now known as ‘the Frog’!
“I wonder how he managed to get a nickname like that,” mused Eilif to Gumarich one cold evening in late October.
“I’m sure an interesting story lies behind it, Sire. He is now apparently residing in Saraqusta but is off-contract at present. The Band’s strength has recovered and now sits at over 1,500 men once more.”
Ch72 Q3: Novgorodian Band – Sign-on Fee.I suspect I’ve kind of asked this question before, but now they are available for hire again … I know the monthly remittance of fees comes back to Eilif, but what of the one-off 151.3 gold sign-on fee if Eilif were to hire his ‘own’ mercenary band? Does that go to Dan/the band personally (ie is not recovered, in full or part)?
With the end of October, the routine work of sieges went on in Curonia, their reduced army was watched but ignored as it swung to the south of Sölvi in Lepiel. The main action was now back in the south again, as Setyamka approached Bryansk, seeking a rematch with Barsbek, who was now also heading there. They were due to meet on 22 November. Tyuey desperately needed a victory to reverse the course of his failing attempt to subjugate the resilient Barsbek.
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November 898
Sölvi won the siege of Lepiel Tribe on 18 November. With the surviving Curonian troops circling around to his south, he proceeded to begin reducing the temple holding of Chashniki. The siege of the tribal fort in Zemgale was only in its early stages.
As the war against Curonia proceeded according to plan, Eilif received shocking and surprising news: his sister Queen Ulfhildr of Sviþjod had perished of pneumonia. She was only 23 – way too young to die. She had produced an heir for Eirikr the Depraved, but the non-aggression pact the marriage had brought was ended. Eilif was not sure whether that was a good or a bad thing: it did mean that the recently seized maritime counties in Estonia and Finland were in play, also any Germanic holy sites under Swedish control. But Sviþjod remained powerful and any future war against them would be a stern test. In any case, Eilif now had just two living siblings: and one of them in the oubliette where it was hoped he would die. Perhaps it was better that the Queen Mother had been far away in Constantinople all these years: she had now outlived two of her five children (Helgi being the bastard son of Rurik from a previous woman, whose name was lost to history).
There was better news the following day: Eilif had completed his language studies with his Chancellor, to the benefit of his learning and diplomatic skills. He may remain completely naïve about matters of espionage, but Eilif was slowly surmounting his ‘dullness’ to become a generally competent ruler – greatly aided by a brilliant wife and able Councillors.
The Yaroslavian army had arrived in Bryansk on 22 November, only to find that Barsbek had stayed in NovgorodSeversky after all, avoiding another battle in Bryansk. He also seemed to have lost – or had sent away – around 300 troops. With almost two-to-one numerical superiority and sensing fear in the enemy, Setyamka struck south. He was confident in his superior numbers – including around 170 light cavalry of his own - and the enemy's apparent fear of a fight. The battle was due to commence on 13 December.
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Questions
Ch72 Q1: Chief Kerpycius.Kerpycius declined Yudki’s call to arms and is not listed as a combatant in the war score screen. But he is in the field, commanding a ‘Curonian’ army. At first I thought this might just be him as a commander or marshal (I checked and he is one of Yudki’s commanders) in charge of forces, not necessarily his own troops. But checking his character screen, it shows him as ‘defending against King Eilif the Just in Garðarikian Conquest of Orsha’. The mouseover didn’t actually specify whether his own levy was present. What is the experts’ read of what is happening here? Just Kerpycius in his capacity as a commander, or would his levies also be participating?
Ch72 Q2. Battle of Bryansk.It must have been one of those battles where a very strong centre manages to win against three more evenly sized divisions, and while the Chernigovans didn’t have a large advantage in heavy infantry, they had started with 300 light cavalry and 85 heavy cavalry – perhaps they had made the difference, in combination with the other arms. That’s my guess, anyway.
Ch72 Q3: Novgorodian Band – Sign-on Fee.I suspect I’ve kind of asked this question before, but now they are available for hire again … I know the monthly remittance of fees comes back to Eilif, but what of the one-off 151.3 gold sign-on fee if Eilif were to hire his ‘own’ mercenary band? Does that go to Dan/the band personally (ie is not recovered, in full or part)?
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Death came in royal halls and on the battlefield alike, quicker than any of those who suffered it believed it would. But no deaths were better than those of the many Curonian heathens who fell at the Second Battle of Starya Russa in 898 AD. Made even more glorious by the adoption of Norse ways by the people of Toropets at the critical point of the battle. Blood and battle were never better!
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Military Folkmote – November 898 (a summary of advice from Chapter 72)
Certainly an eventful chapter here. The war for Orsha goes well despite a few hiccups, and while it's probably not overall a good thing that Jarl Tyuey is losing his war I'm sure Eilif is (discreetly) taking some small comfort in the fact that the man's levies have been thinned out a bit.
Eilif will privately be hoping it’s a close run victory to Barsbek. For the reasons you give, and so he can have a go himself at a subjugation perhaps against an exhausted ‘Liberator’.
I'm sure Hakon might be thinking that plotting to murder the king was the best thing he's ever done. Not because it succeeded, on the contrary !
Scottish kings on the other hand somehow have a tendency to be brutal... poor Rögnvaldr. At least his son may be able to avenge him - in the same war, no less.
In personal news, Eilif is doing fairly well for himself. The war goes well, Toropets turned Norse, he's a capable enough king. Good times overall, even if Ulfhildr died (an opportunity, after all) and Tyuey lost his first battle.
Yes, it was a great moment! Also, I realised later, the Crown Focus had been on Toropets for some time. I don’t think it has any impact on things like counties turning to the state religion, but if it does, I’m sure someone will let me know!
Yes, Hakon may well have ‘a kangaroo loose in the top paddock’, but it seems to be working for him. And if he gets captured and killed or horribly maimed by the King of Denmark? Well, no tears being shed or ransoms paid in Nygarðr!
You will find out soon how the Yaroslavians fare this time – it’s a pretty interesting war they are having and I wish I had more first hand info on their battles, but am following as best I can.
They certainly have! I wonder if Hugh will get the same treatment as the Ragnarrsons administered when this happened to their father! Olafr seems like he wants to try …
Ch72 Q1: Chief Kerpycius.Kerpycius declined Yudki’s call to arms and is not listed as a combatant in the war score screen. But he is in the field, commanding a ‘Curonian’ army. At first I thought this might just be him as a commander or marshal (I checked and he is one of Yudki’s commanders) in charge of forces, not necessarily his own troops. But checking his character screen, it shows him as ‘defending against King Eilif the Just in Garðarikian Conquest of Orsha’. The mouseover didn’t actually specify whether his own levy was present. What is the experts’ read of what is happening here? Just Kerpycius in his capacity as a commander, or would his levies also be participating?
That sounds like what's most likely going on here. Vassals of a lord at war still get the marker on their character page and can be called upon to command even if they aren't direct participants themselves -- probably a UI holdover from the standard / feudal mechanics.
Yeah, he's just Yudki's commander, having left his own forces out of the war. The tooltip shows all the participants, and Kerpycius isn't listed as one.
Thanks all – that seems to confirm what I eventually worked out. Useful to know for subsequent situations.
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Ch72 Q2. Battle of Bryansk.It must have been one of those battles where a very strong centre manages to win against three more evenly sized divisions, and while the Chernigovans didn’t have a large advantage in heavy infantry, they had started with 300 light cavalry and 85 heavy cavalry – perhaps they had made the difference, in combination with the other arms. That’s my guess, anyway.
That sounds like what most likely happened here, perhaps with a little help from one side having better commanders or the other having worse rolls for flank tactics (there are a few really bad ones that commanders with certain traits can get that actually result in their troops performing worse than usual, and the chances are even higher if they have a low Martial skill to boot).
Thanks - always a little harder to tell when you can't follow the conflict first hand. And Eilif does want to know, in case he finds himself fighting Barsbek soon, if Tyuey can't win his subjugation (which is looking a bit rocky at present).
As a liberator, Barsbek has a high quality army and is an excellent commander himself. Add to that the fact that Tyuey's tribal army is far weaker once it is out of the skirmish phase, and you have his victory. Perhaps Tyuey's men will win round two though.
Very strong centre without flanks to at least stand their ground against enemy flanks is actually a bad setup but if he had the flanks that at least delayed the flanks of Tyuey while having an overwhelming center that might've been it. Also, light infantry is really useless and heavy cavalry is really powerful so what happened might be quantity vs quality as well.
Sounds like it was – though the result was close. Tyuey seemed on top at first but then fell away. It will give him (and his army commander) some hope for next time.
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Ch72 Q3: Novgorodian Band – Sign-on Fee.I suspect I’ve kind of asked this question before, but now they are available for hire again … I know the monthly remittance of fees comes back to Eilif, but what of the one-off 151.3 gold sign-on fee if Eilif were to hire his ‘own’ mercenary band? Does that go to Dan/the band personally (ie is not recovered, in full or part)?
Not really sure about this one, to be honest. The wiki doesn't specify beyond saying "the band will pay 15% of its income into your treasury," and unfortunately doesn't specify whether that includes the initial hiring fee.
OK, so probably a discount for hiring your own band, but not an enormous one. I’m sure I’ll test it out at some point – but for now, Eilif is counting the pennies. He needs those ships and rich raids!!!
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Thanks for the excellent comments – it was a shorter and simpler set of questions this time, mainly battle-related, so a full Þing did not need to be called. A Military Folkmote instead, as Rurik often used to do when on campaign or raid – in the ‘good old days’! Next session played, in process of writing up.
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Chapter 73: Ambitions (23 November 898 – 1 March 899)
Chapter 73: Ambitions (23 November 898 – 1 March 899)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif’s war on Curonia is approaching its final stages but is not over yet as the Curonians attempt to strike back; Jarl Tyuey, put out by his first narrow loss against Barsbek the Liberator, sends his army back under a new commander for revenge and to get his subjugation attempt back on track; Eilif is still thinking of options to make his council more compliant – their glory-seeking is making his expansion plans more difficult than they should be; and will the recent death of Eilif’s sister, the Queen of Sviþjod, lead to a clash of Norse royal ambitions now that the family bond has been lost? Or will peace between them prevail?
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November 898
The Curonian and Chernigovan campaigns remained in full flight. In the south, Chief Setyamka had arrived in Bryansk on 23 November to find the Chernigovans had halted in Novgorod Seversky, avoiding a fight. The Yaroslavians had decided to press their numerical superiority and marched to attack them. In the west, Þorsteinn besieged Zemgale. Sölvi sought to complete the occupation of Lepiel, while Jarl Buðli marched to join him, having rallied his companies and brought them back from the east. But the (reduced but recovered) Curonian army had arrived in Minsk on 26 November and now aimed to hit Orsha, where it would arrive the day Buðli would have been due to leave it.
Given the siege of Chashniki in Lepiel had barely begun, Sölvi lifted it and marched to Orsha: if Buðli was caught, he would only have to hold out three days before the Garðarikian army would rescue him and smash the Curonians, who would be attacking across a small river. Leaving Buðli swinging in the wind twice would not be fair - or just.
Far away from the fighting, Jarl Tyueykezhut was in Narva. Trying to find a claim on the county against Eilif’s imprisoned brother Dyre. And he was fuming – his reform plans were being thwarted. The pleasures of having Chief Ukko once again were made plain. He was the gift that kept on taking!
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December 898
By 3 December, the Curonians had discovered Sölvi’s move and had halted in Minsk, trying to swing behind Sölvi and slip into Lepiel. Buðli would now be safe and Orsha left unscathed. But that wasn’t enough for Sölvi: he wanted the Curonians put out of action for the rest of the war. Therefore, the next day he took his mixed host of royal troops, Ingrians and Vladimirans and marched on Minsk, where the two forces would meet in twenty days after the Curonians had again halted.
In the south, on 13 December the main armies of Yaroslavl and Chernigov again met in battle, in the fields of Novgorod Seversky. After ten days, the enemy’s left flank had broken. They were suffering heavier casualties than their more numerous Yaroslavian opponents and their morale was failing.
And on 24 December, the Battle of Minsk began. By then, Buðli had arrived in Lepiel and now marched to reinforce Sölvi – he would arrive in another week. Almost immediately, it was discovered the enemy’s right flank was virtually unmanned. [Pity the two poor suckers left out there to provide a distraction! ] Two days later, the Curonian centre was under attack from the Garðarikian right flank in addition to their very strong central division. But the fighting on the other flank was far more even and the Curonian centre was being tenaciously defended.
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January 899
As the new year (by the Christian calendar) began, both battles were still in progress. In Minsk, Jarl Buðli had arrived – and somewhat unwisely pulled rank on Sölvi (who was a far better commander), assuming command! His troops at least were welcome. The fight was proving quite a tough one. But in the south, things had again turned sour for Yaroslavl – somehow. Their centre and right divisions had broken, though the Chernigovan right had joined their left in fleeing the battle. This left the enemy centre – apparently commanded by Barsbek himself - against the Yaroslavian left. And it seemed Chernigovan morale had held up better over time. Tyuey was staring another defeat straight in the eye!
While their respective forces did battle on their behalf, Tyuey and Eilif were back from the fighting. It was now that Tyuey decided to call in his favour on the King: he would force a vote on enacting a Tax Shifted Noble Obligations Law for the realm!
“A wha – what?” asked Eilif of his old Lawspeaker Hrörekr.
“It is a law whereby noble vassals pay more tax but are not obliged to send as many levies as they would otherwise have to send to their liege.”
“But, I didn’t think any of them paid me any tax anyway!”
“They don’t, My Liege.”
“Nor are they obliged to send me levies for service. I can only call them to war as allies, to which they can choose to accept or not.”
“Correct again, My Liege.”
Eilif paused for a minute. Though he had improved his reasoning abilities through study, hard work and experience, it still took him a while to figure things out. Especially when they made no sense! He always felt he was missing something important.
“So, in essence, this whole exercise is rather pointless, isn’t it? Am I missing something here, Hrörekr?”
“I don’t believe so, My King. This is a law more suited to feudal societies, like those of Europa.”
“Right. So he’s wasting his time? But can you please check with your experts at the next Þing – I don’t want us to overlook something in the fine print of this law. Tyuey is usually very cunning. I’d feel more comfortable if we checked out every angle.”
“Of course, My Liege.”
Ch73 Q1: Tyuey’s Legal Bid.Just checking here about the Tax Shifted Noble Obligations law Tyuey is forcing a vote on. Have I got that right – that it doesn’t really matter to a tribal society anyway? I get that it might later on, so I may still want to see it voted down on general principles, but it doesn’t seem to have any immediate impact. If it passed, would it have any other effect (practical or procedural) I haven’t picked up on? Or has Tyuey pretty much wasted a favour?
Two days later, Barsbek again emerged triumphant from another bruising encounter - if only just. As far as Eilif could discover, by the time the pursuit had ended, Tyuey had lost over 700 men and Barsbek over 300. A tough encounter, but a big loss for Yaroslavl in terms of their prosecution of the war.
In Minsk, the Curonians hung on grimly. Their central division had managed to fall back to a defile that forced Buðli to attack on a narrow front, mitigating the Garðarikian advantage in numbers. Nonetheless, it looked like it wouldn’t be enough. The Garðarikian right was beginning to falter, but still held on. And two days later, after brave resistance, the Curonian centre broke. With Buðli now free to attack the remaining enemy division, the Garðarikian right was saved. By 10 January, the whole enemy force was in retreat.
And the Yaroslavian army was by then in a ‘shattered retreat from Novgorod Seversky, with the aim of rallying way to the north in Holmgarðr. Whether Tyuey would still be in the fight by the time they reached there was a moot point, let alone the question of whether the Chancellor would try for a “third time’s the charm” attack on the wily Barsbek.
As the pursuit in Minsk continued, word came from nearby that the Poles had completed their conquest of Lyubech. Yet another of Halfdan's shrinking realm chipped away.
But King Eilif’s campaign was meeting with far better fortune that Tyuey's. 17 January brought two victories at once. The siege of the tribal holding in Zemgale was won (with no losses), while the pursuit of the Curonian army in the Battle of Minsk was completed, with another clear victory: almost half the enemy’s army had been destroyed [and a hefty 21% warscore added].
Ch73 Q2: Temporary Garrisons.I’ve been meaning to ask this for a while but only just remembered now: what happens to the garrison left behind in temporarily occupied holdings when the war ends? In this case, 52 soldiers in Zemgale. First, do these troops come from the attacking army or are they raised at first from the gained area? If they do come from the main army, are they returned on the conclusion of the peace treaty or do they disappear? It’s not a big amount here but I have been curious for a while: could be quite a few troops in a larger war. If anyone knows the mechanics of this, it would be interesting.
These two victories were decisive: High Chief Yudki had fought doughtily enough but could no longer deny he was totally beaten. When pressed, he conceded defeat. And it had been a real alliance war, with Eilif’s vassals gaining more than half the prestige from the victory. The King was happy with this as it vindicated his approach to gaining the trust of key vassals as a means of fighting the realm’s wars more effectively when his own levy was less than Rurik had to hand in his heyday.
Orsha became a direct part of Eilif’s personal demesne. It was not a highly developed county and would remain disrupted for some time as a result of its conquest, but it was the first addition to the King’s personal holdings since the death of his father. Eilif was quietly pleased and celebrated heartily when he received the news.
The royal troops of both the armies had been ordered to home territory for dispersal: the vassal regiments had left immediately on the conclusion of the peace. For Sölvi it would be a quick trip back to the newly won Orsha. Þorsteinn would have a longer march back to Pskov across Lithuanian territory.
But in the aftermath of the defeat at Novgorod Seversky, Tyuey’s subjugation war on Barsbek was in big trouble. His own capital was still occupied by one of Barsbek’s vassals and his army had taken heavy punishment. And unlike Barsbek, he seemed not to have called in any of his own vassals.
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February 899
Another vignette from the war on Curonia played out on 1 February: Chief Ladimir of Belo Ozero, one of Buðli’s vassals, had been captured by the Curonian Chief Sarunas during the first Battle of Starya Russa in Toropets. It was unclear whether he had been injured in battle first and then a ransom was paid or if he was mutilated after capture and released. The latter was suspected. But he emerged from captivity missing an eye and deranged. Added onto his other largely undesirable traits, this latest in a line of troublesome Slovenskys still hated Buðli with a passion. Eilif was glad it was his nephew’s problem to handle.
Word of Hakon’s Host raiding in the county of Sticht in western Europa came as something of a surprise. Until it became clear this was another Hakon’s Host. [Hakon Helgisson should have taken out copyright on the title! Either that or sought a franchisor’s commission.]
“Sire,” reported a beaming Marshal Hrolfr one mid-February day, his breath fogging in the cold northern winter. “I bring fine news. Our knowledge of siege equipment had increased in Toropets!”
“More good news from that excellent county! I’m glad I’ve retained my crown focus there – true Norsemen now, one and all.” But after a short pause, Eilif looked a little uncertain. “Uh, it sounds like great news, Hrolfr, but what does it actually do? That is different from how we already prosecute sieges as a realm?”
“Ah, right, good question my liege. I’ll ask our siege master.”
Ch73 Q3. Siege Equipment Knowledge in Subordinate Counties.Do I infer correctly from this that each separate contingent in a combined army laying siege has a different siege factor being applied according to the siege equipment level of its home county? Which are all then totalled in some algorithm by the game engine? So that troops from Toropets will contribute a little bit more than those from a county that hasn’t achieved that level yet? I hadn’t really thought about it to this point in that much granularity. With no active sieges or troops in the field to check now, is there somewhere I can mouse over to see that info in peacetime?
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1 March 899
Þorsteinn’s army finished its long return journey from Curonia on 1 March and the levies were all dismissed. Tyuey’s army was almost back to Holmgarðr – and not a moment too soon, as they had suffered considerable further attrition during their rout from the south.
At this point in his reign, Eilif had never been stronger. His recruitment levels for the levy regiments were almost topped out. His son was now two years old and his troublesome brother languishing in jail [the Scar, Mufasa and now Simba comparisons keep coming to mind. I think Hrörekr must be the Rafiki character]. His prestige was such that he could now, if he wished, summon a tribal army of his own. Or see some new tribal buildings commenced. Even the treasury was looking fairly healthy – enough to hire a mercenary band or commission some smaller buildings. And he had added a new county to his demesne, which in time would contribute more levies.
Eilif’s vassals remained largely under control (whether through amicable relationships or safely in jail). Tyuey was still the strongest whether measured by realm or demesne size or military power. But the latter had been considerably reduced by his so far losing war against Barsbek. The disparity in size had been brought back into proportion – so if anything were to go wrong now with either Tyuey or a successor in Yaroslavl, Eilif was in a far stronger position internally.
Gumarich der Schreiber reported that at that time, in the world as known to them, Garðariki had around the thirtieth largest army of all realms. The largest remained that of the Byzantine Empire, followed by Syria, Andalusia and the Arabian Empire. Of the Norse realms, Sviþjod retained the largest military, closely followed by Denmark. After that, Noregr and Jorvik also had more royal troops than Garðariki.
In terms of realm size, Garðariki ranked a little higher – at number 25. Again, the Byzantine Empire was the behemoth, far ahead of any competitor. Andalusia, the Indian realms of Karnata and Rajputana and then the Arabians were the next largest, those in that second cohort all of roughly similar size. Denmark was clearly the leading Norse realm by size, twice that of their nearest Norse competitors of Jorvik and Sviþjod, with Garðariki not too far behind them.
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Next Steps
Having taken stock of his realm’s position and Gardariki’s place in the broader world, Eilif now considered what he should do next. He left more large-scale raiding off the table for now: he had enough gold and prestige for the moment and would not get much more for the time and effort expended looking for small border counties that had not been bled dry recently. He needed ships – then perhaps he would look at some seaborne raids further afield.
With the non-aggression pact with Sviþjod now lapsed after his sister’s death and King Eirkr’s recent encroachments into areas the Rurikids had long coveted, his eyes turned in that direction to see what might be done. Eirikr maintained a strong army, as we have seen above. Reval and Finland both contained shipyards Eilif would dearly love to get his hands on. And Eirikr was in the middle of a war in his far-off European possessions. Perhaps he may be distracted?
He fought Duke Lambert of Luxembourg in an attempt to conquer Breda. Eirikr was thought to have the upper hand, but while he occupied Breda, Lambert had managed to take two of Eirikr’s holdings in Brabant. The numbers of troops there weren’t known, but it must be a considerable part if not all of his personal levy. Perhaps that meant those Baltic holdings could be vulnerable?
The glory hounds on the Council would all back a risky war on Sweden, of course. It would also have the benefit of bringing Garðariki closer to controlling sufficient Germanic holy sites to reform the religion. Only Queen Ingrid urged caution. But the terms a war could be waged on were limited, which confused the king somewhat.
“So Tyuey, you’re saying the only options available are full subjugation or an extortion of tribute?”
“That’s what the tribal law experts are telling me, King Eilif.”
“But I though that as Norse pagans we could conquer any border county – and Garðariki shares a border with Reval via Narva – or any coastal county; which they both are.”
“It is a conundrum, My Liege.”
“One that I wish you to solve, Tyuey. Consult the Þing on this. Otherwise, it looks like we would need to go through the laborious process of fabricating a claim. Finding someone else we could claim it on behalf of isn’t really what I’m after: I want to hold the shipyards directly. Personally. And I don’t much want to be in the business of supporting people in a claim only to revoke it straight afterwards. It would no doubt upset the rest of you!”
Ch73 Q4: Casus Belli on Sweden.As laid out in the narrative, I simply don’t understand this one. Any idea as to what is preventing me from launching such a war on Sweden? I’ve looked and it works for the other surrounding realms, but maybe not on Noregr, for example, who I also don’t have a NAP with (I do with Denmark, so couldn’t test this on them). Is there fine print somewhere that says the tribal pagan single county conquest does not work on other Norse-Germanic realms or realms of the same culture and/or religion?
Although Minsk was now on the new border (and part of the de jure Russian Empire), the Council would not (of course) support a war against Lithuania, which owned it. That would be too easy. The other principal option remained Barsbek. A subjugation could not be launched while Tyuey’s war continued. Any one of the border provinces could be conquered, but Eilif was reluctant to interfere with or complicate the war between Barsbek and Tyuey. On the one hand, it would further weaken Barsbek. But if Tyuey ended up winning as a result, he would get the subjugation. Or if he lost, but Eilif won the county, there would [presumably] be a long peace treaty in place that would delay a subjugation.
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The Council
This left Eilif with the option of trying to get the Council on side to approve the ‘less glorious’ but more numerous and profitable wars he wished to wage. So the King turned his attentions there. Now that he had a few coins in the coffers, perhaps he could ply a couple of his Councillors with gifts? If enough was spent, that should make them loyalists, he thought to himself. It would be less disruptive and perhaps more likely to succeed than firing and hiring people who may be more amenable than those already there.
Eilif calculated gifts of 15 gold would generally improve Councillors’ opinion of him considerably. Tyuey would need a gift of 25 gold to improve his regard. But in no case would one payment alone be sufficient to make the Councillor unshakeably loyal [ie the 95%+ opinion I’m assuming is needed]. Even for the Queen Mother, barring the resolution of the issue of Dyre, a single gift would not quite be enough.
Narrowing down the list of potential targets for largesse (with 200 gold in the treasury), Tyuey would be too expensive (a higher cost and probably three bribes needed in total to sway him - and he was, the investment could be of short-lived value). Money for Queen Ingrid was unnecessary at this stage, as she generally supported Eilif on the votes he needed to win but couldn’t. And Eilif would prefer not to use money to persuade his mother: both on the principle of it, but also because her favour may well return if the impasse with Dyre could be fixed – somehow.
That left Marshal Hrolfr, Steward Egill and Advisor Grimr. Each would probably take two payments to sway sufficiently. Of the three, Hrolfr and Grimr were the more consequential, being powerful landholders in their own rights. It would be useful for Eilif to have one or both of them even more supportive than they currently were. He summoned his Lawspeaker for a delicate task.
“Hrörekr, how are you these days? Your seem a little tired.”
“Oh, well enough Sire, for a man of my advanced years and with a canker eating away at my tough old innards,” replied the doughty ex-Chancellor.
Even though he was now 64 years old and riddled with cancer – and looking increasingly like Emperor Palpatine - he carried on serving faithfully, as he always had, even when Jarl Tyuey had assumed his old post as Rurik’s original Chancellor.
“I have something sensitive for you. Ask some selected and trustworthy attendees at the Þing this evening about what it would take to swing a couple of stubborn Councillors around to become loyalists, by way of a gift of coin. I have a note here with my detailed questions.”
“Of course, My Liege,” said the old man, discretely pocketing the note.
Ch73 Q5: Councillor Disposition and Relationship Score.We touched on this recently but now things are getting more specific. Will any Councillor with 95%+ opinion of the king automatically become a Loyalist in Council? Or can that be mitigated by other factors? It affects the ‘value proposition’ for bribing Councillors into compliance.
Ch73 Q6: Gifts.I take it (and am pretty sure I have read in other AARs) that you can provide more than one gift as many times as you want but want to be sure before I start throwing scarce coin around. Follow-up question is does the amount for next time increase each time you give a gift? And/or the amount of opinion gain decrease with subsequent gifts? That is, bribe inflation in cost and deflation in effect. If neither, excellent. If so, is there a rough rule of thumb as to how much the cost is likely to increase from bribe to bribe, or the effect decrease? I need an idea of these things before I can decide the cost effectiveness of doing it and whether I can afford the money to swing two councillors – probably Hrolfr and Grimr – my way.
Another option would be to replace a Councillor with someone who may be more compliant. Even three bribes may not swing Egill enough, though two might do it. And he was the most expendable of the lot. At the moment, because of that irritating vote Tyuey had forced, none of them could be replaced. Eilif wasn’t sure how long it would take to resolve. [Or do I need to actively call the vote now for it to be resolved?]And now none of them seem to be decided on which way to vote anyway!
Egill was a perfectly competent steward and, despite a fair few character flaws, had not caused any trouble since joining the realm. But he was far from being a loyalist. And would be unable to cause too much trouble if dismissed.
On the list of possible replacements from around the realm and beyond, the pick of the alternatives seemed to be one Sumarliði Olafrsson from the kingdom of Noregr. He was currently being misemployed by his Chief (whom he loathed – and was loathed by even more) as a commander. He would be willing to join the kingdom and was a superior steward. He already had a high opinion of Eilif, which of course should be boosted with a Council appointment. Despite being a homosexual, he had the ambition of getting married. So if he came to the Garðarikian court and Eilif found him a match, that would be another boost to his opinion of his new liege. He was also a content young man, was Norse Germanic and was only 17 years old, so many good years ahead of him.
Ch73 Q7: Sumarliði.Just checking on a few things here. Hope I have my calculation right about the marriage bonus, if I wait until he is Eilif’s courtier. Is that content +25 a bonus on his opinion of his liege (my assumption), or his liege’s opinion of him? In terms of the homosexual attraction bonus, who does that apply to? Just other male homosexual characters? A check on Grimr’s relationships with other characters seemed to indicate that was the case. All that said, any views on whether changing to Sumarliði might be a good trade? I could invite him to the court and then test his likely leanings on council once I’m able to change them over I again, I presume.
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Building Options
Other than bribing Councillors or leaving money in reserve to hire mercenaries for any larger war or emergency, the money saved could also be used for projects. Given its newly acquired status and the upheaval there, Orsha was not considered a good place to invest at the moment. But range of options existed in the ‘home counties’ of the Jarldom of Holmgarðr. A market city[Level III] could be built in Holmgarðr, or a market town [Level II] in Torzhok. A reinforced hillfort [Level III] could also be built in Torzhok but was not considered a military necessity or worth the coin at this stage.
In terms of using prestige to attract new people to establish new tribal buildings, there was a wide choice. Such improvements were always desirable but acquiring one now would cost the majority or for some almost all of Eilif’s accrued prestige. It would have an effect on his standing in the kingdom and perhaps more importantly if he had any ambitious war plans in the near future, it would mean he could no longer summon a tribal army.
Ch73 Q8: New Buildings.If Eilif were to go along the building path, are there any views as to which would be the best and most cost-effective choices at this point, on general principles for an early-game tribal realm? Of course, longer term plans would affect whether such a choice was pursued – more on that below. I’m just asking which would be the best if he was more interested in building up that going on the warpath in the near to mid-term.
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General Directions
Depending in part on the advice he received on his many questions (diplomatic, political, military and developmental), this left Eilif with a broader choice to make.
One path would be to seek a large-scale war in the near future, for which (in the case of a big once-in-a-lifetime subjugation of Sweden for example) he may well require extra troops: both a tribal army and mercenaries. In which case money and prestige should be saved for that.
A middle path would be for a series of anticipated military actions but perhaps smaller in scale, ranging from a subjugation of Chernigov (if Barsbek beat off Tyuey’s current attempt) or smaller border conquest wars if the Council was made more malleable. That course would mean money being spent on ‘gifts’ to influence Council members (current or new). Current troop levels may be sufficient – with vassal support – to conduct those wars, but the ability to call in a host if necessary would be useful in case things got out of hand and mercenaries could no longer be afforded. And in the meantime, maintaining prestige would boost vassal opinion and make it more likely waverers may send contingents. And left-over money might be used on some of those waverers if it would make the difference and provide a good-sized regiment.
A third path would be to bide time and build again, perhaps conduct a few raids again and look out for smaller opportunities that may come along for border conquests against weak opponents. In that case, perhaps prestige could be used for a new building that would boost troop numbers or efficiency and some money (left over after Councillor influencing) could perhaps be found for a market improvement.
Eilif would make his decision after advice from the Þing.
Ch73 Q9: Ambitions.Any general views on preferred paths (including variations or other options) always welcome. Can be as detailed (pros and cons) or general and brief as you like! Option 1: Warpath; retain cash and prestige until needed. Option 2: Middle Road; cash spent on getting the Council compliant, hold onto prestige. Option 3: wait and 'Build Tall'; cash on Council and maybe a market building, prestige on a tribal building.
With that, Eilif sat down and tucked into a haunch of venison and a horn of mead, awaiting the advice of the Þing. At this major watershed in his reign, as options promised to open up for him, he had asked more questions of his advisors than at any previous Þing he or his father had called.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Questions
I know this is a lot of questions, but it is a major decision point for Eilif’s reign. As always, commenters are very welcomed to address all questions but you should never feel obliged to. Skip some if they are not in your area of interest or knowledge – or all of them if you just prefer general or brief commenting. All forms of comment – including a simple ‘thanks, enjoyed that, I’m still reading’ or an ‘agree’ tick – are very valued.
Ch73 Q1: Tyuey’s Legal Bid.Just checking here about the Tax Shifted Noble Obligations law Tyuey is forcing a vote on. Have I got that right – that it doesn’t really matter to a tribal society anyway? I get that it might later on, so I may still want to see it voted down on general principles, but it doesn’t seem to have any immediate impact. If it passed, would it have any other effect (practical or procedural) I haven’t picked up on? Or has Tyuey pretty much wasted a favour?
Ch73 Q2: Temporary Garrisons.I’ve been meaning to ask this for a while but only just remembered now: what happens to the garrison left behind in temporarily occupied holdings when the war ends? In this case, 52 soldiers in Zemgale. First, do these troops come from the attacking army or are they raised at first from the gained area? If they do come from the main army, are they returned on the conclusion of the peace treaty or do they disappear? It’s not a big amount here but I have been curious for a while: could be quite a few troops in a larger war. If anyone knows the mechanics of this, it would be interesting.
Ch73 Q3. Siege Equipment Knowledge in Subordinate Counties.Do I infer correctly from this that each separate contingent in a combined army laying siege has a different siege factor being applied according to the siege equipment level of its home county? Which are all then totalled in some algorithm by the game engine? So that troops from Toropets will contribute a little bit more than those from a county that hasn’t achieved that level yet? I hadn’t really thought about it to this point in that much granularity. With no active sieges or troops in the field to check now, is there somewhere I can mouse over to see that info in peacetime?
Ch73 Q4: Casus Belli on Sweden.As laid out in the narrative, I simply don’t understand this one. Any idea as to what is preventing me from launching such a war on Sweden? I’ve looked and it works for the other surrounding realms, but maybe not on Noregr, for example, who I also don’t have a NAP with (I do with Denmark, so couldn’t test this on them). Is there fine print somewhere that says the tribal pagan single county conquest does not work on other Norse-Germanic realms or realms of the same culture and/or religion?
Ch73 Q5: Councillor Disposition and Relationship Score.We touched on this recently but now things are getting more specific. Will any Councillor with 95%+ opinion of the king automatically become a Loyalist in Council? Or can that be mitigated by other factors? It affects the ‘value proposition’ for bribing Councillors into compliance.
Ch73 Q6: Gifts.I take it (and am pretty sure I have read in other AARs) that you can provide more than one gift as many times as you want but want to be sure before I start throwing scarce coin around. Follow-up question is does the amount for next time increase each time you give a gift? And/or the amount of opinion gain decrease with subsequent gifts? That is, bribe inflation in cost and deflation in effect. If neither, excellent. If so, is there a rough rule of thumb as to how much the cost is likely to increase from bribe to bribe, or the effect decrease? I need an idea of these things before I can decide the cost effectiveness of doing it and whether I can afford the money to swing two councillors – probably Hrolfr and Grimr – my way.
Ch73 Q7: Sumarliði.Just checking on a few things here. Hope I have my calculation right about the marriage bonus, if I wait until he is Eilif’s courtier. Is that content +25 a bonus on his opinion of his liege (my assumption), or his liege’s opinion of him? In terms of the homosexual attraction bonus, who does that apply to? Just other male homosexual characters? A check on Grimr’s relationships with other characters seemed to indicate that was the case. All that said, any views on whether changing to Sumarliði might be a good trade? I could invite him to the court and then test his likely leanings on council once I’m able to change them over I again, I presume.
Ch73 Q8: New Buildings.If Eilif were to go along the building path, are there any views as to which would be the best and most cost-effective choices at this point, on general principles for an early-game tribal realm? Of course, longer term plans would affect whether such a choice was pursued – more on that below. I’m just asking which would be the best if he was more interested in building up that going on the warpath in the near to mid-term.
Ch73 Q9: Ambitions.Any general views on preferred paths (including variations or other options) always welcome. Can be as detailed (pros and cons) or general and brief as you like! Option 1: Warpath; retain cash and prestige until needed. Option 2: Middle Road; cash spent on getting the Council compliant, hold onto prestige. Option 3: wait and Build Tall; cash on Council and maybe a market building, prestige on a tribal building.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
A Rurikid era gold coin, found among the sealed stone chests of the Rurikid Scroll trove.
Eilif must now decide whether and how to spend his hard-earned gold and prestige which he has spent years building up to arrive at this point in his reign. He now has genuine strategic options and his next decisions will set the tone for Garðariki for some years to come.
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The Tenth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – March 899 (a summary of advice from Chapter 73)
I am seeing if he dies in the oubliette first. If it drags on too long, maybe I’ll try the banishment instead. He’s also still the heir, so ii Eilif dies unexpectedly, the Dyre will be very powerful and I’d suddenly be playing him! And having to rewrite some history from his perspective
When he was first crowned king, I would've never expected he would be able to achieve so much. The seemingly dull Eilif has became a real good ruler. I'm proud for him.
What about the Sami or Sapmi or whatever on the north? They also seem to have coastal provinces, are they big enough to satisfy the pesky glory hounds?
I think I will try. If he can be a loyalist or pragmatist, then I really only need one more to tie I have a 3-3 council and I can use my deciding vote to send it in the right direction. Or so I hope.
And a first success in the bag for Eilif. Tyuey's war does look to end in a failure though.
That second Hakon must have an interesting story to tell, too. He's the Conqueror, after all - was he already successful with a previous host, ended up driven out of his new home, to launch another host? If he succeeds again, he'll be the kind of guy sagas are told off.
The raids on Karelia were nice enough, but Eilif itched for a real conquest and now feels a lot better for getting it. Yes, Tyuey’s war looks to be on its last legs now – barring a miracle, I think he will lose. While not brilliant for the realm as a whole, had he won – he woulda been a goliath! As it looks like panning out, it puts Eilif in a more powerful relative position within the realm now. Silver linings.
The other Hakon would indeed make a good Viking saga!
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Ch73 Q1: Tyuey’s Legal Bid.Just checking here about the Tax Shifted Noble Obligations law Tyuey is forcing a vote on. Have I got that right – that it doesn’t really matter to a tribal society anyway? I get that it might later on, so I may still want to see it voted down on general principles, but it doesn’t seem to have any immediate impact. If it passed, would it have any other effect (practical or procedural) I haven’t picked up on? Or has Tyuey pretty much wasted a favour?
Ch73 Q2: Temporary Garrisons.I’ve been meaning to ask this for a while but only just remembered now: what happens to the garrison left behind in temporarily occupied holdings when the war ends? In this case, 52 soldiers in Zemgale. First, do these troops come from the attacking army or are they raised at first from the gained area? If they do come from the main army, are they returned on the conclusion of the peace treaty or do they disappear? It’s not a big amount here but I have been curious for a while: could be quite a few troops in a larger war. If anyone knows the mechanics of this, it would be interesting.
Q2: I dont think that the attacking army loses men to garrisson the captured land, though im not positive. I think once the war ends the garrisson goew back down because of the newly conquree modifiers.
Huh, never thought of this before. I'm pretty sure it doesn't come from the attacking army, I think they just appear out of thin air and disappear when their job is done. I'm not sure though.
Thanks one and all – that settles it for me! An interesting little point, I felt.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Ch73 Q3. Siege Equipment Knowledge in Subordinate Counties.Do I infer correctly from this that each separate contingent in a combined army laying siege has a different siege factor being applied according to the siege equipment level of its home county? Which are all then totalled in some algorithm by the game engine? So that troops from Toropets will contribute a little bit more than those from a county that hasn’t achieved that level yet? I hadn’t really thought about it to this point in that much granularity. With no active sieges or troops in the field to check now, is there somewhere I can mouse over to see that info in peacetime?
Actually, siege tech is a leader bonus during sieges. You can check its effects with the tooltip of the siege progress. As the relative tech level is important here, my understanding is that higher siege tech in the county makes it take longer to besiege, while the siege tech of the capital is applied to all offensive sieges.
If that's right, then I don't see a way to check it outside of actual sieges.
Thanks everyone for that, @alscon especially for that detailed pointer: that re-balances with my understanding of previous answers about sieges where the realm score was the one for the attack, but that snippet about defence is an interesting one. If the opportunity arises and I can remember, I’ll see what I can get from subsequent sieges (as attacker and defender).
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Ch73 Q4: Casus Belli on Sweden.As laid out in the narrative, I simply don’t understand this one. Any idea as to what is preventing me from launching such a war on Sweden? I’ve looked and it works for the other surrounding realms, but maybe not on Noregr, for example, who I also don’t have a NAP with (I do with Denmark, so couldn’t test this on them). Is there fine print somewhere that says the tribal pagan single county conquest does not work on other Norse-Germanic realms or realms of the same culture and/or religion?
Question solved – I thought it must have been something like that with the little experiments I was able to do.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Ch73 Q5: Councillor Disposition and Relationship Score.We touched on this recently but now things are getting more specific. Will any Councillor with 95%+ opinion of the king automatically become a Loyalist in Council? Or can that be mitigated by other factors? It affects the ‘value proposition’ for bribing Councillors into compliance.
Never did this one, but Wiki the Red says 95+% is +10 for loyalist, and also 0.4 x opinion so a further ~40 points. 50 points sounds like a lot, but I have no idea if that would be enough or not without knowing the other factors. Also knowing the other factors can be helpful to decide which 2 of the final 3 candidates are easier to sway.
5) The runes show that there is deep magic here. It appears to not be automatic, but is just another boost. If they have other traits making them likely to go for other stances, even high opinion may not overcome it.
Again, useful. I know you get a ‘likely council disposition’ prediction and numbers when you mouse over a potential appointee to replace an existing councillor, but last time I did this (when Egill was eventually hired as Steward) I think I found I could only do that once they had been invited to the realm and arrived at court. Unless I was missing something. Which wouldn’t surprise me at all!
Right. And all this feeds into the next question, where the gift bonus being a one-off, makes converting one of these glory hounds into a loyalist a little more difficult. But I will experiment, as those additional bonus for Councillors on top of the general opinion boost might just swing it … or it could be that other factors remain too strong. Only one way to find out!
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Ch73 Q6: Gifts.I take it (and am pretty sure I have read in other AARs) that you can provide more than one gift as many times as you want but want to be sure before I start throwing scarce coin around. Follow-up question is does the amount for next time increase each time you give a gift? And/or the amount of opinion gain decrease with subsequent gifts? That is, bribe inflation in cost and deflation in effect. If neither, excellent. If so, is there a rough rule of thumb as to how much the cost is likely to increase from bribe to bribe, or the effect decrease? I need an idea of these things before I can decide the cost effectiveness of doing it and whether I can afford the money to swing two councillors – probably Hrolfr and Grimr – my way.
Q6: You can send multiple gifts to one char, though only the first time gives relationship bonus. Im not sure if the amount increases the second time but I dont think so. I do know that trais determine the amount of thr gift so if a char js greedy the gift will cost more.
A small clarification on the matter of gifts: The opinion modifier for a gift only lasts for a set duration (can't remember the specifics off the top of my head, but not much longer than a few months to a year IIRC). Fresh gifts won't add anything further to the opinion score until the modifier wears off, but unless Paradox has changed the way it works since I last paid attention to the fine print, subsequent gifts do reset the modifier's expiration date.
As far as gift costs go: I think that it's related in some way to the recipient's rank, size, and power, but I couldn't tell you specifics. I know from experience (read: murder plots) that it's much cheaper to bribe a landless courtier with no position than a councilor or a landed vassal.
Ah, this is very useful supplementary info. So then, if the modifier wears off then a subsequent gift can re-boost the opinion score again, just not stack it (which was my original thought) from a gift already given. Again, I’ll experiment with it I think.
Only one gift gives an opinion boost - but the value of these gifts depends on the character. As Lodin Skrin always says, 'greedy and generally indulgent characters like gifts more'.
The rating of costs also makes sense: we saw Tyuey was more expensive, for whatever reasons. Will try to drill down when I make an actual gift for influence and see if I can find anything instructive. I’m sure it will become more familiar with experience. In this realm, throwing money around on gifts either wasn’t much called for (under Rurik) or affordable (under Eilif, until now at least when he has some coin and an empowered Council to shift).
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Ch73 Q7: Sumarliði.Just checking on a few things here. Hope I have my calculation right about the marriage bonus, if I wait until he is Eilif’s courtier. Is that content +25 a bonus on his opinion of his liege (my assumption), or his liege’s opinion of him? In terms of the homosexual attraction bonus, who does that apply to? Just other male homosexual characters? A check on Grimr’s relationships with other characters seemed to indicate that was the case. All that said, any views on whether changing to Sumarliði might be a good trade? I could invite him to the court and then test his likely leanings on council once I’m able to change them over I again, I presume.
The +25 is the content character liking his/her liege. Homosexual (or for that matter any other trait attraction bonus) is towards other people having the same trait. I guess interestingly it would probably attract female homosexual characters as well. As I said just above, I think I'd definitely get him.
Yes, it is towards his liege. The homosexual attraction is towards other male homosexuals... but it also makes him care for male sex appeal/attraction modifiers such as genetic traits and seducer.
Looking at his traits without asking Wiki the Red first, I'd say that he doesn't look likely to be a glory hound, at the very least. Appointing him depends on if you want to reduce the glory hound quota, and my guess would be that he's going to be a pragmatist.
Yes, too many glory hounds (five out of six Councillors at the moment) is proving difficult! A three-three balance would be nice. Then, depending on whether Eilif wants to be pragmatic or bold, he can throw his casting vote on the most useful side each time.
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Ch73 Q8: New Buildings.If Eilif were to go along the building path, are there any views as to which would be the best and most cost-effective choices at this point, on general principles for an early-game tribal realm? Of course, longer term plans would affect whether such a choice was pursued – more on that below. I’m just asking which would be the best if he was more interested in building up that going on the warpath in the near to mid-term.
I think it pays itself in around 10 years or so? So if you have money, it's sure to turn profits at one point. The question is the opportunity cost, are there other buildings that we can save and build in the near future?
Noted. I think the money can be better spent on influence and/or mercenaries at this point. Prestige will be a matter of build or splurge on a tribal army, depending on immediate next steps.
For a raider, money is less important to gain from holdings. And as a tribal realm, quantity is more important than quality, as a tribal army is weaker than a feudal one and relies more on the skirmish phase. Then again, a better levy refill rate is very useful for consequent warmongering.
Right, the levy refill seems to be pretty reasonable at the moment – I might lean towards light-infantry boosting buildings for now. If I build any.
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Ch73 Q9: Ambitions.Any general views on preferred paths (including variations or other options) always welcome. Can be as detailed (pros and cons) or general and brief as you like! Option 1: Warpath; retain cash and prestige until needed. Option 2: Middle Road; cash spent on getting the Council compliant, hold onto prestige. Option 3: wait and Build Tall; cash on Council and maybe a market building, prestige on a tribal building.
Q9: Market buildings can be tempting to spend gold on, but there not a great investment. Most gold will be gained by raiding and ransoms for tribal kingdoms. It can be worth it shortly before you plan on going feudal, along with upgrading most of the prestige buildings because upgrades become much more expensive at that point and it is useful to start with a well developed castle which is converted from tribal upgrades.
It is a good path, balanced. But subjugating Sweden and maybe getting two of the three holy sites needed to reform would also be good. Timing could be everything. This seems like a golden opportunity to take Sweden – but might another come later? Decisions, decisions!
I think this also depends on with whom our council allows us to war. Is it only Sweden? If we make a subjugation war with them the shipyards will still stay our vassal's (or vassal's vassal's) so that would be not very useful from that regard. But we'll have a hell lot of new territory, one of the biggest subjugation targets that we might have (another might be Hungary, have we assessed them in that regard?) and with one of the holy sites I guess? But they don't have a single province in the empire of Rus. So pros/cons here.
What I mean is, to be able to decide if we'll go with option 1, 2 or 3 we should first decide on which realm Eilif will eventually use his subjugation on. If it's one that we can fight now, we can go with option 1. Option 2 sounds somewhat weak, I mean what use is to make council compliant if we won't vote for a war soon? I think we should either spend the cash on a building or two and wait for an opportunity (3), or spend it on council to immediately have a border war with a realm (preferably one with shipyards) that the council will allow us to war then (modified 2) if we're not making a subjugation war (1). I say let's think about possible subjugation targets (I'm thinking Tyuey might eventually get the best of Barsbek), is it only Sweden? Can Hungary be considered? Another one (that our council might allow after some adjustments)? If there's a good option, let's go with option 1. Otherwise, let's adjust the council and go for a border war (Minsk, or a shipyard province.
Already looking forward to some discussion and the next episode
@diskoerekto great comments, will do the usual feedback later, but some quick clarifications:
1. None of the northern Finnish kingdoms are large enough to interest the Council
2. Sweden is being considered mainly because of the Holy Sites they control (including the one off Holland) and the fact they are Norse Germanic. That would probably divert the Rurikids to a Scandinavian Empire path with reformed Germanic religion rather than a Russian Empire path.
3. The detailed middle road (Option 2) is gaining control of the Council for the express purpose of being able to launch all those wars Eilif has been prevented from. So rather than trying a big and glorious but risky subjugation of Sweden (Option 1 - hiring mercenaries and recruiting a tribal army to do it), Option 2 is bribing the Council then launching a series of border wars and maybe a subjugation on Chernigov as the largest undertaking, until the pacts that will start to form get in the way. That is the Russian Empire path.
So, reform and Norse first may be go for Sweden (now or as soon as it can be managed). The Russian Empire path may even mean biting the bullet, giving up the Norse-Germanic ambition, convert to a reformed religion, going feudal from that.
The Scandinavian route could be insurance against two longer term threats the Seers have foreseen in mystic ceremonies: the Mongols (set for historical appearance) and the Aztec Sunset Invasion (set for not before I think it is about the 13th century or 1300, I’ll have to check again next time I fire up the game). Also the threat of Christian Holy Wars and conversion attempts of the Norse brethren.
So this is quite an important strategic decision point. Of course, you can change direction later, but this could be quite a game-changing crossroads.
I would be against giving up being Norse-Germanic, this is kinda our thing isn't it? Staying tribal and going with whatever it brings would be what I'd prefer until we can reform Norse. On the other hand, I would be against giving up trying to reclaim the Empire of Rus as well. What I'm trying to say is, I have this vision of a Norse Rus Empire which might be cool so that's why I'm pushing here We're much closer to completing it than empire of Scandinavia as well anyway even assuming we subjugate Sweden.
I’d rather keep the Norse-Germanic theme going too – at least unless it’s proven to become virtually untenable down the track. One option is to do just enough to reform the faith but not pursue complete Scandinavian hegemony as the first priority. The empire objective could still be Russia. Though then there’s the Mongols to worry about …
We would have gone for the empire of Scandinavia in any case since we want the holy sites in any case, but I was thinking we'd go there as already an empire.
Possibly. Per above, could be a two-stage thing. But if staying Germanic religion, reforming it I think from all past discussions is a priority. Until I can, its going to be elective gavelkind and tribal ructions one after another.
Sweden is an interesting target, even moreso as Eirikr is currently preoccupied. The question is if one can hold on to it. Risky, but could be a profitable war.
Subjugating Barsbek would be the safer alternative. As Tyuey's war is failing, Eilif can swoop in with no fear of losing his lifetime subjugation for nothing. Even if Tyuey could somehow turn the tide, his warscore from battles is negative, so Eilif would reach 100% sooner than him (or at the same time, would all Chernigov be occupied before reaching the score first).
It is an interesting choice and either could work. With Barsbek the ‘safe’ option, it comes down to timing and risk re Sweden. If it was to be Sweden though, the subjugation couldn’t be used on Barsbek: it would have to be border sniping in slower time, mixed in with others (assuming the Council persuasion plans succeed and those smaller border wars become possible).
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Well, there is much for Eilif to ponder and some really useful advice has helped to hone his options – thank you all very much for that and your continued support. Now, next will be to see what the King decides …
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Chapter 74: Best Foot Forward (1 March – 9 October 899)
Chapter 74: Best Foot Forward (1 March – 9 October 899)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … With victory against Curonia, Eilif must make some major decisions about war and peace … and the fate of his brother Dyre; the Council’s deliberation of Jarl Tyuey’s law proposal seems to drag on forever and in the meantime they seek glory abroad but frustrate Eilif’s ambitions closer to home; while Tyuey’s war to subjugate Barsbek the Liberator of Chernigov remains in big trouble.
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March 899
After receiving very comprehensive advice from the busiest Þing held in many years, Eilif sought first to see what he could do to bend his Council more closely to his will. Glory-seeking had its uses, but he wanted more of a balance to allow him a wider range of future decisions. His first political experiment was to offer gifts to the most positive two of his more powerful Council members.
The effect was good enough, but not sufficient to shift their overall perspective. Though he hoped it would make them more loyal and likely to be cooperative on other matters as they arose. The beneficial feelings would last around another five years, he judged. Lacking limitless funds, that was enough for Eilif’s largesse for now. It was only later that he realised it may have been too much already.
He looked next at where the succession stood, as part of his continuing deliberations on what to do about his brother. Dyre remained the clear leading candidate to succeed him. One of his ‘good’ nephews Rikulfr was next and his young son Styrkar still only had his father’s vote. But he may accrue more over time, especially after he reached his majority, still many years away.
With the drawn-out Council vote still in its early days, the King was prevented by law from replacing his Steward – who had not been informed of any such plans. This did not stop Eilif from inviting his possible replacement to join the court, however.
Jarl Tyuey’s Yaroslavian army reached Holmgarðr on 23 March and, as it had done once before, turned around to head south again. But it was now a much-depleted force. Two of Barsbek’s vassals were investing Mozhaysk, but the location rest of the Chernigovan army was unknown.
That same day, the King received worrying and indeed outrageous news from his mother’s spy network: there was a plot to murder his brilliant wife, Queen Ingrid. The instigator was a foreigner, so could not be ordered to stop. But at least there were no known accomplices in the court and the likelihood of it succeeding was small.
Sumarliði Olafsson duly accepted Eilif’s invitation to come to Garðariki on 24 March and his wish to be married was satisfied the next days! Young Ingjerðr Hrörekrsdottir was a skilled money manager herself and of a similar age. The king hoped they would have as amicable relationship as Sumarliði’s personal leanings would allow.
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April 899
Still Eilif considered his options. In part, he was waiting to see what transpired between Tyuey and Barsbek. The latter was sighted again on 1 April, leading his 1,500-strong army from Mordva in the south-east towards Tyuey’s lands on the Oka River.
A report from the Chancellor’s office indicated the war between King Eirikr of Sweden and Duke Lambert of Luxembourg over Breda continued, with the Swedes still holding the upper hand [66% war score].
Marshal Hrolfr had been directed to report on the various shipyards Dyre held. He could command a fleet of over 30 longships – which Eilif had long coveted, more even than the levies that went with Dyre’s holdings. Whether for raiding or war, Eilif wanted them. And he was sick of waiting: the issue of Dyre would be brought to a head.
He had his brother brought from the oubliette, cleaned up, dressed properly and brought to his presence.
“Dyre, long have you haunted me and sought my demise. A harsher or more vindictive king may have had you executed by now, but I’ll not be branded a kin-slayer for the sake of your wretched hide. And much as you may have deserved it, I’ve decided not to allow you to rot and go insane in the oubliette any longer.”
Dyre showed a little relief at all this and made to say something – but a single raised finger from his older brother caused him to stop before uttering anything. His position was precarious and the time in the dungeon had taught him a modicum of discretion.
“But your crimes – treason, in fact – will not go unpunished. You will have your freedom but be banished from this realm. All your title will be forfeited to the crown. You can take your wife and wealth and make your own way in the world – but nothing else. I don’t care where you go, as long as I never see you again. So be gone!”
With a glare but no word, Dyre turned and strode from the room. He may have lost all his titles but he knew he remained heir to the throne of Garðariki. He would be patient, leave those present with a memory of him walking with his head held high – and bide his time. Perhaps one day his time would come.
He found a new home in the court of Chief Asbjörn of Gwent. Time would tell what, if anything, he would make of his new circumstances. And Eilif was free of his second familial rival, though both still lived, their malice distant but not diminished.
More to the point, Eilif now controlled a large part of the reunified Rurikid demesne, with just Buðli’s Jarldom of Belo Ozero held separately. And the royal levy had of course been strengthened. But his mother would still take years to forgive him for imprisoning Dyre – even though he had now been released and banished. Another drag on Council opinion.
The new inheritances and Jarl Tyuey’s misfortune so far against Bersbek had now significantly improved Eilif’s relative power within his own realm. Though the notorious kin-slayer Gradimir was now his direct problem to manage and Chief Vseslav was also a potential thorn in the side.
Orsha was still being rebuilt after its recent conquest. The four new counties Eilif has inherited would add over 1,300 men to his personal levies, as well as a sizeable fleet – at last.
But Eilif had decided on a new focus for his efforts – these two would remain a side-show for now. The Huscarls were ordered north to Narva from Pskov. They had orders to ready themselves for an attack on Swedish-held Reval. But a final decision had not yet been taken.
Also, Jarl Tyuey’s work to fabricate a claim on Narva was now redundant – but he could not be reassigned until 31 August. When he was free, Eilif was minded to send him to Naumadal in Noregr – the location of one of the Germanic holy sites and the place Rurik had sought to claim not long before he died. It might one day provide the means to reform the faith.
That same day, the Novgorodian Band was hired. Alas, there was no refund provided (as had been hoped for) on the 151.3 gold sign-on fee. This left only 23 gold in the treasury. Eilif was now regretting the 30 gold spent on earlier gifts to Hrolfr and Grimr. Unless the mercenaries provided a remittance back to the crown on their monthly fee, the treasury would soon run into trouble. But it was too late now: they were ordered to take the long march to Satakunta so as to be ready for a surprise attack on the other Swedish enclave of Finland. Grimr and Vihavald were sent to command the flanks of the mercenary army.
While the two Garðarikian advance guards made their way to prospective stepping-off points, news came of the death of the old war-dog Sverker af Nöteborg. He had succumbed to his long illness and was dead at the ripe age (for the time) of 61. One of the last important figures of Rurik’s reign and a steadfast presence at some many of the realm’s battle over decades. His son Sölvi was already taking his legacy forward.
That day, word arrived that the Queen Mother Ingjerðr had thrown her support behind Tyuey’s proposed law change to Tax Shifted Noble Obligations, which meant it had two in favour, the rest undecided. This was proving a painfully slow process.
Three days later, Gradimir showed his true – treacherous – colours. Being ruled by the Germanic-worshipping Rurikids must be causing him much stress: he simultaneously formed his own independence faction and joined Chief Vseslav’s faction to lower tribal organisation. The venomous snake! Neither faction was strong enough to cause genuine worry yet – and Eilif did not want to resolve the issue yet. He had bigger fish to ferment!
The Huscarls arrived in Narva on 20 April, but the Novgorodian Band was still many days march from their stepping-off point. 24 April brought excellent news from Constantinople: the Queen Mother had once again gleaned more secrets from the Byzantines, this time on their cultural practices. It was just enough for Eilif to devise new precepts for religious and cultural tolerance in the realm: it would remain a diverse country for many years, however much Norse culture and the Germanic faith might spread eventually. This should make it a little easier to manage.
And while reviewing these options, the Chancellor noticed there was an opportunity to advance economic opportunities: Eilif also approved new guidance to the construction of improved keeps. Perhaps one day Garðariki would be able to take advantage of the theoretical potential.
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May 899
A week into May, the Yaroslavian Army had made it to Vyazma and was once again returning to Chernigovan-occupied Bryansk, no doubt hoping to liberate it from the Liberator. Barsbek meanwhile was two weeks away from Radstofa, a holding of Tyuey's just south of his occupied capital of Yaroslavl. It looked like another direct clash would not come soon.
A message from one of the Queen Mother’s agents placed in Gwent to keep an eye on Dyre. He reported the former Jarl had been made Steward by his new liege in mid-May. It was his best skill, after all. Perhaps it would keep him occupied for a while. And away from siring children!
The same agent noted there had been little change in the balance of the Swedish-Luxembourg war by 20 May [63% war score to Eirikr]. The realm’s coffers meanwhile were slowly being drained. The monthly balance was a loss of 2 gold and 55 silver, with only just over 21 gold left. If only I’d had those ships earlier and had managed to get a good raid in – we wouldn’t be suffering these money problems now, mused Eilif to himself. But I am impatient for glory – I will press on. For the glory of the Rurikids!
That day, Grimr announced he would vote against the law change. Two in favour, one against now.
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June 899
An even more despondent than usual Jarl Tyueykezhut reported to his king on a balmy June afternoon, while on a quick trip back to the capital for consultations, that he had no choice but to give up his attempt to subjugate High Chief Barsbek of Chernigov. He realised he had been soundly beaten. Though Eilif considered switching his attentions to Barsbek instead, he remained committed to the clash with Sweden.
And that day Tyuey suffered another, though smaller setback. Queen Ingrid had decided to oppose his law reform. It was now two votes each, with three undecided (one of them Eilif himself). On 13 June, Egill declared his support to Tyuey: three-two. Then on 19 June, Hrolfr declared his opposition: three-all! It meant the King would have the casting vote – but still the process dragged on without a final result.
“Is there something I’m missing here, Hrörekr?” he asked his old Lawspeaker that evening. “Some way of precipitating a final vote I’ve been unable to discover? Or must I simply wait for a notification from the Council when it is ready – if it ever will be?”
“I’m unsure, My Liege. This is the first such legislative vote in the history of the realm,” the old man answered – carrying on stoically despite his age and illness.
“The Þing?”
“Exactly, my Liege.”
Eilif would have to stew away until this tortuous process was over. Then he’d look into at least replacing the steward to see if a successor might be more malleable.
Ch74 Q1. Voting.A double-barrelled question here. First, am I missing something? I’ve tried but haven’t found a way to precipitate the vote. The relevant button is greyed out in the legislation panel and the mouse-over says all the votes are still undecided, even though it’s three-three. Does Eilif just have to wait for a prompt or event to trigger? I had actually played through until mid-November and still the vote had not occurred. The second is what views are about voting for or against this proposition – if it ever comes to it. Will Tyuey get pissed off if I vote against it? Looking forward to when we may become a feudal realm, is it generally preferable in a low-income realm to vote against such things, because the levy is more valuable than any likely tax offset?
The next day, Grimr made the king aware of another decision: he had declared a conquest war on Mstislavl – the same province the Council had forbidden Eilif to conquer himself because it wasn’t “glorious enough”! Ah well, Eilif now had a good swathe of counties under his control and at least the county would become part of the realm. And to a now very loyal vassal.
And to the east, High Chief Kinyak of Mari had decided to make his first conquest – not against one of his nephews, but against the Muslim High Chief Aksonqor the Just of the Yabguid. At least Kinyak was causing his mischief as far away from Garðariki as possible!
That same day, a seemingly insignificant past judgement came back to bite Eilif on the arse. Still, it could have been worse. But the loss of prestige reduced the margin on the ‘magical’ [ie 500] amount of prestige required to summon a tribal army if necessary. A reserve Eilif wanted to keep ready just in case the war against Sweden took a difficult turn.
Dan’s mercenary army reached Kexholm on 29 June after a lengthy march. And the royal treasury grew ever emptier, now down to just 15 gold.
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July 899
And it took another month for them to reach Uusimaa, but they finally did on 29 July. At last! Though only 13 gold was left in the treasury, Eilif was determined to strike Sweden now – and use the mercenaries (his own old band) while they were still in his employ. It would be war – the greatest conflict not just of his own reign, but of the Rurikid dynasty so far, against one of the great Norse ruling houses. If the Council wanted a glorious conflict, he would give it to them! Even if it looked like Eirikr was nearing a successful completion of his war against Luxembourg.
It was Eilif’s “once in a lifetime” opportunity. And his aim was not just to greatly expand the realm of the Rurikids but as much or more to seek to bring three holy sites under his rule (Sweden currently controlled two) and thus reform the faith. Victory in war and then perhaps diligent raiding and a cautious selection of ambitions and focus would hopefully get him the piety he also needed to complete this great task.
The Novgorodian band was immediately sent to occupy Finland. The other nearby levies (those recently inherited from Dyre) would also concentrate there. The rest were ordered to Narva, to concentrate on Þorsteinn and the Huscarl Company. A call went out to all the vassals to see who might answer. And now the largest of them – Tyuey himself – was free of his war against Barsbek, even if Grimr had sought his own adventure first.
And Eilif also gleefully summoned his new fleet, to concentrate initially off the south-western coast of Finland. They could see what may be coming the other way and also be ready to ferry troops across to Sweden if called to do so.
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August 899
By 2 August all the vassal responses to the call to arms were in: only those expected to decline had done so: Tihomir of Luki; and the ‘Treasonous Two’ new chiefs inherited from Dyre, Gradimir of Tver and Veseslav of Vyazma. Well, rot them! They would share none of the glory, and the latter two would pay in time for their treachery. Grimr was thanked for his offer, but his presence was excused until he had won his border war against Halfdan. The fight against Sweden would likely take a very long time, so Grimr could join when he was ready.
Buðli had again silenced the doubters and responded faithfully: Eilif was becoming more sympathetic to his longstanding desire for a place on the Council if the right opportunity came up. Tyuey, Hrolfr, Grimr and Vihavald of Ingria had answered the call as expected. It would make a substantial follow-on host. Their orders were to rendezvous in Austerbotn, where Jarl Tyuey – one of the best military leaders in the realm – was given the command. Free now from his work in Narva, the claim seeking on Naumadal could ait for a while. The vassal army could either take ship [though I wouldn’t have thought allies can jump on my ships, even if accompanying one of my armies] or go ‘the long way’ around through northern Finland, depending on how things unfolded. All except Vihavald would have a long march to from the east of the realm to muster for their insertion into the war.
Ch74 Q2. Allies and Ships. So, as mentioned above, I’m assuming the vassal allies can't use my ships, even if they are attached to one of my armies? Note, I only realised later that there is a land bridge from Finland to Sweden proper – the little red dash wasn’t exactly prominent. But at this stage of the campaign, I was unaware.
With the Narva levy mustered, Þorsteinn had enough troops to begin his siege of Reval. He took the local regiment with his battle-hardened Huscarls and marched immediately. He could wait for the rest to join them in due course.
Then, just a day later, amazing and very inconvenient news arrived from the far north. Poor Tyuey, recently arrived to take command and await reinforcements, had been ambushed from the sea by a raiding party led by Chieftess Vanamo of Kemi!
Eilif didn’t know whether to laugh or cry – so he just yelled and swore, loudly: "By Loki's gangrenous ball-sack, the Gods do toy with me, even as I try to do their work!"
In other news from afar, King Olafr of Noregr had exacted a measure of revenge on King Hugh the Fat of Scotland. He had won the war on 7 August and taken Caithness. Though no blood eagle for now, it would seem.
With reinforcements still some way off and the mercenaries not to be diverted from their objective in Finland, Tyuey sought to break off his losing battle in Austerbotn on 18 August, before more needless casualties were suffered. [It was here that 49 Swedish levies fleeing across from Finland to Åland alerted me to the straits crossing point there. I would make use of it later if I could.]
Þorsteinn arrived in Reval on 24 August and began the unglamorous work of besieging the hill fort there. Then on 27 August, Loki had more fun with the Garðarikians: heralds brought word of Eirikr’s victory over Luxembourg and the conquest of Breda in far off Holland. This would mean Eirikir would no longer be diverted there. Though taking the long (and optimistic) view, it would be one more county under Garðarikian control once the Swedes were subjugated!
That day also marked the point at which Tyuey managed to extract himself from the battle in Austerbotn and retreated south to Satakunta. At least casualties had been fairly light with the early retreat.
And while all that was happening, the fleet had concentrated and was ordered to the Gulf of Finland, where they would pick up the bulk of the mustering royal levies. In Finland, Dan’s mercenaries had arrived and began siege works there. Eirkr had not yet called his vassals to war, but it was rumoured he had begun to send out messengers to do so. As with Eilif, it was expected most but not all would come when asked. Eirikr’s personal levy was similar in size to Eilif’s – though only because of a tribal army he had summoned, it was presumed for the war in Holland. And the treasury was coming close to deficit, which would be a blow to morale and may result in the loss of the Novgorodian band.
The fleeing Swedes in Åland who alerted me to the land bridge there are circled in orange.
Ch74 Q3: Finances.I realised I had overspent in my experiment with influencing the council earlier. I had miscalculated three things: first, not getting any remittance or discount on the hiring fee for my ‘own’ mercenary band; second, not getting any remittance back from the monthly fee; and third, the cost of maintaining the levy. With the last, previously I’d had plenty of money or hadn’t also been hiring mercenaries at the same time. I thought I’d have had longer before the money ran out, time for a few quick strikes with the mercs while the levies mustered behind. Fine in theory, butchered a bit in execution. For this question, I’ve gone ahead to show where finances stood as at 14 November: still increasing the deficit. Is there anything I can do about it? Maybe even siphon some troops off for a side-raid with the ships I now have? And how severe will the ‘morale effect' of the deficit become?
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September 899
Amidst the excitement and confusion of the early stages of a great war, a welcome ray of light shone out from Zaozerye: one of Rurik’s earliest conquests had embraced the Germanic faith! They would now be bathed in Odin’s light. Perhaps it was Buðli’s doing or spontaneous; either way it was good news.
Not so good was news on 14 September that Chief Vseslav of Vyazma had joined that rogue Gradimir’s independence faction. In time of war. The poisonous toads. Eilif was known for his justice. But it could also be harsh. Even if for now, it could not be swift, given he was in the fight of his life against the Depraved King of the Swedes.
Far away in Constantinople, a week later the Queen Mother had made yet another breakthrough to help the general war effort. It meant new techniques of shipbuilding could be applied in Eilif’s newly secured shipyards.
On 24 September, the news Eilif had dreaded was delivered by his (still) Steward Egill: the money had run out. Very bad news all round – for the armies, the ability to hold onto the mercenaries and for law and order back home. The immediate response was to use the mercenaries while they could still be directed and then they would have to be released before the realm went even further into debt. An assault was ordered on the tribal fort in Finland. It was over in two days with relatively light casualties. In retrospect, Eilif thought he should have done this earlier – as soon as possible after they had arrived a month before.
As soon as the assault was finished, Dan was ordered to try to seize Åland to secure the land bridge – and extract the last few coins worth of value out of them. Two days later, the fleet had arrived in the Gulf of Finland to find seven of Eilif’s levy regiments available for boarding. Þorsteinn was left with his smaller force to complete the siege of Reval. The rest were ordered to board ship: there would be just enough room for all of them. They would sail for Sweden as soon as they were all loaded, in the hope of making some ground before the enemy had been able to concentrate his forces – and repatriate what ever troops must remain in Holland. By then, three of Eirikr’s vassals had agreed to aid him – but a few had refused.
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October 899
Just a few days before they would have made it to Årland, Dan informed Eilif that, in the absence of further pay, he considered their contract void. At least the band headed off quietly and did not loot and pillage as they went.
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Questions
Ch74 Q1. Voting.A double-barrelled question here. First, am I missing something? I’ve tried but haven’t found a way to precipitate the vote. The relevant button is greyed out in the legislation panel and the mouse-over says all the votes are still undecided, even though it’s three-three. Does Eilif just have to wait for a prompt or event to trigger? I had actually played through until mid-November and still the vote had not occurred. The second is what views are about voting for or against this proposition – if it ever comes to it. Will Tyuey get pissed off if I vote against it? Looking forward to when we may become a feudal realm, is it generally preferable in a low-income realm to vote against such things, because the levy is more valuable than any likely tax offset?
Ch74 Q2. Allies and Ships.So, as mentioned above, I’m assuming the vassal allies can't use my ships, even if they are attached to one of my armies? Note, I only realised later that there is a land bridge from Finland to Sweden proper – the little red dash wasn’t exactly prominent. But at this stage of the campaign, I was unaware.
Ch74 Q3: Finances.I realised I had overspent in my experiment with influencing the council earlier. I had miscalculated three things: first, not getting any remittance or discount on the hiring fee for my ‘own’ mercenary band; second, not getting any remittance back from the monthly fee; and third, the cost of maintaining the levy. With the last, previously I’d had plenty of money or hadn’t also been hiring mercenaries at the same time. I thought I’d have had longer before the money ran out, time for a few quick strikes with the mercs while the levies mustered behind. Fine in theory, butchered a bit in execution. For this question, I’ve gone ahead to show where finances stood as at 14 November: still increasing the deficit. Is there anything I can do about it? Maybe even siphon some troops off for a side-raid with the ships I now have? And how severe will the ‘morale effect' of the deficit become?
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Having failed to win over his Council and dreaming of grand conquests and the future of the Germanic faith, Eilif had summoned the conquering spirit of his father and called on the support of the Gods for this great test of blood and battle. How will they answer? They are notoriously fickle and speak with many voices, including Loki's. And the Swedes will be invoking the same Gods to strengthen their arms. Will the lack of gold become fatal for the campaign? The next batch of translations from the Rurikid scroll trove will reveal how the following phase of the campaign unfolded. And will the Council ever vote on Tyuey's proposal? [Or is the game bugged and stuck, given it's about five months after it reached 3-3 with Eilif seemingly unable to cast his deciding vote?]
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AuthAAR’s Endnote:I had actually played on for another month in the campaign, but in writing it up realised I must finish this chapter here for space considerations - which wasn’t a bad break-point. So, in terms of general tactical advice, the next steps have been taken, though not too far (hint: a battle has been fought on the Swedish mainland).
I must say that the miscalculation about the mercs and campaign costs (especially the 30 gold spent fruitlessly on gifts earlier, before the final decision had been taken to invade Sweden) made me pine a little for a scum-save, but being in Ironman and committed to fessing up to and living with any mistakes made for the learning journey, I just gritted my teeth and went on. And it wasn’t as bad as the time I was playing Rurik, forgot to pause the game when I answered the phone and lost three tribal armies from inattention!
All in all, it was for me an exciting and enjoyable session and something a I learned quite a bit from. I just hope the deficit lesson isn’t as severe as I’m worried it might be! In retrospect, I might have been better served to let Sweden finish it's war with Luxembourg: maybe Eirikr's tribal army would have stood down. And in that time, maybe one decent raid in Western Europe to boost the war chest would have been advisable. Such is CK2 newbiness and 20-20 rear vision!
PS: I tried Googling the issue of the seemingly stuck Council vote and could find nothing useful (including whether it was possible to precipitate the vote so Eilif can cast his deciding ballot). So I throw myself on the mercy of the hive mind on that one: is it normal for the vote to drag on that long, including months after all the Council members had picked their side?
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The Eleventh Þing of Eilif’s Reign – October 899 (a summary of advice from Chapter 74)
So the banishment tooltip is lying? Lucky for you. I haven't tried that for a while due to the apparently high penalties, but it turns out not everyone is hating Eilif for being a tyrant. Then again, they may start to not exactly like him for his questionable decisions here in ruining the realm during a probably decisive war .
Who will come out as the strongest Norse realm? Eirikr seems to have the advantage now. And the vultures are already circling (or rather raiding, as in Vanamo's case).
I think the tyrant penalty didn’t apply because there was a just cause, but don’t really know! As for the attempted subjugation – early days yet. Next session (about two chapters’ worth) just played. Both the realms are large, so any shift in war score is quite small from occupation. A few big battles may be the thing to tip the scales strategically and in terms of war score. But will they happen? And if so, any time soon? The following episodes will have to be read to find out …
Finally Eilif gets the war he so deservers, and it's a grand one. I look forward to see how all will unfold Unfortunately though this time I have no good advice for the questions, they are all from areas which I don't have much experience.
I'm pretty surprised there's no remittance from the fee of the Novgorodian band. There's been some wasted money but still at least they did some good work.
Indeed it was! And less harsh than killing him or having him die in prison. And with the added bonus that if Eilif does suffer an untimely death, Dyre can return rehabilitated and still inherit most of the demesne back off him (it appears), keeping things fairly united still.
And I tip my cap here again to @diskoerekto for the advice to do this : if I’d done it earlier, I might have had time for the one lucrative raid by sea that would have ensured a decent war chest for this Swedish subjugation. But the hunger for blood and battle was too great, as was the temptation to strike Eirikr while he was still at war in Holland. Them’s the breaks!
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Ch74 Q1. Voting.A double-barrelled question here. First, am I missing something? I’ve tried but haven’t found a way to precipitate the vote. The relevant button is greyed out in the legislation panel and the mouse-over says all the votes are still undecided, even though it’s three-three. Does Eilif just have to wait for a prompt or event to trigger? I had actually played through until mid-November and still the vote had not occurred. The second is what views are about voting for or against this proposition – if it ever comes to it. Will Tyuey get pissed off if I vote against it? Looking forward to when we may become a feudal realm, is it generally preferable in a low-income realm to vote against such things, because the levy is more valuable than any likely tax offset?
L'état c'est moi. What I mean is that I can't really answer that as I tend to play absolute rulers, and even if I don't it has been a while since I've let a councillor have a favour and force a vote .
My guess would be that the councillors were undecided, but votes trickle in slowly anyway. You should be able to pick Eilif's stance, but I can't recall where.
Hmm, there will be a follow up to this question in the next chapter – I haven’t been able to find (in game or Googling) how to make a vote on this in the interim. It’s just dragging on forever, with all the Councillors locked into their own votes months ago and just Eilif to vote. But this is my first one, so I’ve no idea how it would normally progress from here or how to bring it to a head. So if anyone has any ideas, I’ll gladly try them
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Ch74 Q2. Allies and Ships.So, as mentioned above, I’m assuming the vassal allies can't use my ships, even if they are attached to one of my armies? Note, I only realised later that there is a land bridge from Finland to Sweden proper – the little red dash wasn’t exactly prominent. But at this stage of the campaign, I was unaware.
Ah, I've just seen I meant to write 'can't' and wrote can. My assumption was they can't use my ships, hence original plan to send them north through Finland before I discovered the land bridge.
For Eilif that's no problem, but it does get annoying if you are in, say, Ireland and your landlocked vassals can't board your ships to head to whatever non-British target you are attacking .
Marching over Aland has the additional advantage to be territory with less harsh attrition, though one needs to take care not to attack over a strait-crossing. That wouldn't end well.
Yes, there’s a plan for that – we’ll see how it turns out in the next chapter! The issue is the time it’s taking to herd those cats that are the vassal allies making their slow way from the east and getting them to head there, with the other distractions that have and will occur.
Yes, it’s a bit of a pest, but in this case the land bridge to Sweden makes it a little easier. And there would have still been the long way around the top if necessary.
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Ch74 Q3: Finances.I realised I had overspent in my experiment with influencing the council earlier. I had miscalculated three things: first, not getting any remittance or discount on the hiring fee for my ‘own’ mercenary band; second, not getting any remittance back from the monthly fee; and third, the cost of maintaining the levy. With the last, previously I’d had plenty of money or hadn’t also been hiring mercenaries at the same time. I thought I’d have had longer before the money ran out, time for a few quick strikes with the mercs while the levies mustered behind. Fine in theory, butchered a bit in execution. For this question, I’ve gone ahead to show where finances stood as at 14 November: still increasing the deficit. Is there anything I can do about it? Maybe even siphon some troops off for a side-raid with the ships I now have? And how severe will the ‘morale effect' of the deficit become?
The morale effect can be decisive, it's a fairly high penalty for your troops, and if they retreat faster, they've less of a chance to come out victorious. Leaders who inflict morale damage are amongst my favourites and can really make up for enemy numbers. As the Rurikids are surrounded by defensive pagans, the effect of morale can be seen easily whenever you fight them on land of their religion - it's very important.
Yes, I looked at this in the next session and the tooltip said it was a 25% morale malus for being in debt. Not necessarily fatal, but a nasty handicap. And I’m not looking forward to any of those ‘corruption/lawlessness’ events it hints at either, but none seem to have occurred yet.
I think that toggling raids during wartime was already prohibited in the patch before HF, one of the reasons also being so that you can't use tribal armies for it. Without that option you may have the ransom one - imprison whoever you have a reason for, pray that you get good prisoners in battles/sieges.
Or a more gamey one - invite over relatively rich guys without families, and murder them. Their liege inherits their gold. You could probably attempt this on the leader of your band after disbanding it.
Even more gamey, you may pause, convert to Christianity per concubine, take a loan from the jews, expel them, and instantly convert back per capital. Though I don't know if Eilif's got the piety and prestige for that, nor if the one-second conversion would disable the subjugation (it should). Besides, it is an evil and you really shouldn't do it.
Yes, also checked this out to confirm, and no raiding whilst at war. On the gamey options, Eilif will stay true to character and just try to scrape through as things stand. Eirikr isn’t that rich either. Perhaps if it keeps going long enough, he too will run out of money and we’ll both be in the same leaky boat?
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Thanks for the comments received. As you have seen, the voting question is still unresolved, but the other two were very clear-cut.
Maybe the forums are a bit quiet right now and/or it’s a northern spring thing with people getting out and about again or people getting Imperator and having a play with that. I hope I’m not losing the audience – but will plough on regardless! Next episode should be up fairly soon.
Chapter 75: A Merry Dance (9 October 899 – 24 April 900)
Chapter 75: A Merry Dance (9 October 899 – 24 April 900)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif has begun his bold war of subjugation against the great fellow Norse kingdom of Sviþjod; but while it gets off to a complicated but generally favourable start, matters of money soon intrude; the treasury slips into debt and the Novgorodian Band leaves after its monthly fees are unpaid; with raiding whilst at war not possible, Eilif must hope he can complete the siege in Uppland and gain treasure from loot and hostages. Back home, irritating raiders remain in Austerbotn as the vassal regiments slowly make their way to the front. High Chief Barsbek of Chernigov has – against the expectations of many – seen off Jarl Tyueykezhut’s attempt to subjugate him; but he is a ‘Liberator’: who will he seek to liberate next?
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October 899
Eilif had little choice now but to press forward with his Swedish ambition: like a shark, he must keep swimming or drown. As the siege of Reval continued; the main Garðarikian Army under Þorsteinn had taken ship by 12 October and sailed west. A few Swedish fleets were in the general vicinity but most seemed to be sailing south-west: perhaps to pick up their main army from the recently concluded conflict in Holland? Meanwhile, the Ingrian vassal levy was heading towards Tyuey’s defeated Austerbotn regiment as it waited in Satakunta.
23 October found the fleet at anchor off the Swedish capital of Uppland. The enemy had one small company in place with another larger one from one of Eirikr’s vassal allies on the way to reinforce it. An even larger vassal ally force was north of the capital and heading further away – what might they be up to? But treasure, prisoners and bargaining power were the urgent requirement now, so Þorsteinn led his army of over 3,400 warriors ashore in an opposed landing. They would have to cope with a disadvantage from that, poor morale from having been aboard ship and a further penalty on that for being in debt and behind with pay. But risks must be taken!
While he was taking his left wing of the army ashore in Uppland, Sölvi Sverkersson’s mother Bodil af Belo died back at court in Nygarðr. She had only outlived her older husband by a short span.
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November 899
By the time the Garðarikian army was ashore and drawn up for battle in Uppland, over 550 Swedish troops opposed them. On 1 November, not liking the odds, they had tried to escape north to avoid a fight but could not get away quickly enough. The Garðarikians found their enemy on 3 November and charged with a roar. The under-manned Swedish left wing broke immediately! As they were pursued from the field, their centre division was assailed from two directions and broke just four days later. As the battle had begun, an enemy fleet of 14 longships was spotted heading toward the Gulf of Finland: they could have an army of up to 1,400 men aboard. Measures would need to be taken to neutralise the threat and ensure the siege of Reval was preserved.
In fact, that siege finished a few days later, without loss of life for the attackers.
And three days after that, the Swedish fleet appeared off Narva and landing preparations were seen. The mustering vassal regiments of Hrolfr, Tyuey and Buðli were diverted to the army currently in Reval. Between them, they should have enough to deal with any enemy landing force. And because they were being paid by their respective rulers, it was assumed their morale would not be suffering as that of the King’s levies was. Grimr was left to complete his war against Könugarðr and Vihavald’s men was almost joined with Jarl Tyuey himself in Satakunta. With the victory in Uppland assured, the fleet was sent back to the Gulf of Finland.
Ch75 Q1: Debt Morale Penalty and Vassal Ally Armies.Am I right that the morale penalty for Eilif’s forces would not apply to those of his vassal allies, who should be commanded and funded under separate arrangements? I’m hoping so, as part of my campaign plan is to eventually gather them together into a single force with one or two of my small demesne levies, install good commanders and have them carry the main fight to the Swedes, using Þorsteinn’s main force as the hammer once I can get the Swedes on the anvil. It will take a bit of management though, I know!
On 14 November Þorsteinn declared victory in Uppland and called off the pursuit. A mere seven troops had been lost with almost three hundred enemy killed: an auspicious start. The siege of the Swedish King’s tribal seat started – it was estimated to take around seven weeks. It in turn guarded the rich Temple of Uppsala.
Steward Egill brought Eilif the kingdom’s balance sheet on 14 November. They were now a little over 6 gold in debt. The costs were in the upkeep of the military: the retinue, the levies and the fleet. The deficit was currently increasing by over 4 gold per month. Marshal Hrolfr estimated this had a significant effect on the morale of the troops [ie -25% morale]. Standing down some of the levies or the fleet would save some money, but not enough the return to surplus. Plunder was needed.
Note: this is essentially the budget graphic from the finance question in the last chapter.
King Eirikr was not exactly flush with funds either according to reports. But he had a sizeable levy boosted by a tribal army called for his war in Holland and by this time four of his vassals had responded to his own calls to arms.
On 15 November, the Ingrian regiment arrived in Satakunta and Vihavald took over command from Jarl Tyuey, whose skills would be called on elsewhere. The dishonour being done by the raiders from Kemi would be avenged: even if it meant attacking over a river. They would arrive in Austerbotn on 24 December. But would they be in time to prevent the small holding from being sacked?
By 28 November the debt was at almost 11 gold. The Swedish expeditionary force had landed in Narva: and there were only 60 men! It had been an elaborate feint! Tyuey took the command of the Reval force and set off in pursuit of the small Swedish party: but it looked like they would arrive a day late, as the Swedes fled towards Pskov. They did not have enough men to threaten any Garðarikian keep by themselves. The other vassal regiments were instructed to resume course for Finland, to join Vihavald, who would have hopefully regained Austerbotn by then.
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December 899
Unfortunately, the holding in Austerbotn fell on 13 December – less than two weeks before relief could arrive. The garrison was killed and 45 silver was looted. Even more to avenge now!
“My Liege,” said the now elderly Gumarich der Schreiber one cold November afternoon in Nygarðr. “Messengers have brought word that King Zygmunt the cruel of Poland has launched a war to subjugate Curonia!” High Chief Yudki has called in his vassals but is likely to be over-matched in this contest.”
“That is not good news, though I suppose I’m hardly in a position to complain,” observed Eilif with some sense of irony. “We may need to deal with these pesky Poles at some point. Especially as they encroach on traditionally Russian lands.”
That day Tyuey’s small army of 500 men arrived in Narva to see the Swedes had scooted into Pskov and were now heading west into Livonia. Rather than chase them around the countryside, they instead took ship with the fleet, which was riding at anchor in the Gulf of Finland by then.
Vihavald’s small force closed with the Kemi raiders in Austerbotn on 25 December and began skirmishing. He hoped his advantage in numbers would offset the disadvantage of attacking across the small river the Kemi had drawn up behind.
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January 900
The turn of a new century (by Christian reckoning) soon brought a series of interesting events and reports. On 3 January, Uppland fell: and a large haul of non-combatant prisoners was taken – five in all. Three were concubines, which it seemed Eirikr was unwilling to ransom. But he must have just married a new bride very recently – because the 16 year old Queen Bodil of SviÞjod was found hiding under a bed! One other noble prisoner was taken, a child: and Jarl Bertil seemed very willing to pay 10 gold for her speedy release! The young queen would be held while the child was ransomed first. With the debt at 12 gold and climbing (even after looting 2 gold from the keep), the two ransoms would be very useful indeed. Some men had been lost during the siege, but that was to be expected. A few less pays would need to be drawn, it was supposed.
But back in Reval, the small Swedish raiding force had turned up in Tartu: and it was realised they would have just enough troops to be able to besiege the recently won holding, as the local garrison was only 34 strong.
“Damn!” snarled Tyuey when he heard this. He had only just finished embarking his men. “Unload again! These insects are proving to be mighty irritating!”
Barsbek’s next target was soon known: he felt he was ready enough to invade the traditional regional punching bag – poor old Halfdan the Ill-Ruler of Könugarðr!
And it seemed Chieftess Vanamo was quite an astute commander: as Vihavald gradually gained the upper hand, she found some good ground to narrow the front as the melee phase of the battle ground on. But while this happened, the reinforcements from the south were making their way from Kexholm to reinforce Vihavald in his drawn-out struggle against the Kemi.
Thinking the various wars in the north and on the Russian plains were big news, on 10 January, 900AD, news came form far Rome that it seemed could change the world as the peoples of Europe and their neighbours knew it. The Christians had declared a new age of Holy War to defend their heathen faith! They called these wars ‘Crusades’, after the cross that was their chief religious symbol.
“Foolish posturing!” cried Eilif when he heard of this. But time would tell whether it was more than that: Pope Nicolaus II called it the age of Crusader Kings.
And over the next few days, reports came in from all over ‘Christendom’ (as they liked to refer to their religious domain). The general commentary went from bravado to at last some worry as order after order of Christian Holy Warriors was founded. They were specifically pledged to fight for Roman Catholic rulers who could pay for their services to fight ‘infidels and heathens’. Which, outrageously, they considered the followers of the Old Gods of the Germanic faith to be. This drove Eilif even harder to win his current war and so bring his own faith closer to reform so it could better confront this militant Catholic challenge, should it turn their way.
Closer to home, the ransom for young Ulfhildr was received on 12 January and with her went an offer for Eirikr to ransom his young wife. This was duly accepted on 16 January – and the realm’s finances were back in the black again – for a while, anyway. And given the strife between the two Norse realms, at least the exchange of letters was very polite and respectful. In other circumstances, these aren’t bad men, thought Eilif. And he did want them to become his subjects, after all.
Towards the end of January, the first of the vassal regiments – from Jarl Buðli of Belo Ozero – arrived in Austerbotn and this had quickly decided the battle. By 28 January it was all over. The Kemi, defeated now, would not be back any time soon to raid more Garðarikian lands.
In Reval, it was decided to split the army in two. Eilif himself would take command of the Narva Tribe to secure the rear lines. Tyuey would take the Huscarls and the one surviving member of Rurik’s old company [the special event troops from the start of the game]and take them back to sea and to the war further west.
At this point, it was decided to lower the reinforcement rate for the Huscarls [from full to half], which would save around 1 gold per month. [I hadn’t thought of this before.]
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February 900
The Temple of Uppsala fell on 10 February. No more prisoners were taken, but the rich complex yielded a very useful haul of loot, which would give a little more time of surplus, as well as beefing up Eilif’s negotiating position in the war.
At this point, Þorsteinn split his force in Sweden, the more quickly to reduce enemy holdings. Sölvi was given the command of the smaller of the two forces and headed north. Þorsteinn went south-west. The two forces would however stay near each other, so they could link up again should the Swede’s main force appear. Vihavald would try to bring the rest of the vassal regiments with him to Finland and then over to Sweden via Åland. Tyuey would take his small force to the Sea ofÅland and perhaps try to take the island, or at least hold it and serve as another rallying point for the vassal regiments of necessary.
Back home, knowledge of siege equipment rose in both Ladoga[to Level 1 on 17 February] and in Torzhok[Level 1 on 20 February]. Technological development, inspired by the decades-long mission to Constantinople, was near and dear to the hearts of Rurikid rulers and it was good to see it spreading out gradually within the heart of the realm.
On 23 February, Sölvi arrived in Gästrikland and set up his siege works. It would take close to three months to reduce the fort there. Jarl Tyuey was taking his small force ashore in Åland.
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March 900
Þorsteinn began what should be a shorter siege in Vestmannaland on 4 March. A small Swedish vassal company to the west would not cause any problems. He was on the lookout for the main Swedish army which, when it came, would probably head this way back to Uppland.
“King Eilif, Sumarliði Olafrsson is here and has asked to see you on a ‘personal matter’. He is quite insistent.”
Was he after a job? The vote had still not been held in the Council, so no change could be made. Surely it wasn’t going to be something of a more, er, familiar nature?
Ch75 Q2: Vote Delay - Still.I know I’ve asked before, but this is getting ridiculous – given everyone else had voted months ago and only the King needs to cast his tie-breaker and can’t … can this go on for years? Is there really no way of breaking the deadlock by bringing it on? Or is the game bugged?
“My King, thank you for seeing me. I have just left the side of my wife, Ingjerðr Hrörekrsdottir. Her father has just this afternoon lost his fight against this canker that has wearied him these last years. He is now in the halls of his forefathers.”
The last links to old King Rurik’s reign keep falling away. Hrörekr, Chancellor until replaced by Jarl Tyuey, managed to make it to 65. [Despite dying randomly years ago in that small passage of play I had to restart when the HF patch killed my save game! The Gods weren’t finished with him yet.]
One day later, news came from the land of the Christians: these Crusades were real enough. One had been called against the Muslims over Jerusalem. One set of infidels pitted against another – that’s a relief. Long may their focus remain in that direction and not to the north.
Finances by then were approaching dangerous levels again. They were down to 6 gold and there would be deficit again within a couple of months. The fleet, having dropped Tyuey off in Åland (where he did not have enough troops yet to properly besiege it) was ordered back to Narva, with the intention of dismissing it to save a few more gold. It could be called up again in an emergency, though there would be a delay assembling it.
Ch75 Q3: Fleet Disbandment.I’ve assumed here that like disbanding troops while not in country, dismissing a fleet while it is at sea may also lead to losses. Is the mechanic the same, or doesn’t it matter with fleets?
Then on 17 March, the main Swedish army finally appeared. Around 3,500 of them were spotted in Austergautland marching to Sudermanland, from where they could either head to the capital or turn on Þorsteinn in Vestmannaland. Sölvi was ordered to break his siege and rejoin forces with his overall invasion commander. Eilif’s vassals were still some way off gathering in Finland: it was a slow and circuitous process. The hoped-for pincer trap was not yet ready to spring.
When the Swedes arrived in Sudermanland on 30 April, they chose to ignore Þorsteinn and head straight for Uppland. Þorsteinn opted to continue his siege in Vestmannaland and see what Bishop Sigbjörn (a Christian commanding a Norse army? Outrageous!) would do. [I checked and Eirkr is still Germanic.]
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April 900
A welter of events occurred in mid-April. First, word came that an adventurer’s raiding party had struck the Swedish island of Gotland on 11 April. Excellent! On 13 April, the Swedes made it to Uppland – and kept marching east, to Åland. Tyuey didn’t have the men to resist nor the time to get across the strait to Finland before the Swedes would arrive. Fortunately, the fleet was still nearby, so he began boarding them instead, which would get them away with six days to spare. Simultaneously, Þorsteinn completed his siege of Vestmannaland and, Sölvi having re-joined him some days before, he decided to march in behind the Swedes. Either it may distract them and give more time for the vassal army to appear in Finland, or at least they would be close enough if they followed them to be in a position to complete the planned pincer attack at some later point.
On 18 April, the Swedes took the bait: they turned around and moved to attack Þorsteinn. After considering his options, he found a destination he could make it to a day or two before the Swedes could reach him in Vestmannaland. He would head to Nerike in the hope of leading the Swedes in a merry dance around their own country! At that point, the main body (though not the complete complement) of the vassals' army, with Vihavald leading, was in Satakunta and making for Finland.
The royal treasury was back in debt by 22 April – even more reason for Þorsteinn to keep avoiding a set battle against the pursuing Swedes. The Huscarls were on the ships and now beginning to unload in Finland, where the lead elements of the reinforcing army had begun to gather (only 330 men as yet).
On 24 April the Queen Mother announced yet another discovery of knowledge in Constantinople, this time in cultural matters – but not enough for another technology to be revealed. Ingjerðr had recently turned 50 and a miniature of her at the time showed she had seemingly aged in appearance overnight!
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Questions
Ch75 Q1: Debt Morale Penalty and Vassal Ally Armies.Am I right that the morale penalty for Eilif’s forces would not apply to those of his vassal allies, who should be commanded and funded under separate arrangements? I’m hoping so, as part of my campaign plan is to eventually gather them together into a single force with one or two of my small demesne levies, install good commanders and have them carry the main fight to the Swedes, using Þorsteinn’s main force as the hammer once I can get the Swedes on the anvil. It will take a bit of management though, I know!
Ch75 Q2: Vote Delay - Still.I know I’ve asked before, but this is getting ridiculous – given everyone else had voted months ago and only the King needs to cast his tie-breaker and can’t … can this go on for years? Is there really no way of breaking the deadlock by bringing it on? Or is the game bugged?
Ch75 Q3: Fleet Disbandment.I’ve assumed here that like disbanding troops while not in country, dismissing a fleet while it is at sea may also lead to losses. Is the mechanic the same, or doesn’t it matter with fleets?
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The Temple in Uppsala remained under Eilif’s occupation for now – one of the five Germanic Holy Sites. It made him feel closer to the goal cherished by the Rurikids of one day reforming the Germanic faith. Especially now the Christians were becoming more militant against those who did not share their beliefs. While they may not declare a crusade against the Norse, local rulers could be more likely to call for holy wars to advance their aims – and bring one of those new Holy Orders in to help them.
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The Twelfth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – April 900 (a summary of advice from Chapter 75)
Victory seems at hand, let's hope gods favor us and we win this war. Then we'll be just conquering a single neighboring province away from having all 3 sites at hand. With the crusades beginning though, we must make haste and hope our current enemy future vassal Swedes to hold Zeeland. Great episode, and seems like even better ones are on their way Thanks for your excellent writing.
Now the hot phase of the war begins. The armies are nearly in position, the decisive battle is coming nearer. The best bet would probably be to bait Eirikr's bishop to attack in his blind Christian fury across the strait to Åland or Finland, but that won't be easy.
Well, at least said fury is directed against Jerusalem. (How's the religious situation of Germany's rulers? It seems that this is responsible for triggering the crusades.)
According to the religion map, a large part is still under Hungarian rule and Orthodox is probably dominant, Catholicism next but still quite a strong Pagan Slavic presence in the east and overlapping with Poland. Then there’s the Swedish Dutch enclave, where most is Catholic but one of the counties is Norse. I haven’t surveyed the various leaders in any detail.
Well, if the "royalty" gig ends up not working out, Eilif may be able to get a job as a prognosticator -- he's just summed up a thousand years of Eastern European history in two sentences
Yes, it took running out of money to really figure that out. Sounds like a reprise of youthful budgeting lessons learned the hard way! Or, when it’s rock stars, never learned!
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Ch75 Q1: Debt Morale Penalty and Vassal Ally Armies.Am I right that the morale penalty for Eilif’s forces would not apply to those of his vassal allies, who should be commanded and funded under separate arrangements? I’m hoping so, as part of my campaign plan is to eventually gather them together into a single force with one or two of my small demesne levies, install good commanders and have them carry the main fight to the Swedes, using Þorsteinn’s main force as the hammer once I can get the Swedes on the anvil. It will take a bit of management though, I know!
This is a relief, as I’ll be relying on them heavily.
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Ch75 Q2: Vote Delay - Still.I know I’ve asked before, but this is getting ridiculous – given everyone else had voted months ago and only the King needs to cast his tie-breaker and can’t … can this go on for years? Is there really no way of breaking the deadlock by bringing it on? Or is the game bugged?
You could check the voting panel - I am fairly sure that you can cast your vote somewhere. It should be either in the laws tab or in 'my council', where you can check the votes. Everyone else than Eilif has already voted, after all.
I have never encountered this, but a search shows some similar experiences of other people. This one didn't receive any answers. There is a discussion here, and the commetor on this one says he's avoiding giving favors to councillers like the plague because then they start a voting and this happens and the timeout period is 36 months. I don't know how accurate this info is, but that's what I could find. Another discussion made me feel like we should keep the council as powerless as possible until the end of the game.
While I was visiting Wiki the Red, I also came up with this feudalism checklist:
Castle Infrastructure I tech -> Stone Hillfort in capital: 4th level fort after Earth, Wooden and Reinforced Hillforts for a total of 375 gold. I don't remember where we're at this and our tech level.
Absolute Tribal Organization: I think we're on 2nd level and we need to go 3 more levels. There needs to be a voting (making a more loyal council would be good for this) but can be made only every 5 years so if it's been more than 5 years when we last increased this, we can do it again. I hope the stupid stuck voting thingy doesn't block this but I have a bad feeling about it.
Religious Reformation: After subjugating Svithjod, we only need to take the neighboring province (Naumadal?) from Noregr to achieve the 3 holy sites. If there aren't temples on the other 2 we should build them for I think 500 gold each to achieve 50% religious authority (20% base, 5% each from having the holy sites and 5% each from having temples in them). If our religious authority is high enough (from conquering infidel provinces and looting infidel temples) we might get away with only 1 temple. What is the religious authority status now? We also need 750 piety.
One last thing to note is that we'll lose the subjugation CB so if it's another king than Eilif, we should make sure to use the subjugation before reformation. Also, having already created an empire will give more stability that might be necessary.
Thanks for the readings. Let's hope there's at least a vote timeout period - there will be another event that may affect this detailed in the coming chapter. Too late now with empowering the council. I'll just have to grit the teeth and 'keep learning' - the hard way.
Re feudalism, I know I have to achieve those milestones. At least there is already a stone fort in the capital. Of course, if the Council is permanently stuck, it will make it hard to get the Tribal Org increasing! And yes, for the Reform, Rurik researched this once but thanks for the reminder. Eilif will be considering the requirement again, also in this forthcoming chapter.
In tandem with @diskoerekto, I'm thinking this is most likely a bug. I can't think of being caught in a similar predicament before, but then I also try to avoid giving out Favors to council members unless the alternative is sufficiently dire.
I hope it’s a bug that eventually buzzes off, as I’m not sure I have any effective bug spray to apply. And yes, I’ll be careful before granting another favour to a Councillor.
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Ch75 Q3: Fleet Disbandment.I’ve assumed here that like disbanding troops while not in country, dismissing a fleet while it is at sea may also lead to losses. Is the mechanic the same, or doesn’t it matter with fleets?
Glad I thought of it before hitting the button. Burned once is enough on this mechanic!
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My sincere thanks for those who are still commenting and offering advice. As before, I’m hoping this is one of those quieter periods on the Forums (I think it’s been fairly quiet across a range of threads of late). So I will soldier on! Next session played, editing in progress. Some interesting developments, too.
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Chapter 76: Where is that Hammer? (24 April – 20 September 900)
Chapter 76: Where is that Hammer? (24 April – 20 September 900)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Money troubles continue to affect the great war of subjugation on Sweden, but have not thrown it too far off course yet; Þorsteinn leads the Swedes on a chase while he waits for the rest of the Garðarikian army – mainly composed of the loyal vassal contingents – to catch up; can he keep going this way, or will he be caught before he can link up with them?
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April 900
As Eilif considered the reports of his various armies and the state of the war, he received a visit from Steward Egill.
“My Liege, I’m afraid that I must advise the realm is back into debt again. The coffers fell empty this morning.”
Back to that impost on the morale of the royal levies – though not (it was hoped) those of the vassals – as long as their funding held out too.
On 28 April, as the main army now besieged Nerike (they had arrived the day before), Chief Grimr was brought in to command one wing. The Swedes were investing Vestmannaland, which only had a very small garrison and couldn’t be expected to hold out for long.
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May 900
170 men were lost in early May at the siege of Nerike, reducing army strength to 2,880 [no message, just deduced from the change in strengths – presumably a sortie, bandits, or disease event]. Eilif was reading of this minor setback when his aged secretary Gumarich entered his state room, with a sad visage.
“My King, I have just received word that Marshal Hrolfr died today, at his post in the main barracks here in Nygarðr.”
“Oh no, another giant of the old days gone. What was it?”
“A canker, My King. He never made mention of it and kept working until the end. His two young sons have split his holdings between them, Tryggve being the senior of the two.”
After a fitting funeral and feast, some days later Eilif called upon Chief Vihavald of Ingria to become the new Marshal. He was an accomplished warrior and, despite some religious and cultural differences, the appointment would make him (just barely) favourable in his opinion of the King. And better yet, after he was appointed he indicated he would take a pragmatic approach to Council decision-making!
Hrolfr’s death and Vihavald’s promotion meant some minor appointments now lay vacant. Eilif was also reminded, after the last Þing had been presided over by a temporary supervisor, that the recent death of old Hrörekr meant the Lawspeaker’s role was vacant. Sumarliði was given the job. Hopefully, by the time he could be appointed as Steward (if that ever became possible) his opinion of his liege would be high indeed.
More pressingly, the Commander’s spot vacated by Vihavald was given to Gandalfr Þorfinnsson. The son of the the fearsome deceased commander was a well-regarded soldier, if not a tactical genius. Vihavald himself was tasked with improving army organisation – which it was hoped would help trim expenditure on the royal retinue. And on a tribal army if one needed to be summoned. It might also help to raise the standard of the current commanders.
Just two days later, reports came in from alarmed scouts in the north. While the focus had been on military events in Sweden itself, several groups of Eirikr’s vassals and some of his own troops had taken the long way around the north through Finnish lands, braving bitter weather and a lack of supplies to emerge just north of Ladoga! They clearly meant to strike at the heart of Garðariki.
The commands of the various armies were again reorganised. Despite his skill as a commander, it was decided Chancellor Tyuey’s highest priority should be gaining King Eilif a claim on Naumadal, which may take years (and would eventually cost a great deal of money – meaning if the war with Sweden was won, the next priority would be some lucrative seaborne raiding).
Grimr was brought back to command the levy regiment in Reval. His own levies in Austerbotn were asked to join him, though they may be too far away to make a difference any time soon. But Buðli’s regiments – over 500 men – happened to be nearby, so they were also asked to join Grimr and together march to Holmgarðr. Snorri would command the troops in Finland (including the large Yaroslavian levy) and try to get them over to Sweden to assist Þorsteinn.
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June 900
“My King, I have a letter for you from Jarl Tyueykezhut,” announced Gumarich on a balmy June day. “It seems to be rather … long.”
“Hmm, hand it over then, Gumarich,” replied the King rather diffidently. He could tell it was going to be one of those situations that made his brain ache.
After initial bafflement, with Tyuey’s patient written explanation Eilif gradually came to understand what had transpired:
Vseslav of Vyazma (one of his new independence-minded direct vassals he had inherited from Dyre) had won a war Eilif had completely forgotten he was waging against the regional whipping boy: Halfdan the Ill-Ruler, of course.
Roslavl had been usurped by Vseslav from the Jarl of Smolensk (Velimir II) and it was therefore now part of Garðariki.
This meant Jarl Velimir II was without land.
He was unhappy about that, so he stripped his own vassal – one Gostomysl Velimirovich – of his chiefdom of Mstislavl.
Which was in turn the object of Grimr’s own war on Halfdan, which continued. Eilif had at least remembered that one.
“We have seen this kind of thing before, My King, though this is quite a twisted and tortuous situation at first sight,” consoled Gumarich.
“And second, third and fourth sight, too!” exclaimed Eilif. “My brain hurts!”
“You do get at least one more county in the kingdom out of it, My Liege.”
“Unless he Vseslav tries to take it all off on his independence drive.”
“There is that, Sire. But I think he is all bark and no bite at the moment.”
“Hmmph! That's as may be. Bring me that mead, Gumarich – no, leave the bottle.”
In Sweden, Vestmannaland had almost been retaken by the Swedes. Snorri’s army remained in Åland: taking the small keep there was secondary. He was hoping the Swedes would take the bait and come to attack him. Þorsteinn kept at the siege of Nerike, hoping he might be able to occupy it before the Swedes came for him, providing yet another distraction.
The same day, another chest of papers was delivered from Constantinople. This time, texts on military practices were delivered.
The siege of Vestmannaland was over two days later, with Bishop Sigbjörn (the ‘Bloody Bishop’, as he was becoming known colloquially) marching his army on Nerike. Þorsteinn had nearly finished the siege there but would now be caught by the Swedes before he could escape elsewhere. He headed to Sudermanland anyway, while Snorri was ordered to Uppland. This might be the chance to link up safely – even if it meant the army would lose some men before they could break away from combat. The quicker it was done, the better.
Eilif’s nephew Buðli had never really had his heart in his marriage. He had a young daughter – but now it seemed he wished to eschew all indulgences of the flesh: so much so that he became known as ‘the Chaste’. Eilif was happy enough with that!
Bishop Sigbjörn’s Swedish army found the withdrawing Garðarikians on the road to Sudermanland on 24 June. Þorsteinn ordered the retreat immediately but could not prevent his men being harried as they withdrew. However it was better than trying to fight it out with a considerably larger enemy force. Once the pursuit finished on 5 July, almost 200 men had been lost – most of them light infantry from the rear-guard. But it could have been a lot worse. The Swedes turned around and marched back to Vestmannaland, choosing not to follow Þorsteinn’s withdrawal.
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July 900
Back in the homeland, by 9 July the Swedish army of Steinn had reached Ladoga and, as anticipated, moved on towards the capital. Grimr and Buðli were in Ingria but could not reach Holmgarðr before the Swedes would. To avoid a suicidal fight in Holmgarðr across a major river, Grimr sought to distract Steinn by making to march straight at him. Either Steinn would stop to confront him or he could cross the river and split the main enemy force from its approaching reinforcements.
In Sweden, things were also coming to a head. July saw Snorri and his largely vassal ally host arrive in Uppland. On 11 July, Sigbjörn arrived in Vestmannaland and heading straight to attack him. But Þorsteinn had also reached Sudermanland and he too made for Uppland: he would arrive just a day after the Swedes were due there. Perhaps they could surprise them and strike them in the flank: the hammer on Snorri's anvil. The Smaleskjan levy was not really responding to anyone’s orders. They had stopped in Åland to besiege it – which was not the worst thing they could end up doing. Taking the island would be very useful.
Grimr’s diversion had worked! Two days later Steinn’s Swedish army turned around to make the crossing into Ingria to attack Grimr’s smaller force. Grimr cancelled his own move and dug in to await the battle. Steinn kept coming.
Whereas in Sweden, Bishop Sigbjörn called off his advance on Uppland on 13 July, shortly after his scouts reported the impending link-up of the Garðarikian forces. The two Garðarikian contingents joined together in Uppland on 28 July. Snorri took command of the right wing, which was still suffering somewhat dubious morale after the recent battle, from Gandalfr.
Anticipating many of the vassal regiments would reinforce the centre in battle, Þorsteinn put more of the royal levies on the two flanks but kept the Huscarls in the centre with him. Without waiting for his own men to rest further – and knowing the enemy would be reinforcing on home territory – he immediately marched to attack the now outnumbered Swedes with five and a half thousand men.
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August 900
Battle was joined in Ingria on 10 August 900 AD in what would become known as the Battle of Nöteborg. As had happened before, Jarl Buðli bravely but foolishly pulled rank and took command of the main central division, over-ruling the far more competent Grimr. A token force on the left would soon be wiped from the field but the enemy had no troops on their left. Buðli could only hope that the river would hamper the enemy enough to even the odds. They had two weeks before another company of enemy soldiers would cross to join the battle. If it was not won by then, it would probably never be.
Six days later, a far larger battle raged in Vestmannaland (it would become known to history as the Battle of Köpingshus). Time would tell whether it became the decisive battle of the war, but it would certainly be a very significant one. When the two sides clashed, the personal banner of King Eirikr ‘the Depraved’ of Sweden was seen on the enemy’s right flank, where he had taken command himself. Alongside his Christian clergyman-commander in the centre. Disgraceful for a Norseman to give a Christian such a position of honour, thought the Garðarikians.
Eirikr had amassed the vast bulk of the Swedish troops on that flank, outnumbering Snorri whose own men were still not fully recovered from their earlier fighting against the ‘Bloody Bishop of Uppsala’. The Swedes had a small but not overwhelming advantage in heavy infantry and had a contingent of light cavalry. Þorsteinn had more archers and many more light infantry.
Note: This screenshot was taken a little after the battle had begun, as I was trying to track two at once.
With typical cynical timing, on 16 July the perfidious Chief Ladimir of Belo Ozero began fabricating a claim on the Jarldom of his liege, Jarl Buðli of Belo Ozero – while the latter fought for his life in Ingria. Ladimir was truly a dastard!
In Vestmannaland, the battle was taking a distinct shape. On the Garðarikian right and in the centre, Sölvi and Þorsteinn were pushing their enemies back steadily by 18 August. But on the left, Snorri was forced to give ground as King Eirikr’s superior numbers and better morale proved telling. It would all turn on how quickly Eilif’s commanders could finish off their own fights and switch to their left to take on the Swedish king. Six days later, these trends were becoming more pronounced: something would soon crack – but which side would break first?
In Ingria, 24 August brought fresh enemy troops from Ladoga and it was clear to Grimr that the battle was lost. There was no point dying in place: he ordered the royal levies to withdraw on 26 August. Buðli himself recognised the inevitable soon after and broke himself. The pursuit began.
At the same time, the decisive phase of the battle in Vestmannaland had also begun. On 26 August, the enemy centre broke, the Bloody Bishop himself forced from the field, pursued with whoops by Þorsteinn’s men. The enemy left was nearing its limit, but so was Snorri’s left flank. Both would break the next day, by which time Sölvi and Þorsteinn met the charge of King Eirikr head-on.
But the Swedish King’s men could not hold off the combined might of the two remaining Garðarikian divisions and soon broke itself. For a while they let Eirikr’s men run and turned to pursue those who had initially faced them. But once they had escaped (by 4 September), the two victorious commanders both focused again on Eirikr’s fleeing units, harrying them mercilessly from the battlefield.
In Ingria, 29 August saw the pursuit of Buðli’s Belo Ozeran units continuing, though the royal levies (having left a little earlier) had by then escaped. The crown debt continued to increase: though the monthly expenses had been trimmed considerably, they were still well in excess of income.
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September 900
The battle in Ingria formally ended on 4 September. [NB: there was no battle report as Buðli had commanded but could be discerned from the message marking the beginning of the siege of Ingria. The final casualty report will be seen in the war score summary later.] Eilif would now have to decide how to handle the situation – he did have options, of course, and soon began consulting with Marshal Vihavald.
But in Sweden, a fine victory was being celebrated [it occurred a few days before the 17 September screen shot, but not quite sure exactly when.] A thousand Swedish warrior had been killed and they now fled north in rout. Somewhat less than seven hundred Garðarikians had fallen. After the battle, reports emerged of King Eirikr being seen with an elaborate painted mask over his face! It was wondered what hideousness it covered. Þorsteinn – who was no pretty picture himself since his ill-treatment at the hands of the Karelians years before – sought more information on the reason for this facial cover, so he could report back to the king.
On 19 September, as he waited for his agents to report back, Þorsteinn decided to waste no more time besieging Vestmannaland: he assaulted the thinly-held walls and by the next day all the defenders lay dead and some gold had been looted to provide a little back-pay to the troops, with only eight men lost.
As the holding fell, a scout reported to the three commanders on what he had discovered. The reason for the mask was now known: Eirikr had been badly wounded in the face during the recent battle!
When Eilif received the report back in Nygarðr, he found it both satisfactory in one sense and sad in another. Eirikr now had plenty to feel angry about as a result of the attack by his former brother-in-law: his three concubines all languished in Eilif’s prison; his daughter Ingfrid had been captured but he could not afford the very large ransom demanded, so she was being educated by Eilif himself! He had been disfigured in battle and remained severely injured, had lost many of his troops and was now also approaching a position of indebtedness, which should even things up as far as the respective royal demesne levies were concerned. The flow of the war itself had definitely swung in Eilif’s favour, though much fighting remained ahead. But he was also a little sad about the – entirely necessary of course, for reasons of state - pain Eirikr was being put through.
By contrast, Eilif – though not without money problems and with enemy troops loose in his own realm – was in a stronger position. He had more personal and he believed vassal ally troops than his opponent. He also had the ability, carefully held in reserve until now, of raising a tribal army in his capital. It would prove very useful in countering the invaders now investing Ingria, though it would further increase the royal debt. He summoned his Steward to get more guidance before he made his next crucial decision.
“Egill, I want you to speak to Sumarliði: get him to ask this evening's Þing about whether further debt will lead to even bigger problems for the morale of the army and peace and order at home.”
“Of course, My Liege.”
Ch76 Q1: Debt Levels.Does the effect of debt become worse the larger it gets? Past a certain predetermined or proportional point, can the morale percentage malus worsen, or unrest become more likely? Otherwise, if already in debt, a little more may not hurt that much – or is that too dangerous?
Eilif also thought on his current ambition of grooming Styrkar as his heir: with only the one son but plenty of other Rurikid heirs out there, did he need more children? Or was there something else he should be focusing on now? He also knew he must build his reputation for piety if he ever wanted to reform the Germanic faith. This war should help and then perhaps a good blot afterwards. Some more raiding later, too, perhaps.
But the King’s immediate attention was on three things: two military and one monetary. The most urgent was whether he should now raise that tribal army he had been leaving as an option for just such an occasion as the current Swedish incursion into Garðariki. He could roll up the forces currently isolated and far from home, then take the host over to Sweden afterwards to help speed up the campaign. The only thing giving him second thoughts was the financial situation. And he knew he would have to wait for a summoned army to become battle-ready after it assembled, before it could be committed to combat. And he wouldn’t be wanting it to assault over a river, either, so it would have to take a march through Pskov.
Ch76 Q2: Tribal Army.Depending on the answer to Q1, I think this one is an almost foregone conclusion. Eilif can’t afford to have these Swedish hooligans running around the core counties of Garðariki. And the host would be well-used throughout the rest of this campaign, which needs to be concluded before something goes wrong – the longer it goes, the more deficit will accrue anyway, so the cost of maintenance may be well worth it. Thoughts, anyone?
The second was of course the next step in the campaign for Sweden. His first impulse was to break the army up again into two or even three forces, each to reduce Swedish counties and thus force Eirikr to the negotiating table. They would of course need to remain close enough to concentrate again should the Bloody Bishop return with a rallied and reinforced army, as inevitably he must at some point.
The third concern was already well-known: money. It was good that Eirikr was also almost out of coin, meaning his personal levies would also suffer in morale if not being fully paid. But it also meant that the rich windfall that could have been gained from ransoming his daughter could not be claimed, either.
Meeting with Marshal Vihavald and Steward Egill, two more decisions were taken to try to rein in the deficit. First, the reinforcement allowance for the Huscarls retinue was zeroed. This would save around 77 silver [ie 0.77 gold] per month: a considerable amount for a small economy, such as primitive Garðariki was at that time.
“Vihavald, I know you checked briefly, but could you confirm that while they are overseas, the Huscarls cannot reinforce anyway? So there is little point in doing other than just paying their basic running costs?”
“I will double-check at this evening’s Þing, King Eilif.”
“And order the fleet back to Narva: with the Swedes beaten for now in Sweden itself and the land bridge through Åland open, I think we can stand the galleys down for now. They can be called again if we need them and it will save us a considerable sum per month in upkeep. How much was it, Egill?”
“Another one gold and forty-five silver a month, Sire,” that worthy replied, after consulting his ledger.
“Let us do it, then.”
Ch76 Q3: Retinue Reinforcement.From what I can see, the Huscarls aren't reinforcing while overseas anyway, so I can save some money now and then pay for reinforcements next time they are on home territory. Does that sound right?
The King next turned to his wife, Queen Ingrid, Seeress of Garðariki, back in the capital for a short visit.
“My dear Ingrid, we are all disturbed and – frankly – disgusted by the state of affairs in Uppsala. How could Eirikr, who professes to be a proud Norse king, allow a Christian bishop to defile one of our holiest sites? Letting him command his army is bad enough – this is sacrilege.”
“I know husband, I share your outrage. Once we gain full control of Uppland, we must put the temple of Uppsala back into good Norse Germanic hands. Doing so would not only boost the moral authority of the faith – which is riding quite high at the moment – but should be a much-needed aid to your reputation as a pious and observant follower of the Gods. You will need that if you wish to lead its reform. That and control of the Temple of Mære in Naumadal, of course.”
“Now, I move on to Council business and this interminable vote on Tyuey’s legal change to noble obligations. It still drags on. Vihavald, I am told you have decided to vote as Hrolfr would have and will oppose it? Meaning the Council is deadlocked at three-three again?”
“That is right, King Eilif.”
“Then why do I receive conflicting reports that you are all either decided or undecided? And why, even though I am ready and willing to cast my deciding vote, can we not seem to bring on that vote?”
All present looked at each other, mystified themselves and somewhat embarrassed.
“I know not, husband,” the Queen finally answers on their behalf. “This Council voting business is still new to our realm. We have put it to two Þings now and can only surmise that it may resolve in time – maybe a year, maybe three.”
“Aggh! We need it resolved, as there is other more important legal work to be done. Anyway, if there is nothing to be done for now, we can only fight the enemy in front of us. And we certainly have enough of those!”
Ch76 Q4: Council Voting #3.Just a continuation of the old question, but with a little more info on the screen. I’ll keep putting it up in case anyone who hasn’t commented on it before can throw any new insights on this irritating sideshow. I’m wondering (mainly rhetorically) now too whether the ‘re-vote’ of Vihavald may have re-set the time period for a default resolution. I also note that the pop-up for the ‘voters who have not yet voted’ icon (empty, of course) is headed ‘Opposed to Tax Shifted Noble Obligations’. Does that mean Eilif’s vote has automatically been/will be cast against the proposed change, I wonder out loud?
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Questions
Ch76 Q1: Debt Levels.Does the effect of debt become worse the larger it gets? Past a certain predetermined or proportional point, can the morale percentage malus worsen, or unrest become more likely? Otherwise, if already in debt, a little more may not hurt that much – or is that too dangerous?
Ch76 Q2: Tribal Army.Depending on the answer to Q1, I think this one is an almost foregone conclusion. Eilif can’t afford to have these Swedish hooligans running around the core counties of Garðariki. And the host would be well-used throughout the rest of this campaign, which needs to be concluded before something goes wrong – the longer it goes, the more deficit will accrue anyway, so the cost of maintenance may be well worth it. Thoughts, anyone?
Ch76 Q3: Retinue Reinforcement.From what I can see, the Huscarls aren't reinforcing while overseas anyway, so I can save some money now and then pay for reinforcements next time they are on home territory. Does that sound right?
Ch76 Q4: Council Voting #3.Just a continuation of the old question, but with a little more info on the screen. I’ll keep putting it up in case anyone who hasn’t commented on it before can throw any new insights on this irritating sideshow. I’m wondering (mainly rhetorically) now too whether the ‘re-vote’ of Vihavald may have re-set the time period for a default resolution. I also note that the pop-up for the ‘voters who have not yet voted’ icon (empty, of course) is headed ‘Opposed to Tax Shifted Noble Obligations’. Does that mean Eilif’s vote has automatically been/will be cast against the proposed change, I wonder out loud?
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Despite the setback in Ingria, the war to subjugate Sweden seemed to be progressing reasonably well by September 900 AD. The three commanders of the main army in Vestmannaland were still celebrating their victory over the Bloody Bishop and the Depraved Masked Man! In the end, rather than hammer and anvil, it was just a single mighty Garðarikian hammer that had smashed the pride of the Swedish army.
Sölvi (left), Þorsteinn (centre) and Snorri (right) celebrate after their great victory in the Battle of Köpingshus.
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The Thirteenth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – September 900 (a summary of advice from Chapter 76)
It's good that the Norse religion has a lot of authority. Depending on how fast it is to accumulate piety, Eilif can be the one who reforms the Norse religion. Who would've expected? If as you said the heir situation is satisfactory, he can change his focus to a religious one.
You could have learned about the flanks' composition from the earlier battle with the swedish army. I don't know how frequently the AI changes their army layout, but apparently it was the same in both battles.
It's been half a year since I last checked this thread, so here are some things I noticed while binge reading:
Factions: I think councillors are not allowed to join factions, unless the council is discontent (which it only is after succession or Tyranny). That's probably why Tyuey is not scheming against you currently.
Minor titles: Shortly after Eilif was crowned he appointed a cupbearer, who had a claim on the kingdom and disliked him. That was probably not wise. IIRC cupbearers (like wifes and spymasters) are better at murdering you.
Thanks for the binge catch-up! That sounds right re Tyuey from what I can recall from other AARs. Another good reason for having him on the Council. On Cupbearers: eek! Another good point I hadn’t known/thought of.
That's what you get if you let a Christian lead your center, Eirikr. Not just a defeat, but also a scar to remember that by. Well, more than just a scar.
Things are looking good, especially if the Depraved runs out of money, too.
Hah, yes, the Bloody Bishop has got what he deserved. Will he get his revenge in the next big battle? To be revealed in the next chapter!
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Ch76 Q1: Debt Levels.Does the effect of debt become worse the larger it gets? Past a certain predetermined or proportional point, can the morale percentage malus worsen, or unrest become more likely? Otherwise, if already in debt, a little more may not hurt that much – or is that too dangerous?
The higher you are in debt, the more likely the negative province modifiers are to fire - thieves' guild, highway robber bands, peasant unrest. They put negative modifiers on your demesne, such as lower taxes, less levies/refill rate, higher unrest.
But right now, they don't matter. And once the treasury is positive again, these modifiers will at some point be dealt with.
Q1: I dont believe the effects get worse the more debt you gain, it stays at the same modifier level in terms of opinion and morale, but the longer you are in debt the more chances that your personal provinces will gain smugglers ring and thieves guild events which will effect your income and maybe your levy.
Income in miniscule anyway, but levy effects would be unwelcome.
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Ch76 Q2: Tribal Army.Depending on the answer to Q1, I think this one is an almost foregone conclusion. Eilif can’t afford to have these Swedish hooligans running around the core counties of Garðariki. And the host would be well-used throughout the rest of this campaign, which needs to be concluded before something goes wrong – the longer it goes, the more deficit will accrue anyway, so the cost of maintenance may be well worth it. Thoughts, anyone?
Excellent news about winning the big war. For that to be decisive though maybe we should pursue and beat them again a few times? If they are left without a main army what they plan to do in our homeland will not matter much and we can just be able to spare a portion of our army to go beat them if necessary.
So depending on the circumstances I think we don't need to summon an army. One thing would be if we'll be able to declare a series of wars like a chain (like we did some time ago) so use the army in several wars. But with the council and stuff, it's more difficult to be able to declare wars like that I guess.
Speaking of future wars, do we really need a claim for Naumadal? Isn't it going to be a neighboring province thus eligible for a one province war once the Swedish war is finished? Or are we getting ready for a probable loss of this war?
Thanks @diskoerekto A quick response re Naumadal: we discovered in a recent chapter that the one-province conquest doesn’t work in countries of the same religion. So I’d need a CB for Naumadal in that case. Sending Tyuey there is actually in the hope that we do win the war. The plan would be perhaps a raid to get funds and piety, then I’d have to fight Noregr for the holy site (which would be another major war).
The tribal army might definitely be useful to prevent the Swedish vassals from besieging the capital. Even without looking at the warscore - should they imprison Eilif's family, he can't pay the ransom, after all.
I would say definitely raise the tribal army. The sooner you end this war and get to raiding, the sooner your problems are solved. Sack a couple of rich single-county realms in Britain or Italy and you’ll forget you ever had money problems.
Ch76 Q3: Retinue Reinforcement.From what I can see, the Huscarls aren't reinforcing while overseas anyway, so I can save some money now and then pay for reinforcements next time they are on home territory. Does that sound right?
I think retinues wil reinforce outside your territory. You noticed reinforcements arriving while raiding adjacent provinces in an ealier report. I believe those were retinues. I also think reinforcement costs are only paid, when reinforcement actually occurs. So assuming no overseas reinforcements, changing the setting would not reduce your expenses.
This time, no. The big advantage of retinues (as long as you can pay them, anyway) is that you have a permanent standing army... which always reinforces. The question you have to ask yourself is if it's worth paying the additional reinforcement cost to field a full-strength retinue (which is the most expensive part of the retinue) or if other troops are numerous enough that the retinue can remain under strength for now.
That confirms it. I’ll at least keep them on half speed reinforcement. Maintaining a good Heavy Infantry force is very important with these light levy armies.
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Ch76 Q4: Council Voting #3.Just a continuation of the old question, but with a little more info on the screen. I’ll keep putting it up in case anyone who hasn’t commented on it before can throw any new insights on this irritating sideshow. I’m wondering (mainly rhetorically) now too whether the ‘re-vote’ of Vihavald may have re-set the time period for a default resolution. I also note that the pop-up for the ‘voters who have not yet voted’ icon (empty, of course) is headed ‘Opposed to Tax Shifted Noble Obligations’. Does that mean Eilif’s vote has automatically been/will be cast against the proposed change, I wonder out loud?
Checking your screen shots, neither the council screen nor the law screen has a vote button. (It's been a while since I played, but IIRC it was in one of those.) So I join the group of people, who say it's a bug.
The best thing at this time would probably be to just get rid of one of the councillors who favours the law and replace him with one who opposes it, that way Eilif's vote is not decisive and it ends.
Now I know again why I never give an empowered councillor a favour .
On the others, not much to add. I can confirm retinues reinforce anywhere, and also that I’ve had the council voting deadlock issue a time or two and never figured it out (eventually it went away).
Either a bug or a bit of clunky mechanics, by the sound of the various bits of advice. I’ll just have to hope it goes away.
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As always, thanks so much for the comments and advice. The next session is played through and there is much blood, battle and some interesting events. Now, to writing it up!
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Chapter 77: Red Snow (20 September 900 – 22 April 901)
Chapter 77: Red Snow (20 September 900 – 22 April 901)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Swedish marauders have defeated Jarl Buðli in Ingria and potentially threaten the capital; the main Garðarikian army in Sweden celebrates their great victory at the Battle of Köpingshus and must decide what to do next; Barsbek the Liberator is pursuing his invasion of the hapless Halfdan the Ill-Ruler of Könugarðr – both men continue to be the embodiment of their nicknames; and the Council remains deadlocked in their vote on the Chancellor’s proposed reform.
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September 900
On advice from the þing, Steward Egill was instructed to abort the cut in funding for the Huscarls, to allow them to continue to replenish their ranks at half speed. Other savings measures would have to be found. In Sweden, the royal army was split into two forces. Þorsteinn once again took almost all the King’s Levy with him, while Snorri took two very small contingents (totalling only 19 men) to form the basis of another force that would contain all the allied vassal regiments present in Vestmannaland.
Þorsteinn would head to Vestergautland, the next richest province after Uppland in the vicinity. Snorri headed to Austergautland, with the best pickings after that. Both were close, so they could support each other in need. The main Swedish force ran northwards.
In Holmgarðr, Eilif used his hard-won prestige to summon a tribal army. It would cost more gold to maintain, but they would be used to drive the invader off Garðarikian soil and, in time, hopefully take the fight to the Swedes in their own den. Rather than attempt a dangerous assault over a major river, they made to cross to the south into Luki, then would strike north to Ingria ... if the Swedes were silly enough to hang around. Grimr was given this command and Jarl Buðli was once again ordered to attach himself to them – but that would not happen until the Belo Ozerans finished their panicked rout south. Grimr would not wait for them.
By 27 September, the Swedes had seen this manoeuvre and wisely started heading north to Kexholm. By then, the remaining troops of the King’s Levy (the Narva tribal regiment) that had retreated from the defeat in Ingria made it back to Holmgarðr. Because theirs had been an orderly retreat from battle rather than a rout, they stopped there and were able to join Grimr’s new army immediately. But Grimr delayed his pursuit until he would arrive in Ingria a day after the Swedes had left it: he didn’t want to risk a costly cross-river attack and was happy enough to herd the smaller enemy force westward – towards the larger Gardarikian army in Sweden. The long-planned pincer movement, or ‘hammer and anvil’, may still be possible.
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October 900
Grimr’s chase began on 1 October. The fleet was in the Gulf of Finland by then and preparing to dock in Narva – where they would be dismissed, to save money.
The fleet was dismissed and safely dispersed to its home ports on 11 October, saving one gold and 45 silver per month in upkeep. As Grimr marched north, he knew his claim war on Halfdan for Mstislavl had progressed well enough [71% war score], but it was dragging on a bit. As it happened, his check was prophetic: the very next day came word that Barsbek the Liberator had won yet again.
This gave most of Halfdan’s remaining counties to Barsbek – including Mstislavl. Halfdan, though he still styled himself ‘king’, now only retained the High Chiefdom of Desht-i-Kipchack ... which he had to usurp from one of his own vassals. Which meant Grimr’s claim had lapsed, his attempted conquest ending inconclusively.
The region around Garðariki had changed once again. Chernigov rose, as Mari once had. Halfdan was now just a minor lord surrounded by far larger realms.
The end of Grimr’s war for Mstislavl had also released his tribal regiment to join Þorsteinn in Vestergautland: the Smaleskjans had abandoned their [autonomously initiated] siege of Åland and were heading west towards Uppland. [I only realised this five days after it happened. Up until that point, they had been pretty much doing what they liked. Now, their standing order to join Þorsteinn had kicked in.] Mid-October saw the two new sieges in Sweden kick in as well. Snorri’s siege of Austergautland[2,183 men against 522 defenders with a 1.5 fort] would take about 65 days, while þorsteinn’s larger force should take around 45 days to reduce the tribal stronghold in Vestergautland[2,627 men vs 380 in a 1.0 fort].
The Swedish expeditionary army in the east (1,194 men) arrived in Kexholm on 27 October and kept marching east, with Grimr (2,757) chasing a few days behind. Buðli’s regiment had finished its rout, rallying in Smaleskja way to the south.
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November 900
On 8 November, Eilif received some surprising but very interesting news. He was fairly pleased by it [though I as the player had more mixed views from a game perspective]. His brother Dyre, perhaps as a result of his banishment, seemed to have lost much favour with the electors of the realm. His nephew Rikulfr was now the heir apparent for the throne of Garðariki, even though the vote were split evenly between the two.
Eilif thought Rikulfr was a nice enough young fellow, but he had no lands nor claims to his name and was of mediocre talents. [Game-wise, I suspect I’d be better off with Dyre actually, who is a bit more competent and would bring more unifying claims with him.] Of note, Buðli had two votes. Curiously, he wasn’t voting for himself, while the slippery Chief Ladimir was promoting him – along with the equally tricky Gradimir (the kin-slayer). This while Ladimir was still trying to fabricate a claim against Buðli for the Jarldom of Belo Ozero! Those Slavs and their strange and devious way!
Ch77 Q1: Succession Vote #1.A couple of little detail questions here. First, what happens to Eilif’s vote for his own successor (currently being cast for his son Styrkar) when he dies? Does it go as allocated beforehand, or does it devolve to his son (or another heir) on his death, who then casts it as he sees fit? Depending on the answer to that, with Rikulfr and Dyre now split 5-5, if Eilif switched support to one or the other of them, would that then make them the clear leader?
Ch77 Q2: Succession Vote #2.The follow-on question (dependent on the answer to Q1 above) is one of general curiosity and game play: should Eilif stick with his preference (largely me role-playing) and stay with Styrkar, switch to Rikulfr (go with the strength and freeze Dyre out, also a plausible role-playing option given Styrkar is still very young and landless), go for Buðli as a reward for services rendered (at least their intent) and try to split the vote more evenly or, more Machiavellian, vote for Dyre on the basis that he’s still his brother and would be the best placed heir (though it would be hard to justify in narrative terms)?
By 19 November, a regiment from one of Eirikr’s vassals was spotted heading south towards Uppland. Ingolfr of Bergslagen would feature prominently in coming battles, though none present knew this at the time. The Smaleskjan contingent had already passed through and was moving to join Þorsteinn in the south.
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December 900
The main Swedish army reappeared at the beginning of December, having rallied and reinforced somewhat in the previous weeks. The Bloody Bishop remained in charge and had almost 2,700 men under his command, still sporting a large contingent of heavy infantry and the remaining light cavalrymen seen during the last battle. Sigbjörn headed towards Vestmannaland but the Garðarikians maintained their respective sieges, which were approaching their latter stages. They did not want to lose the progress they had made. Simultaneously, news broke of a peasant revolt in the rich Swedish island county of Öland. Eilif almost choked on his celebratory mead when he heard this – his cupbearer needed to slap him on the back to restore his breath as he laughed convulsively.
“Eirikr is having the ‘Luck of Halfdan’! At this rate he is fortunate he already has a nickname – even if it is for being depraved. Better that than ‘Ill-Ruler’!” Eilif continued to chuckle to himself for the rest of the evening.
Vestergautland tribe fell on 4 December, with Þorsteinn deciding to complete the occupation of the county by besieging its rich temple of Skara. It should take about five weeks. The next day, Ingolfr’s regiment arrived in Uppland – and then turned straight around to head back the way they came! The Bloody Bishop continued his own march south.
On 10 December, Grimr had reached Kexholm and was ordered all the way through to Uppland, still chasing the Swedes across Uusimaa and Finland. Sigbjörn made it to Vestmannaland four days after that with 2,700 men, starting what should be around a 40-day siege against the small Gardarikian garrison there– unless it was assaulted.
But around two weeks later, the Swedes broke their siege and marched to Sudermanland, while two days after that Snorri finished his siege of Austergautland. The Smaleskjans had recently arrived at þorsteinn’s camp and were now sent across with Gandalfr (accompanied just a couple of royal levies) to join Snorri, hoping to give him enough men to be able to fend off any attack by the Bloody Bishop before further reinforcements arrived.
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January 901
Fittingly, the first day of 901 AD brought the last day of Halfdan as an independent lord. The Ill-Ruler was left with nothing to rule when a Hungarian chief wound up the failing concern that had once been Könugarðr. Halfdan Oskyldr was now just a mediocre coward in search of employment after suffering this final humiliation.
The beginning of January saw King Eirikr of Sviþjod fall into debt himself. This would even up the morale problems for the respective royal levies. By then, Eilif was around 22 gold in debt, which was increasing by about 3 per month, though offset by periodic small lootings of Swedish strongholds along the way.
In Sweden, Sigbjörn was by then in Sudermanland and made to march on Snorri. He was due to arrive three weeks before Snorri’s Smaleskjan reinforcements were due to arrive, but the Bloody Bishop would be attacking over a river. Þorsteinn decided to hold firm, wanting to finish off the siege of the Temple of Skara if he possibly could.
Halfdan Oskyldr – the Orthodox Christian, dispossessed, childless, cowardly and mediocre former ruler with little military talent – naturally secured a job for himself as Marshal for Yngvar Trolli in far-off Galloway. Perhaps he hoped no-one there would have heard of his sorry career as the last king of Könugarðr!
On 10 January, Þorsteinn completed his siege and sacking of Skara – and rich it was, with over 10 gold plundered from it. He immediately marched to the relief of Snorri, with the Bloody Bishop due to attack him in five days’ time. Despite leaving Vestergautland well after Gandalfr, for some reason he would arrive much earlier than him; just 11 days after Sigbjörn’s attack was due to start. Meanwhile, the Swedish army from the east was in Åland and heading for Uppland, while the Bergslagen regiment was marching to join the main army in Sudermanland. The war had been going for a year and a half and now things seemed to be coming to a head. The Swedes clearly wanted to see if they could isolate one of the Garðarikian armies and defeat it to offset Eilif’s overalladvantage in numbers.
15 January dawned: Snorri lined his men up and braced for an attack. But none materialised. Instead, Sigbjörn had retreated at the last minute! His army was now heading back to where it came from. They must have reacted to news of þorsteinn’s reinforcing march. Having scared off the Bloody Bishop from attacking Snorri, he also changed direction, marching north to Nerike, from where he could – if necessary – be reinforced by Snorri from the south. Snorri waited for Gandalfr to join him with his extra 700 men. To complete the picture, word came that Grimr was now in Uusimaa. Things were beginning to slip into place for both sides, but timing would be everything.
As January drew to a close, the Swedes were (in a rather round-about way) consolidating their positions, though they seemed to be following each other around before, it seemed most likely, winding up in Vestmannaland with Sigbjörn, who had arrived there on 26 January.
A day after that, a small group of Swedish insurgents was spotted unloading in Ingria from a couple of galleys in the Gulf of Finland. Unfortunately for them, the rallied Belo Ozeran regiment was approaching Ingria from the south. With exquisite timing, they would arrive just two days before the Swedes could get ashore! It looked like both the curse of Ingria and Buðli’s repeated bad luck were due for a change!
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February 901
The Swedish consolidation of their army was almost complete by 7 February. Þorstein was in Nerike, while Gandalfr had finally joined Snorri in Austergautland. Snorri rode ahead to take command of one of the flanks of the main host, while Gandalfr brought the primarily allied vassal army north to join Þorsteinn. Grimr approached from the west but was still only in Finland.
Eirikr’s main army was fully linked up by mid-February. Both sides now suffered from lowered morale of their royal levies due to indebtedness, so that aspect was now evened out. But the Swedes continued their siege of Vestmannaland rather than trying to attack Þorsteinn (as he had actually hoped they might, given the rest of the army was on its way).
Perhaps to boost the morale of his men – Germanic and Christian alike – or maybe because he was just depraved, Eirikr staged a public burning on 20 February. The victim was a Muslim, so that would please all the locals. Yet another renowned physician went up in smoke: his zealous and scholarly theological practices must have been his undoing.
The main Garðarikian army was re-formed in Nerike on 22 February, as Grimr moved through Åland on the way to the Swedish mainland. Still, neither side moved to attack the other, both preferring to conclude their respective sieges.
Around this time word of Buðli's defeat the Swedish company that had landed in Ingria was received. They were now being chased to Kexholm.
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March 901
And so things went until mid-March, when the Swedes finished their siege of Vestmannaland. Grimr had just arrived in Uppland when word came that Sigbjörn was heading his way with almost 4,500 men. Grimr quickly made for Sudermanland, which he calculated he could make it to just a day before the Swedes struck him. Þorsteinn was almost done with his siege of Nerike and decided not to abandon it precipitately.
In fact, Nerike surrendered just two days later. Þorsteinn immediately advanced on the Swedes in Vestmannaland and by a stroke of fortune, could still arrive there one day before the Swedes could make it to Uppland. He ordered Grimr to change course and join him in battle in Vestmannaland, where he should arrive just five days after the opening skirmishes began. At last, after months of manoeuvring, the long-sought hammer and anvil battle would be joined, with the massed armies of both kingdoms all on the one field. The Valkyries would surely feast on many men when the fighting was done.
Too late, Sigbjörn sensed the trap he was caught in and tried to counter-march south against Þorsteinn in Nerike: but again, his timing was out by just one day. Þorsteinn would catch the Swedes in Vestmannaland first and pin them there.
27 March dawned cold and clear. Snow still clung to the trees and lay on the ground as Þorsteinn lined up against his foe: but it was not the Bloody Bishop that he faced. Instead Ingólfr of Bergslagen had the overall command, with Sigbjörn relegated to commanding his king’s main regiment. This was no loss for the enemy: Ingólfr was a renowned commander.
Even without Grimr's tribal army, the Garðarikian host had superior numbers, but the Swedes had more heavy infantry and their cavalry squadron. The initial exchanges were fairly even.
After four days of fighting, Þorsteinn had gained a slight edge, but the fight remained a tough one. As old Jarl Tyuey knew only too well, seemingly-won battles could suddenly turn in the blink of an eye from triumph to disaster. But this was made far less likely when Grimr arrived on 1 April and crashed into the enemy’s centre, where his own men were concentrated. In fact, as the ranking Chief, he took over command of that centre division and pressed forward. Or at least (being somewhat craven himself, though a good commander) pressed his men forward, while he oversaw proceedings from a safe distance. Garðariki now also had a clear superiority in heavy infantry and cavalry, which soon began to tell on the enemy.
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April 901
Grimr pressed forward his now massive numerical advantage in the centre, where the tribal army had rushed into the front line. The Swedish left held on stoutly as their right began to lose ground. But by 8 April, the battle was cracked wide open. The enemy centre and right failed and fled. In response, Snorri’s left wing struck the enemy in a berserk charge, inflicting terrible casualties. Grimr himself shifted to his right, advancing on the final enemy formation standing its ground while Sölvi urged his right wing forward in a charge against the enemy’s brave advance.
This proved decisive: the Swedish left was caught badly exposed and almost destroyed, the few survivors fleeing the next day. No Gardarikian commander had ever seen anything like the slaughter that unfolded in that brief passage of fighting [433 enemy casualties in one hit – wow!]. Soon the entire Swedish army was in rout, all being pursued by the jubilant victors. The few patches of snow left un-trampled were instead stained with the life's blood of many men.
On 17 March, as the pursuit continued, Yaroslavian troops paraded an important prisoner to Þorsteinn as they harried the Swedes northwards. It was none other than the Bloody Bishop himself, who had been isolated and surrounded on the road to Gästrikland!
The Bloody Bishop, Sigbjörn of Uppsala, captured in a Swedish village during the pursuit after the Second Battle of Köpingshus, April 901 AD.
The victory was formally claimed as the last Swedes fled the field on 21 April: an even more crushing victory than the first battle of the same name the year before. It advanced Eilif’s negotiating position significantly in his bid to make Eirikr bend the knee. The earlier battle in Ingria was revealed to have seen 28 of the 172 Swedish raiders killed by Buðli for the loss of only four men earlier that month.
As Sigbjörn was brought before Þorsteinn, the grizzled veteran regarded him with his one good eye.
“Christian, I’m not sure what Jarl Tyueykezhut will decide to do with you. Had you been captured by one of the King’s companies, you would surely have been the guest of honour at the next Blot! I can only hope the Chancellor visits a suitable punishment on you for defiling the holy Temple of Uppsala with your heathen religion.”
“You may flay and scourge me, but Christ will sustain me in my travails, as he would grant you forgiveness if you were to embrace him. Do so now and I will bring you into God’s light!”
“Achhh! Take him away, quickly, before I strike his head from his shoulders to silence his profanities!”
The Bishop’s Yaroslavian captors bore him away in chains. The Slavs would not be so worried about the defiling of the sacred Germanic site. Tyuey may even choose to ransom him (if the coin for it was available).
His longer-term moves were yet to be decided, but Þorsteinn decided not to tarry in Vestmannaland. The enemy had only assembled a very small garrison to defend the tribal hold. He assaulted it straight away. The fort was taken in a day, without any casualties. Apart from the garrison, which was slaughtered to a man. Only a small amount of gold was taken but a great hall of another type of treasure was uncovered: six prisoners were found cowering in a hiding hole in the keep! It seemed Jarl Ivar Borg of Bergslagen had assumed his own commander would win the battle and had not evacuated his family and attendants in time!
Garðarikian rejoicing raised itself to new heights. Three of the six new prisoners taken were of sufficient station and had a liege with the gold to ransom them. One was Ivar’s son Kettil, two were boys who seemed to be Ivar’s grandsons. The old Jarl was rich – and Christian! It just kept getting better. The first to be offered for ransom was young Björn Borg – a note was sent straight away. [After all, we couldn’t leave a future Grand Slam tennis champion to rot in jail, now could we!? ]
In the south, the misery for Eirikr piled on: Öland had been taken by Sigtrygg of the peasant revolt. Where should I have Þorsteinn strike next? Eilif thought to himself.
And as Sviþjod and Garðariki fought for supremacy in the north, the rest of the world went about its business.
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Questions
Just the two simple questions this time and a strategy one I've put at the end, but general comments or suggestions about future steps are always welcome.
Ch77 Q1: Succession Vote #1.A couple of little detail questions here. First, what happens to Eilif’s vote for his own successor (currently being cast for his son Styrkar) when he dies? Does it go as allocated beforehand, or does it devolve to his son (or another heir) on his death, who then casts it as he sees fit? Depending on the answer to that, with Rikulfr and Dyre now split 5-5, if Eilif switched support to one or the other of them, would that then make them the clear leader?
Ch77 Q2: Succession Vote #2.The follow-on question (dependent on the answer to Q1 above) is one of general curiosity and game play: should Eilif stick with his preference (largely me role-playing) and stay with Styrkar, switch to Rikulfr (go with the strength and freeze Dyre out, also a plausible role-playing option given Styrkar is still very young and landless), go for Buðli as a reward for services rendered (at least their intent) and try to split the vote more evenly or, more Machiavellian, vote for Dyre on the basis that he’s still his brother and would be the best placed heir (though it would be hard to justify in narrative terms)?
Ch77 Q3: How many children are enough?One thing that has struck me is that despite having a wife and two concubines, Eilif is now 30 and still has only the two children, one son. I wonder if (with the other heirs out there) this is much of a problem – would more sons now just further fragment the inheritance? Otherwise, I’m considering the search for a third concubine if any worthy candidates are out there.
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Snorri rallying his men for their final and devastating berserker charge at the Second Battle of Köpingshus, April 901 AD.
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The Fourteenth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – April 901 (a summary of advice from Chapter 77)
But then they'd be chasing a shattered rout until whenever they stopped, without being able to engage them until then, when they could be taking counties to improve the war score and further weaken the Swedes. Or that was my thinking, anyway.
Thanks, I thought it would be unnecessary combat at poor odds. Rurik suffered taking that very route way back when - against the Pskovans and their tribal army, IIRC.
I still think Barsbek would make a fun vassal, but I guess since Eilif would be reforming the religion, we’ll not have another subjugation war? I’m always confused about the available CBs, maybe there’ll be something like that.
I believe that is right - if Eilif lives long enough and does successfully reform (a few hurdles to overcome first and that precarious holy site in Zeeland to hang onto until Naumadl can be taken.
Why let them do so? We had some opportunity to finish them of piecemeal (bloody bishop after we beat him the first time, and the expeditionary force around uusimaa or so?
It was because the sieges were pretty progressed, along the lines of the argument above, and I was delaying things until the tribal army could get across from the east as well. You can end up chasing these forces around, not really catching them decisively or risking them catching you if your forces aren’t coordinated. Not to say that chasing them down can also be good, but my newbie thinking on this war (and remembering the long fight I had in Mordva way back when) is that for this war, Sweden is large enough that it will take some big victories and plenty of occupations to actually win the war and force the subjugation.
I think you meant the tribal army coming over from the east? Anyway, they were indeed on their way to the battle, with a well-timed run. Given they started it in Holmgarðr.
I thought exactly the same thing for a second, until I realised Tyuey's men had taken him. Drat! Still, it was very good in a narrative sense to see him captured.
I’d give their main army a follow up defeat or two to completely reduce their numbers to non combat factor meanwhile siege the south of Sweden I guess.
This time, with those extra troops to hand and them defeated, I may well send a harrying force off on that wind goose chase to see them off - and get some more war score when I can finally confront them, with some other swarm-sieges to get more score, gold and maybe hostages in the south.
You seem to be getting on well enough. Though I am suprised you have not conquered the northern baltic coast or Scandinavia yet. I have found in the past that they fall pretty easily once you lay into them, and its always noce to have a good looking border with the sea.
A few reasons for that: they are pretty poor (though most counties are in the region);I’d been warned previously about causing a breakaway Finnish kingdom to form with gavelkind succession before I can reform the inheritance laws; there had been other priorities; and then as soon as Eilif empowered his council, they were dominated by glory hounds who would not let me take them, even if I wanted to. Perhaps I’ll be able to tidy them up later, consolidating the ‘rear areas’ before the Mongol hordes come calling.
Yes, poor old Halfdan, fading away in the favoured place of banishment for unwanted Norse characters! As for the Ummayads, if no current European power does it, maybe the Aztecs will in due course! Yes, I enabled them just to add to the learning mayhem, if I make it that far as a going concern.
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Ch77 Q1: Succession Vote #1.A couple of little detail questions here. First, what happens to Eilif’s vote for his own successor (currently being cast for his son Styrkar) when he dies? Does it go as allocated beforehand, or does it devolve to his son (or another heir) on his death, who then casts it as he sees fit? Depending on the answer to that, with Rikulfr and Dyre now split 5-5, if Eilif switched support to one or the other of them, would that then make them the clear leader?
The heir under any of the elective or quasi-elective succession laws (except the Merchant Republic elections, which use their own mechanics) is determined by who has the most votes on the eve of the title-holder's death, so yes, Eilif's own vote would be cast according to his wishes.
Also of note: In the event of a tie, if one of the two leading candidates gets the ruler's vote, that one is preferred over the other for the succession. I'm not sure how it shakes out in a situation like this one, where neither one currently has the ruler's support -- I'd imagine prestige, opinion, and the exact status of their supporters has something to do with it. Might be worth looking into...
Thanks – and I know from your Folkungs AAR you had plenty of split successions along the way to becoming feudal!
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Ch77 Q2: Succession Vote #2.The follow-on question (dependent on the answer to Q1 above) is one of general curiosity and game play: should Eilif stick with his preference (largely me role-playing) and stay with Styrkar, switch to Rikulfr (go with the strength and freeze Dyre out, also a plausible role-playing option given Styrkar is still very young and landless), go for Buðli as a reward for services rendered (at least their intent) and try to split the vote more evenly or, more Machiavellian, vote for Dyre on the basis that he’s still his brother and would be the best placed heir (though it would be hard to justify in narrative terms)?
Whoever becomes the successor is going to receive the same lands and titles anyway, right? If I’m not mistaken there, then he should support who’ll have more prestige and more love from the vassals/council.
Objectively, Dyre has the superior stats, and Rikulfr looks like he'd be a mediocre ruler at best -- but, of course, roleplaying is half the fun of this game, and I don't really see Eilif being the sort to suddenly have a change of heart after imprisoning the guy and revoking all his titles (and as long as they remain rivals). Styrkar is most likely not getting any support because he's still underage -- there may be a reshuffling of the vote once he does come of age.
I think the best option here would probably be to switch the vote over to Buðli for now and see if any of the other rulers follows suit (especially if you can get them to defect from supporting Dyre). When Styrkar comes of age (assuming he lives -- let's not be too hasty, this is CK2 after all) we can revisit the issue and consider switching back to him.
Interesting – Buðli would be a credible alternative for narrative purposes and yes, I was assuming Styrkar would not get any other real support until he comes of age, which is still a long way off. Buðli is no rock star either, but … I can always switch around Eilif’s vote if circumstances or objectives change, I guess.
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Ch77 Q3: How many children are enough?One thing that has struck me is that despite having a wife and two concubines, Eilif is now 30 and still has only the two children, one son. I wonder if (with the other heirs out there) this is much of a problem – would more sons now just further fragment the inheritance? Otherwise, I’m considering the search for a third concubine if any worthy candidates are out there.
I'd say you're probably fine for the moment. The typical "heir and spare" logic does get to be a matter of trade-offs when there's gavelkind in the mix, and just from a cursory glance it looks like the Rurikids' collateral branches are doing well enough for themselves that you don't have to worry so much about Eilif himself needing a ton of kids. That may, of course, be subject to change with the vagaries of the game...
Oh I somehow missed this one. I think concubine hunting is half the fun of this game so I’d say do that in any case. But outside of my own taste, objectively, unless if you’re happy with the stats etc of the possible heirs you don’t necessarily need one under selective gavekind, there are already some around.
EDIT: young concubines bring prestige as well. Are there any new genius ones around?
The little prestige boost was something I had in mind. I think I’d only take a new one though if someone really outstanding is available. I’ll at least have a look.
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OK, now off to play the next session. As always, thanks so much for the comments and answers. An AAR’s life blood.
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Chapter 78: A Game of Crowns - Part 1 (22 April 901 – 18 March 902)
Chapter 78: A Game of Crowns - Part 1 (22 April 901 – 18 March 902)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … the great Battle ofVestmannaland had just been won by Eilif’s combined forces; the tribal holding there assaulted and taken; and the Bloody Bishop of Uppsala was in chains. As the 3,000 remaining Swedish troops fled north, the Garðarikians had to decide what to do next.
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April 901
As it had been before, the army was again split. Grimr would take the tribal army and the majority of the vassal ally regiments in Vestmannaland and chase the Swedes north, not allowing them to regroup and regain their numbers sufficiently to become a significant threat again. Þorsteinn would take the Royal Levies and Huscarls south to begin occupying Eirikr’s remaining counties.
In Nygarðr the Council remained deadlocked on the vote for Jarl Tyuey’s amendment to Tax Shifted Noble Obligations. Out of interest, Eilif asked his Lawspeaker, young Sumarliði, what the chances were of increasing tribal organisation to medium level if the council deadlock was ever broken. He had his eye on the eventual adoption of feudal customs in Garðariki, if current plans to reform the Germanic faith kept heading in the right direction.
“I’m afraid that at the moment, My King, every Councillor would be opposed. I suspect you would need to buy favours from at least three of them to carry the day.”
“Well, that will take money I don’t have right now. But perhaps later, with some vigorous raiding …”
Just a few days later, an urgent message arrived from Constantinople: instead of the usual news of another technological advance obtained by the ever-reliable Queen Mother and Spymaster, the writing was in another hand. And the news was not good.
Eilif’s mother would be returned home by boat through the rivers network of the interior. Her days as spymaster were sadly over. Keeping it in the family, Eilif appointed his brilliant concubine Elin to replace the woman who had been Spymaster since the founding of Holmgarðr (now Garðariki) over thirty years before. It may be the least impressive of her prodigious talents, but she would be competent and Eilif was more interested in her stance in the Council. The most effective plotters in the realm were the two most untrustworthy – the Russians Tihomir and Gradimir! Together with Vihavald’s recent appointment as Marshal, the Council was now evenly balanced between pragmatists and glory seekers: just the way the king wanted it.
There was one positive outcome: this latest appointment had broken the long-standing voting deadlock! Tyuey's law was rejected. But now the Council was nicely balanced, Eilif saw no need to change it by replacing Steward Egill. An even split between glory hounds and pragmatists could prove useful in the future, when different types of casus belli were being pursued.
In late April and early May, the Swedish boys Björn and then Ivar – grandsons of the Jarl of Bergslagen – were ransomed for 10 gold each. Enough to return the royal treasury to a slim though probably temporary surplus.
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May 901
It seemed the old guard of Garðariki was truly leaving the stage. The next to go was the imposing Chancellor, Jarl Tyueykezhut ‘the Hunter’ of Yaroslavl. He had finally succumbed to his long-standing depression, in far off Naumadl. He had lived a long life, but its troubles had apparently become too much for him. The leading candidate for the job – and long identified for it – was Eilif’s nephew, Jarl Buðli of Tver. The appointment would make him very happy on a number of levels – a good thing, as his sentiment had been fading a little recently. Even though it was predicted he would take a glory hound approach on Council, the balance would at least be maintained. But it turned out he was so grateful for the recognition, he pledged his steadfast loyal support to his nephew the King! [Even better! ]
Not so good was the attitude of those who would inherit his large demesne. The bulk went to Tyuey’s son, Jarl Nishkepaz II. He would control a somewhat unruly bunch of subordinate chiefs – seven of them! He wanted a seat on Council, of course – and naturally lacked the talent to justify it. Fortunately his levy was committed to the current war – he might not prove willing to release them in the future.
Eilif decided at this point he would aim to become exalted among men. The hoped-for victory against Sweden and perhaps some vigorous raiding after that might get him to that status in reasonable time. If successful, it would gain some approval from his vassals too – always handy. He also decided to take up the pursuit of hunting: it would help his military skills in the meantime and allow him to enjoy the benefits of the great outdoors. What he didn’t think of at the time [ie what I didn’t remember or check ] was that the boost his stewardship focus had been providing, especially for the number of counties he could manage effectively in his demesne. [I will have to live with that for the next five years. ]
Tyuey’s death had also left a vacancy among his commanders. No internal candidate available within the realm looked suitable, so a search among other good Germanic Norsemen was conducted. At the top of the list was one Sverker, a lowborn man from Ostfriesland. Not only was he a brilliant strategist, but he was an expert siege leader: just the man to have around when having to reduce many a Swedish stronghold. He was invited and duly turned up a couple of weeks later. A wife would be found for him in due course as well.
On 7 May, Þorsteinn had begun the siege of Sudermanland – it was predicted to take 57 days to complete. And three days after that, Buðli reported to Eilif that he had managed to improve relations with the troublesome Chief Gradimir of Tver – who now only loathed Eilif instead of detesting him more than anyone else alive [now ‘only’ -84 opinion ]. This reminded the King that he needed to send his new Chancellor to try what Tyuey had failed to do: fabricate a claim on Naumadl, home of the Germanic holy site of Mære.
But before that was done, the effect of Eilif’s switch from stewardship to hunting came home to roost. He was told he was now one county over his management limit. He would have to discard one if he didn’t want to attract the opprobrium of his vassals – which he didn’t. Having a look tax revenues and levies, Austerbotn – a bit of a raiding target and isolated in the north – was at or close to the bottom of the nine counties he owned. He decided to grant it to his young son – who was heir anyway. What harm could it do? [I blame this decision on the fact that in was about 2am and I was concurrently watching the World Cup cricket game between Australia and Pakistan. You will see (if you haven’t already guessed) why regretted this later.]
That business concluded, Buðli set off for Naumadl. While he hoped for an early breakthrough, it could well take ten years or more to find a strong enough claim. Best get started!
The same day, the new siege specialist arrived to take over the works at Sudermanland – and the impact of Sverker Herse's knowledge was soon obvious. This freed up Þorsteinn to take over the main army, which was by then in Gästrikland, heading north in pursuit of the fleeing Swedish army.
The worries and tedium of governing caught up with Eilif one late may evening. He sought to drown his concerns with a good many cups of mead. When he woke in the morning with a headache, he knew he faced a decision: cop out, or knuckle down to the task. He was determined to do well, so decided he would work hard until the day the Gods called him to Valhalla. Rather than becoming stressed, this resolve turned into determined and diligent self-discipline – another boost to his skills and the regard of his vassals.
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June-July 901
Early June saw old Chief Kezhevat of Moskva – Tyueykezhut’s brother – dead at the age of 63 from an infected wound. His son Virdyan inherited his father’s chiefdom and his claim to the Jarldom of Yaroslavl. He would be Jarl Nishkepaz’s problem to manage.
On 6 Jun, a group of 112 Swedish stragglers were defeated in Gästrikland at the Battle (or more aptly slaughter) of Hedesunda, with Þorsteinn’s main army suffering not a single casualty [war score to 48%] as they passed through to the north. In the south, Sverker completed the siege of Sudermanland on 22 June [war score 49%] and headed further south to Tjust via Austergautland (which had already been occupied previously).
Three days later, far to the north, after a few feints and an attempt from the now rallied Swedes to escape via Jamtaland in Noregr, Þorstein had cornered them in Angermanland. Jarl Eskild now commanded a reduced Swedish army (just over 2,700 men). He could defend behind a small river, but would face over 5,100 determined Garðarikians. Battle was due to start on 8 July.
But first, Sverker encountered another small Swedish vassal company in Austergautland on 6 July. With ten times their number, Sverker soon had them on the run. The ‘battle’ and pursuit of Näsborg was finished by 19 July – by which time all 268 Swedish soldiers had been run down and killed (they’d had 203 left when the pursuit began on 10 July), for the loss of only four Garðarikians [war score 53%].
After two days of skirmishing, by 10 July the pattern of the battle in Angermanland had been set. The tribal army was gathered in the centre. The Garðarikian right outnumbered their opponents, but the small allied company on the left was heavily overmatched by their Swedish opposition. The Swedish centre broke on 14 July but instead of swinging to rescue the failing left wing, Þorsteinn went right. Perhaps he knew what he was doing, because the enemy’s left broke the next day – at the same time the Garðarikian left also failed. Starting strong but now badly outnumbered, the enemy’s right wing fought on for another five days but were driven from the field by 20 July. The pursuit began.
The royal treasury fell into debt again on 23 July – but at least pay had been up to date during this latest major battle in Sweden. Seeing this, the last prisoner for whom a ransom could be found was offered to Jarl Ivar of Bergslagen: who certainly had deep pockets. His younger son Kettil commanded an excellent price when he was handed over on 28 July. It would fund the war for some months.
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August-September 901
Sverker the Siegemaster arrived in Tjust on 6 August and began his work – it should take around five weeks to winkle the enemy out of their fort. In the north, the Battle ofAngermanland was won, with many more Swedish soldiers killed as they had fled the field, for relatively light friendly casualties. Still, there remained much work to do to bring King Eirikr to the bargaining table. Þorsteinn kept up the chase, following them south again.
Tjust fell just over a month later, on 12 September [war score 63%]. Sverker then headed north, back towards Nerike, as the Swedish army had by then rallied again to Nerike’s west with just over 2,000 men, in Vermaland. The pursuing Þorsteinn was still a few counties to the north of that.
It seemed life was more stressful away from the field of battle, because the nefarious Chief Gradimir of Tver perished from it in mid-September. His sons split his two counties between them. The ambitious Nikita was ill-disposed to the king and immediately took his father’s place in the independence faction. His brother Zhavoronok, who inherited Uglich, was at least less hostile.
Neither of the two current factions in the realm were too much concern as yet.
Sverker made it to Austergautland on 21 September and, sure enough, the Swedish army were in Nerike by then: he would hit them on 3 October.
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October 901
The year had certainly shown the Gods were keen for more company in their halls: the doughty old warrior Snorri died on 2 October of a wound that had become infected. Despite his political mischief, Nikita of Tver was a skilful commander: he was called up to replace Snorri. He should be effective in combat: and if he happened to fall in battle, well …
By 3 October, battle had been joined in Nerike between Sverker and the Swedes. On 4 October, Þorsteinn had his victory against a small Swedish force he had ambushed earlier in Vermaland, killing all 296 of them for only eight men lost [war score 63%]. He sent Sverker a message to look for him to arrive from the north-west on the morning on 17 October. By 6 October, after the opening exchanges, Sverker, Sölvi (on the Garðarikian right) and Nikita (on the left) were all pressing forward.
As Nikita was fighting at the front in Sweden, back home his brother Zhavaronok of Uglich joined him in the independence faction on 5 October. The three conspirators now commanded 879 men between them [10.9% of Eilif’s strength] – but still not enough to be anything other than an irritation for now, the King judged.
The battle in Nerike proved hard but not concerning for Sverker, even before Þorsteinn’s larger numbers were added. The enemy’s under-strength left wing broke while the skirmish stage of the battle was still in progress. The intense melee phase began on 15 October, when Sverker charged his opponents in the centre and Sölvi joined in with his men from the right in a berserk assault. Þorsteinn then arrived on 17 October, reinforcing all three wings but especially the centre. The enemy centre broke straight away – and with it, the last substantial Swedish army in the field was broken, with all of them running by 19 October. By the time the pursuit was over on 29 October, they had lost more than half their 2,100 warriors in one of the three great battles of the war so far.
As the Battle of Nerike was being fought, another conquest was being pursued at home. His brother Dyre’s wife, Elin (not to be confused with Eilif's concubine and spymaster Elin), was visiting Nygarðr while her husband was secluded over in Britannia. While not a seducer by nature, Eilif still had a king’s appetites. Perhaps, had it been anyone else, he may have politely ignored the significant looks Elin was giving him. But Dyre’s wife? He couldn’t resist. He made his move one evening. It’s good to be the king and to put one over on Dyre, he thought to himself as he lay back under the furs in Elin’s bedroom. It's not like Dyre will hate me any more than he does already, if he even finds out.
Once more, the two Garðarikian armies went their separate ways. Þorsteinn continued his role as ‘Chaser-in-Chief’ and headed north where the remnants of the Swedish army were once again headed. Sverker went south to take Varend – where some peasant rebel riff-riff was trying to take the county, having already occupied Öland and then Möre. They were just as much an enemy to Eilif as they were to Eirikr and would not be allowed to run riot any longer.
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November-December 901
While the two armies went about their work in Sweden, news came that Poland had done to Curonia what Eilif was trying to do to Sweden. The Polish nation – which seemed to now have an even gorier border than before – now shared another frontier with Garðariki. And a small Swedish raiding party of just 19 men had landed in Ingria: what they thought they could achieve with that many troops was a mystery.
On 5 December, Sverker had begun his siege of Varend: the 681 peasant rebels had (wisely) fled east before his arrival. And Sverker gained the benefit of their earlier siege work: the garrison was already almost at the point of surrender. By 12 December it had been occupied and Sverker struck east to Möre, as the rebels had in turn already run east to their original lair in Öland.
And in Ingria, the Swedish raiding party had the misfortune of getting in the way of a 300-man company en route from Belo Ozero to join Sverker in Sweden. They would not be able to escape before that Belo Ozerians hit them on 7 January.
On 21 December, Eilif heard word that a mystical white bear had been sighted, to the east of the kingdom in Chud. Arthritis had begun to affect the writing of the venerable court scribe Gumarich by that time (it is estimated he would have been well into his 60s by that time). Eilif summoned Sumarliði Olafrsson av Herjedalen (the young man he had brought to court to be steward but was currently acting as Lawspeaker).
“Sumarliði, I would like you to write the saga of this hunt for the White Bear I intend to embark upon. You will accompany us on the hunt and write the chronicle when it is done. You are to work closely with Gumarich on this matter and become his understudy as court scribe.”
“Delighted to, My King. I will be ready as soon as you send word of our departure.”
“Good fellow. I will let you know. Such a trip would I’m afraid tax our treasured scribe too much, especially as a bitter winter comes upon us.”
Rather than pitching the White Bear events in piecemeal as they happen, they will be presented as a single instalment once the quest is done.
Sverker’s next siege target was the hold at Möre, in Sweden’s south, which he began on 28 December against its rebel peasant occupiers. That same day, Eilif had word that his odious nephew Hakon, who seemed to have been rather quiet for a while, had launched a conquest attempt on Chief Lachtna in distant Ireland. Perhaps he would actually secure himself a title out of it! Within two days of this, the Irish had branded him ‘the Repulsive’! No doubt an accurate description of both his ugly face and his egregious personality. Not that a rude lout like Hakon would mind. He would revel in it.
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January 902
The Swedes had been run to ground again by Þorsteinn in the northern county of Medelpad on 24 December. Once again, a heavy toll was taken with the Swedes defeated on 5 January. They once again headed south, on what must have been by then an odyssey that could only have been conceived in the worst Loki-inspired nightmare.
As Eilif was consuming a haunch of venison for lunch on a bitterly cold January day, he received a message by courier, all the way from Noregr. It was a note from Buðli, his new Chancellor. Not only was he now a fervent loyalist – but he had made a stunning and very quick breakthrough in Naumadl!
It so happened that Eilif had both the money and prestige to be able to use the claim – which he did immediately. It may cost him most of those two tangible and intangible commodities, be it was well worth it. His own grand plan – his father’s dream - was coming into focus. Cold venison had never tasted so good!
Buðli’s work done, he was called back home. Eilif wanted him to go to Yaroslavl, to try to improve relations with the powerful Jarl Nishkepaz II. This mission would have been more effective if Eilif had given him the right instructions! Instead, he was still fabricating a claim and this could not be fixed for another six months! Fingers were crossed that nothing happened during that time.
That mechanic gets me time after time. I think it is perhaps the most ambiguous and needlessly difficult key mechanic in the whole game – what you need to click in what order, then you can’t fix it for six months. Argh!
By 13 January, the Belo Ozerian warriors were in Ingria slaughtering the small Swedish raiding party that had so unwisely landed there.
A little later, as a reward for his excellent performance since coming to the realm and taking command of the southern army, Sverker Herse had a good wife selected for him and sent over to Sweden, to keep his bed warm on those cold nights in the siege camp.
Ch78 Q1: Piety Gain.I hadn’t noticed this before. Is that piety gain for arranging any marriage (presumably in the right faith)? Or just for satisfying a ‘get married’ ambition? Given the race is now on to get to the 750 piety target for religious reform, which now seems to be coming into reach, I’ll try for every source I can to gain it. I know raiding (especially of heathen temples) is good for that; battles with heathens too, I understand. I’ve read that building temple buildings can help; so to runestones; releasing prisoners of one’s own religion I’ve also seen (and I have a few of them at present); and blots too. Are all of these good ways to gain piety? Any of them more effective (or not worth the effort)? Any other things (that aren’t really gamey) worth looking at?
Having seen his recent devotion to hunting, and knowing how lonely and taxing rulership could be, Queen Ingrid gave her husband a wonderful gift that winter.
Like his father before him, Eilif loved his new dog – and named him Hunter, of course!
In Sweden, Sverker (his loins well and truly girded by then) completed another successful siege on 29 January. This time Möre, fell yet again (like virtually the sieges of this campaign before it) without losing any men to the vagaries of siege maintenance. Sverker set out for the Öland, the peasant revolt’s last stronghold. Despite a strait-crossing, they outnumbered the rebels four-to-one and the island was a prize worth taking.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
February 902
At the beginning of February, the Swedes were still in rout, back in Vermaland again and now with only just over 500 men left. Þorsteinn was hot on their heels, with almost 4,900 troops ready to pounce as soon as they could trap their enemy again. Other small Swedish contingents of between 25-100 men had popped up in various places, but none of them posed any serious threat. They were ignored for now.
Sverker’s army crossed to Öland on 5 February and soon had the rebels under pressure. The peasants were all fleeing by 9 February and by the time they had been fully dispersed on 19 February, 222 had been killed for only 27 Garðarikians lost [no war score effect, being filthy rebels]. The stronghold was put under siege straight away. The siege of Öland would take the by-now standard five weeks for Sverker Herse to complete.
While this battle was still in its pursuit phase, to the north on Åland, a couple of small Swedish vassal contingents were caught by an invading Yperen regiment! This was an offshoot of one of the claim wars Eirikr had been facing in and around his possessions in Flanders. He just couldn’t catch the smallest break.
Or maybe one small break: the defeat in the field of the rebels by Eilif’s troops had given Eirikr a victory over them by default. Much good it would do him.
Despite his service as a commander under Eilif, Chief Nikita of Tver was up to his father’s old tricks: the King’s spy network reported on 19 February (a very busy day) that he was attempting to fabricate a claim against his Jarl, Buðli. The upstart!
On 24 February, the recent expenditure on the Naumadl claim meant the realm was once more in debt – though the morale effect was by now almost irrelevant given the thorough defeat of most of Eirikr’s field armies. And no bandits or corruption had been reported in the realm during these periods of moving into and out of debt.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
March 902
It wasn’t until 7 March that Þorsteinn managed to catch up with the Swedish army again, this time in Danish territory at Alfheimr. Outnumbered by around ten-to-one, the battle’s outcome was a foregone conclusion. It ended in the annihilation of Eirikr’s last meaningful force in the field. But it was still not enough to make him bend the knee. The rest of the case would have to be made by taking more strongholds until he surrendered.
This last battle, adding another 8.0% to the war score, brought me to what I discovered was a 75% limit for that type of score to the 100% needed. Not that poor old Eirikr (or even his vassal allies) had many troops left by then anyway. Good thing I had been prosecuting the sieges hard!
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
The map below charts the progress of the campaign from the aftermath of the victory at the Battle ofVestmannaland on 22 April 901 through to the elimination of the main Swedish field army at the Battle of Alfheimr on 18 March 902. The light blue line shows Þorsteinn’s army (tribal army and vassal levies), the aqua line that of Eilif’s Royal Levy, latterly under Sverker Herse’s command.
Solid lines show movements up to where they joined together again at the Battle of Nerike on 29 October 901, dotted lines the phase after that, when they split up again. Major battles are indicated by the county, date and size [ie war score] of the victory. Skirmishes of less significance are marked by a smaller icon and the date only. Sieges (only conducted by the Royal Levy during this period of the campaign) show the date the holding fell.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Question
There is only one specific question in Part 1 of this two-part episode. There wasn’t enough room to fit in any more. Without over-crowding things. As it was, I’ve glossed over some of the battles and sieges a bit that in others chapters I would have shown in more detail. But things were getting to the chase and siege stage and there weren’t too many new ‘learning points’ to discover by rehashing everything too repetitively.
The second part of this session’s report will pose a lot more questions (technical and strategic). In the meantime, the piety one is going to be very important now the Naumadl claim has been won: I don’t want Eilif dying on me unexpectedly, or some other event or reverse intervening, before I can at least get to that piety target for reforming the Germanic faith (assuming the war with Eirikr can be successfully closed out before something going horribly wrong).
Ch78 Q1: Piety Gain.I hadn’t noticed this before. Is that piety gain for arranging any marriage (presumably in the right faith)? Or just for satisfying a ‘get married’ ambition? Given the race is now on to get to the 750 piety target for religious reform, which now seems to be coming into reach, I’ll try for every source I can to gain it. I know raiding (especially of heathen temples) is good for that; battles with heathens too, I understand. I’ve read that building temple buildings can help; so to runestones; releasing prisoners of one’s own religion I’ve also seen (and I have a few of them at present); and blots too. Are all of these good ways to gain piety? Any of them more effective (or not worth the effort)? Any other things (that aren’t really gamey) worth looking at?
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Eilif and Dyre's wife Elin Arnfastsdottir – just an autumn fling with no consequences? Or will Eilif’s desire to further humiliate his hated brother have any unexpected repercussions?
