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The weirdness and 'interesting' events are not over! Next ep up shortly.
Chapter 82: Ups and Downs (1 July – 12 December 903)
Chapter 82: Ups and Downs (1 July – 12 December 903)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif’s war against Noregr to claim on Naumadal and its holy site of Mære is now targeted against the newly crowned King Olafr II; despite some errors by Garðarikian commanders and some Norwegian surprises, the campaign is still in Eilif’s favour; at home, the king is now looking forward to the birth of a child to his concubine Elin (the Spymaster, not Dyre’s wife, the lover who stood him up earlier in the year). The action resumes with Jarl Þordr, Eilif’s commander in the north, marching heedlessly to Hålogaland after having misread a scout’s report about enemy intentions in Naumadal, which is now under Norwegian siege.
July 903
As Jarl Þordr has his problems in the north of Norway, another error (though a small one) became clear back in the homeland. As Eilif's vassal ally levies marched heedlessly westwards (instead of rallying back to Holmgarðr as they had been called to do), the enemy raiders (small in number) who had landed in Ingria the previous month turned north towards Kexholm rather than towards the capital. While this in itself was good, by the time their intention had been recognised it was too late for the inadvertently raised small levy in Kexholm to escape.
Then to compound the error, instead of simply disbanding that small troop and letting them melt away, they were left to their fate [it was the early hours of the morning in RL by then as some dramatic cricket unfolded on the TV – that is my fairly sorry excuse
].
In better news, the next day the Vestfold tribal hold fell to Chief Grimr’s army and he started marching west to his next target.
As it happened, the small troop in Kexholm was mercilessly hunted down and exterminated. Although they fled as soon as they could, the pursuit missed no one.
The smaller of the two royal fleets was summoned down to the south to join together with their comrades in case they were needed later to ferry a larger army as a group.
Þorsteinn’s largely tribal army finished its work in Gudbrandsdal on 13 July. 25 of his men were left as a garrison. The army then headed south, to be ready for embarkation should it be needed for a seaborne expedition.
A new ruler in one of Olafr II’s chiefdoms was called into his alliance to fight Eilif on 21 July. Eilif Yngling was only one year old, so in fact it was his regent who responded. Fortunately, King Eilif’s infant namesake could only muster 103 troops to his cause!
On 22 July, having killed the small levy in Kexholm, the army of Örvar of Island continued heading north-west, now aiming for Austerbotn. Their intentions there were of course unknown at that point. In the Low Countries, the small royal levy contingent was now concentrated into a single company. It headed towards Holland, even though they knew they would be unable to effectively besiege it. But perhaps they could make nuisances of themselves in Olafr’s holdings.
Pacts. High Chief Azyren of Mordva (east of Garðariki) joined the Pagan pact. Kola re-joined it, but under a new High Chief (Áilu, just 14 years old).
August 903
It was on 6 August, sometime after Jarl Þordr’s arrival in Hålogaland, that the true extent of his mistake became apparent. Word reached him that the Naumadal tribe’s small occupation garrison had been overwhelmed by the Norwegian besiegers, who were not marching north after all. They now turned to the walls of Mære. Finally alert to this disaster, Þordr made to abandone his own siege and, without waiting for the 300-man Ingrian levy to join him, marched south to confront the enemy. He trusted that the terrain disadvantages (a river crossing and mountain defence) would be more than balanced by his ample superiority in numbers.
Part of the reason for this Garðarikian distraction had been events in the Low Countries. Norwegian boats were unloading unknown numbers of troops to the north of Holland, while small ground contingents darted around the countryside. Gandalfr decided to pursue them in Sticht for a bit of ‘sport’, as he was well short of the troops needed to invest Haarlem in Holland.
The look of barely concealed distaste on Ingrid’s features intrigued Eilif.
A Westerner – a Frank by the looks of him – in the garments of a Christian priest was shown into Eilif’s chamber. Ingrid remained in her capacity as Seeress, Queen ... and the brains of the family.
As the guards eagerly complied with this direction and prepared to drag the priest away, Ingrid smiled in relief and then pleasure. Tièrri was, as related to Sumarliði by the Queen later and duly recorded in his journal, horrified but now mute.
[Talk about a bad timing for a missionary to visit Eilif. But excellent fodder for the next Blot – an infidel cleric no less!]
On 19 July Gandalfr attacked a small company of Olafr’s levies in Sticht. But word also arrived that the main Norwegian host, led by King Olafr II himself, had been spotted heading for Breda, where Brabantian forces were fighting interlopers of some sort (no record was kept of their identity). They would be there in three days! At least their whereabouts was now known. Gandalfr continued with the Battle of Dorestad (as it became known).
Gandalfr ended up gaining a complete victory by 30 August, wiping out his opponents. But the tide of the war had turned towards Olafr, as the moral advantage of controlling the whole province of Naumadal had been lost [warscore down to +20% from a high of +36%].
While Gandalfr fought in Sticht, in Norway yet another nasty surprise had occurred. The Norwegians in Naumadal had been reinforced by the army of Fredrik of Nidaros: almost 1,500 men. Together with the troops already there, the Norwegian army numbered over 2,000 – and they marched to attack him! It was now Þordr who was badly outnumbered and he had no choice but to take up defensive positions in Hålogaland while more forces from the south were redirected.
Sölvi’s army of royal levies and vassal allies were now heading to Naumadal, but would arrive there two days after the Norwegians had left. The Ingrians would reinforce Þordr on 2 September, but he would still be heavily outnumbered, even if he would now have the terrain advantage. The main Smolenskian army was also marching to join Þordr, but they were too far to the south to reinforce him in time. Þorsteinn, having arrived in the south, was ordered to march all the way back, but it would take them many days to make it. Þordr would most likely pay for his mistake in blood.
By late August Örvar’s small army was in Austerbotn but had not stopped: they were heading north to Kemi. It seemed they had landed in Ingria only to begin marching all the way back to Noregr via the long route!
The month ended with a fleet being sent south to evacuate Gandalfr from the Low Countries. By then, Olafr was in Breda savaging the small Brabantian army. It was assumed he would then besiege Breda.
Pacts. High Chief Kugis of Pruthenia (in Lithuania), High Chief Zygmunt of Obotritia (northern Germany) and High Chief Num of Ugra (north of Garðariki) all joined the Pagan pact.
September 903
On the first day of September, word came from distant Ireland that the 'other nephew' Hakon (aptly named 'the Repulsive') had failed in his attempt to conquer Hlymrek and had been thrown in prison! Eilif couldn’t help but chortle when he heard the news – it brightened up what had otherwise been an unpleasant period of the war.
The Ingrian contingent of 300 men joined Þordr in Hålogaland on 2 September and prepared to defend against the advancing Norwegians. Þordr now had 1,252 troops against an estimated 2,022 Norwegians bearing down on him.
In the Low Countries, King Olafr did not pause in Breda but went straight for Gandalfr in Sticht! They would be caught before they could escape to Gelre and perhaps also before they could take ship. Another miscalculation – they should have escaped earlier. Consideration was given to disbanding the levies and sending them home, but over half would be lost if this were done on enemy territory. The gamble was taken to wait for the boats rather than take such heavy losses without even putting up a fight.
The assumptions underpinning this calculation were soon tested. The Battle of Utrecht began on 7 September. Even though Gandalfr retreated as soon as he could, losses in the battle and pursuit were grievous, with 191 men killed by the time it ended on 22 August. Only two unlucky Norwegians lost their lives.
Two days after this reverse, the Norwegians attacked Þordr in Hålogaland. The enemy force was strong in heavy infantry and cavalry: Þordr tried to use the advantage of a river at his front and the mountainous terrain to even things up.
In the Low Countries, the remnants of Gandalfr’s small army had been pursued to Gelre where they were also engaged in on 24 September at the Battle of Kampen, before they could make it to the ships that had arrived offshore a short time before. Though they tried to retreat, they were eventually hunted down and killed to the last man. They would have been better off disbanding earlier after all. Yet another decision Eilif came to regret.
After five days of fighting in Hålogaland Þordr fought on. The Smolenskian army had been reinforced but was still some way off. Sölvi struck north from Naumadal to try to rescue Þordr, even though it would probably be too late – the mountain tracks were poor and winding.
Pacts. Four more realms joined the Pagan defensive pact against Eilif in September: Chief Drvovid of Rana (northern Germany); Chief Temir of Khopyor (east of Garðariki); High Chief Hintsa (not ‘the Spider’) of Karelia and Vagn ‘the Just’ of Metz (western Germany).
October 903
After days of hard fighting, and even though Þordr had managed to break the enemy’s centre, their heavily weighted right wing was too much to hold and his men broke on 11 October. After the pursuit was done, he had given a good account of himself and had occupied the enemy as reinforcements approached from the south, but a defeat it was. [Warscore now down to only +15%.]
On 16 October, a letter had been received noting Hakon had been released from Chief Lachta’s prison. No further details were recorded at the time.
Two days after the defeat in Hålogaland, Olafr’s army was spotted by the returning longboats heading along the coast towards Oldenburg. Eilif mused as to whether this meant he was trying to get back to Norway, perhaps via Denmark, which was torn by war and revolt at that time.
Sölvi’s army started attacking the Norwegians in Hålogaland on 5 November. After a short skirmish, the still-exhausted enemy broke. But it seemed others [!? ] had been present at the battle, so the credit did not seem to go to the Garðarikians. [That is, a large warscore was recorded, but a commander I can’t now identify got the credit. Checked those at war with Olafr and my own vassals, no obvious match.]
Pacts. Asbjörn of Hordaland (southern Norway) joined the Pagan pact and Chief Wizlaw of Dymin (northern Germany) rejoined.
November 903
The last king of Könugarðr had died an untimely death, most likely at the hands of some bitter enemy.
From mid-November, news from the war began to take a more favourable turn. First, the hold of Rygjafylki was taken – with many female prisoners found in the fort’s hiding hole. Some good plunder should be available for their ransom!
Grimr’s army was then directed back east, to await any developments in the south of Noregr.
And a quick review of the bulging prisons (five more were held not listed below) another round of ransoms was organised.
Just four days later, Þorsteinn’s army arrived in Naumadal. Rather than waiting for a siege to be laid, he assaulted the small garrison as soon as he was ready. The stockade fell the next day with the loss of only 5 troops. Suddenly, the momentum of the war swung back in Eilif’s favour as the province was again secured. [And all the previously accumulated warscore for occupying Naumadal was restored, I was pleased to discover.]
Þorsteinn was soon heading south again: a possible landing or crossing by Olafr’s main army was suspected. But where would he turn up? Might he take boat and head back to Naumadal again? It was imponderable for now.
Pacts. Two more countries rejoined after having previously left the Pagan pact in November: High Chief Kinyak of Mari and High Chief Syudbya of Bjarmia.
December 903
A great boon of gold from the ransoms came in on 1 December. Another of the Rygjafylki prisoners was offered up for ransom.
By that time, the Muromian vassal levy was finally nearing its destination of Holmgarðr, where it would be available for countering any small-medium sized raids in the future.
On 12 December, Buðli brought in a map and lists he and his scribes had been working on for months.
He then laid out a map on the council room table, where they were meeting.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
I pose no specific questions this time, but your general comments, observations, hints and advice on any aspect (narrative or gameplay in nature) are of course very much welcome. This episode brings us back up to game-present, so any suggestions can be made in real time.
The recent wars have brought in a great deal of gold from ransoms. This has made it far easier to sustain the current war and should provide a useful nest egg for later use, whether for buying favours or building improvements.
Gold glorious gold.
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif’s war against Noregr to claim on Naumadal and its holy site of Mære is now targeted against the newly crowned King Olafr II; despite some errors by Garðarikian commanders and some Norwegian surprises, the campaign is still in Eilif’s favour; at home, the king is now looking forward to the birth of a child to his concubine Elin (the Spymaster, not Dyre’s wife, the lover who stood him up earlier in the year). The action resumes with Jarl Þordr, Eilif’s commander in the north, marching heedlessly to Hålogaland after having misread a scout’s report about enemy intentions in Naumadal, which is now under Norwegian siege.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
July 903
As Jarl Þordr has his problems in the north of Norway, another error (though a small one) became clear back in the homeland. As Eilif's vassal ally levies marched heedlessly westwards (instead of rallying back to Holmgarðr as they had been called to do), the enemy raiders (small in number) who had landed in Ingria the previous month turned north towards Kexholm rather than towards the capital. While this in itself was good, by the time their intention had been recognised it was too late for the inadvertently raised small levy in Kexholm to escape.
Then to compound the error, instead of simply disbanding that small troop and letting them melt away, they were left to their fate [it was the early hours of the morning in RL by then as some dramatic cricket unfolded on the TV – that is my fairly sorry excuse
].
Ch82 Note 1: Garrisons. Despite previous discussions at Þings that seemed to indicated otherwise, the initial garrison left behind after a siege victory surely does come from the conquering army. I only looked at it again closely here, but going back over previous screenshots could see the same had applied. They won with 2,229 troops remaining, 25 went into the garrison, leaving 2,205 men in the army. I’ve noted it seems to count commanders present as one soldier in these totals (in this case its just Þorsteinn as the single commander, previously it was Grimr).
A new ruler in one of Olafr II’s chiefdoms was called into his alliance to fight Eilif on 21 July. Eilif Yngling was only one year old, so in fact it was his regent who responded. Fortunately, King Eilif’s infant namesake could only muster 103 troops to his cause!
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
August 903
It was on 6 August, sometime after Jarl Þordr’s arrival in Hålogaland, that the true extent of his mistake became apparent. Word reached him that the Naumadal tribe’s small occupation garrison had been overwhelmed by the Norwegian besiegers, who were not marching north after all. They now turned to the walls of Mære. Finally alert to this disaster, Þordr made to abandone his own siege and, without waiting for the 300-man Ingrian levy to join him, marched south to confront the enemy. He trusted that the terrain disadvantages (a river crossing and mountain defence) would be more than balanced by his ample superiority in numbers.
“Husband,” said Seeress Queen Ingrid one day during a visit to Eilif in the keep at Nygarðr. “I return briefly from my proselytising duties in Luki to deliver a visitor who desires to speak with you. About matters spiritual. I felt it best that I should escort him straight to you. Without him wandering around the countryside and … influencing impressionable peasants.”
The look of barely concealed distaste on Ingrid’s features intrigued Eilif.
“Well then, you must show this visitor in.”
A Westerner – a Frank by the looks of him – in the garments of a Christian priest was shown into Eilif’s chamber. Ingrid remained in her capacity as Seeress, Queen ... and the brains of the family.
“King Eilif, I am Father Tièrri, sent by His Majesty King Richard of Burgundy as his personal emissary,” the man began, full of confidence, piety and Christian belief.
“Go on, Father Tièrri, you can have no idea how pleased I am to see you!” Eilif favoured him with a warm smile.
“Excellent, King Eilif. I have come to rescue you, and through you your people, from the vile and sinful ways of your Old Gods and into Christ’s love and mercy. If you permit me to stay and preach the Lord’s Gospel, you will be saved from the fiery pits of eternal damnation that otherwise await you.”
“I have indeed been pondering the spread of your Christian religion and how to best accommodate it as we expand our own influence west. I would indeed like you to stay with us and have the perfect place for you to stay until we can accommodate you in more suitable and spiritual surroundings.”
“Ah, your words are manna from Heaven King Eilif!” Tièrri is most pleased with this response, but the Queen was aghast. She feared her husband, not always the sharpest tool in the set, was about to make what she would consider an egregious error. Her stomach seemed to go cold and the chill spread up her spine.
“When should I begin?” asked the priest eagerly.
“Right away!” King Eilif answered with a warm smile.
“Go on, Father Tièrri, you can have no idea how pleased I am to see you!” Eilif favoured him with a warm smile.
“Excellent, King Eilif. I have come to rescue you, and through you your people, from the vile and sinful ways of your Old Gods and into Christ’s love and mercy. If you permit me to stay and preach the Lord’s Gospel, you will be saved from the fiery pits of eternal damnation that otherwise await you.”
“I have indeed been pondering the spread of your Christian religion and how to best accommodate it as we expand our own influence west. I would indeed like you to stay with us and have the perfect place for you to stay until we can accommodate you in more suitable and spiritual surroundings.”
“Ah, your words are manna from Heaven King Eilif!” Tièrri is most pleased with this response, but the Queen was aghast. She feared her husband, not always the sharpest tool in the set, was about to make what she would consider an egregious error. Her stomach seemed to go cold and the chill spread up her spine.
“When should I begin?” asked the priest eagerly.
“Right away!” King Eilif answered with a warm smile.
“Guards!” Eilif called. Two burly Huscarls entered promptly. “Take this infidel invader to the dungeons. Find a dark cell where no one but his False God will hear his words. And gag him now, so his foul utterances do not infect any good Norse ears on the way there.”
As the guards eagerly complied with this direction and prepared to drag the priest away, Ingrid smiled in relief and then pleasure. Tièrri was, as related to Sumarliði by the Queen later and duly recorded in his journal, horrified but now mute.
“Be glad I did not have them tear your tongue out! You will remain in prison for now – but perhaps later, you may have the opportunity to experience our most sacred ceremony – the Great Blot! Away with him!”
[Talk about a bad timing for a missionary to visit Eilif. But excellent fodder for the next Blot – an infidel cleric no less!]
On 19 July Gandalfr attacked a small company of Olafr’s levies in Sticht. But word also arrived that the main Norwegian host, led by King Olafr II himself, had been spotted heading for Breda, where Brabantian forces were fighting interlopers of some sort (no record was kept of their identity). They would be there in three days! At least their whereabouts was now known. Gandalfr continued with the Battle of Dorestad (as it became known).
Sölvi’s army of royal levies and vassal allies were now heading to Naumadal, but would arrive there two days after the Norwegians had left. The Ingrians would reinforce Þordr on 2 September, but he would still be heavily outnumbered, even if he would now have the terrain advantage. The main Smolenskian army was also marching to join Þordr, but they were too far to the south to reinforce him in time. Þorsteinn, having arrived in the south, was ordered to march all the way back, but it would take them many days to make it. Þordr would most likely pay for his mistake in blood.
The month ended with a fleet being sent south to evacuate Gandalfr from the Low Countries. By then, Olafr was in Breda savaging the small Brabantian army. It was assumed he would then besiege Breda.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
September 903
On the first day of September, word came from distant Ireland that the 'other nephew' Hakon (aptly named 'the Repulsive') had failed in his attempt to conquer Hlymrek and had been thrown in prison! Eilif couldn’t help but chortle when he heard the news – it brightened up what had otherwise been an unpleasant period of the war.
“I hope he rots there!” he said to Sumarliði as they went through the day’s correspondence.
In the Low Countries, King Olafr did not pause in Breda but went straight for Gandalfr in Sticht! They would be caught before they could escape to Gelre and perhaps also before they could take ship. Another miscalculation – they should have escaped earlier. Consideration was given to disbanding the levies and sending them home, but over half would be lost if this were done on enemy territory. The gamble was taken to wait for the boats rather than take such heavy losses without even putting up a fight.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
October 903
After days of hard fighting, and even though Þordr had managed to break the enemy’s centre, their heavily weighted right wing was too much to hold and his men broke on 11 October. After the pursuit was done, he had given a good account of himself and had occupied the enemy as reinforcements approached from the south, but a defeat it was. [Warscore now down to only +15%.]
Two days after the defeat in Hålogaland, Olafr’s army was spotted by the returning longboats heading along the coast towards Oldenburg. Eilif mused as to whether this meant he was trying to get back to Norway, perhaps via Denmark, which was torn by war and revolt at that time.
] had been present at the battle, so the credit did not seem to go to the Garðarikians. [That is, a large warscore was recorded, but a commander I can’t now identify got the credit. Checked those at war with Olafr and my own vassals, no obvious match.]
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
November 903
“Eilif, a message has come in from our trading contacts in Britannia. I thought it may be of passing interest.” Chancellor Buðli passed over a short letter.
“A sad end indeed. He couldn’t even find peace in exile in a new land. His enemies pursued him to the edge of the grave and then pushed him into it.”
From mid-November, news from the war began to take a more favourable turn. First, the hold of Rygjafylki was taken – with many female prisoners found in the fort’s hiding hole. Some good plunder should be available for their ransom!
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
December 903
A great boon of gold from the ransoms came in on 1 December. Another of the Rygjafylki prisoners was offered up for ransom.
“My Liege,” said Buðli with respect – he was in the presence of other visitors. “We have received word today that King Árpád Tarkatzus 'the Usurper' of Bavaria has just joined the Christian defensive pact. They are a major realm with holdings in both western Germany and Hungary.”
He then laid out a map on the council room table, where they were meeting.
“This shows the realms who are active members of these irritating pacts as at today.”
“And this list shows the comings and goings since the end of January, including how many levies we believe each realm leader could bring to any conflict.”
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
I pose no specific questions this time, but your general comments, observations, hints and advice on any aspect (narrative or gameplay in nature) are of course very much welcome. This episode brings us back up to game-present, so any suggestions can be made in real time.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
The recent wars have brought in a great deal of gold from ransoms. This has made it far easier to sustain the current war and should provide a useful nest egg for later use, whether for buying favours or building improvements.
Gold glorious gold.
- 1
Those Pact tables remind me of OOB tables for somethign like the Eastern Front tracking the flow of divisions. Quite frightening in a sense.
As you’re becoming more and more experienced, you’re having more notes and less questions. At this point you’re as good a ck2 player as any of the followers
Excellent shorthands for oubliette and blot
)With good commanders, high quality troops and good troop composition this isn’t impossible odds.
Troop quality is unfortunately very against us, this is probably hopeless. Light infantry is mostly only good as cannon fodder, we have too few real troops :/
Sölvi would mop up the Norwegians though.
Is he a chief or a high chief?
I was worried this wouldn’t be the case, good news indeed.
The war seems like it wouldn’t get decided before a final showdown, the best would be to check from time to time if Noregr is willing to part with Naumadal and in the meanwhile keep the forces concentrated enough to withstand any surprise attack by their main army.
Seems like we can still get a kingdom of rus province from Murom after all
It’s good that we didn’t let some unfortunate events let turn the tide of war. I repeat that since noregr is also in another war there’s a possibility they might accept to give the province before further bloodshed. Not a certainty but checking from time to time wouldn’t hurt. Thanks for the episode in quick succession with the other one
Agreed, you've gotten quite good. It's becoming uncommon for me to have anything to answer for the questions that do come!
I'm saddened by Hakon's defeat. He was such a great potential king in Írland . But then again, he has been released, so who'd to say he won't come back?
If my knowledge of CK II's CoAs doesn't fail me, your mystery man is the chief of Oldenburg. He may have been the leader of ghe Brunswickian troops who were present in Norway, and ended up claiming your victory. If not for himself, he may be there for his liege... or inadvertently his liege/liege's liege.
Now it is important not to let the tide of war turn. Eilif has had to take some unfortunate casualties, so it may be best to face the Norwegians with a mostly united army next to prevent any nasty surprise.
But at least on the prisoner front, everything's looking well. Though if you want to keep Tièrri warm for the blòt, you'd best put him under house arrest (or at least not in the oubliette.)
Huh, I didn't know about the garrison. Then again, it's unlikely to have an impact in the long run, but good to know. Further analysis of the screenshot reveals that troop composition is somewhat respected in the drafting of the garrison, too.
I wouldn't worry much about the pacts. As long as Eilif doesn't attack anyone, it's not important. And after the end of this conflict, he's better served by going on a raid, launching a blòt with a few Abrahamic prisoners and support defensive holy wars. He needs some piety, after all...
(Or hold his realm together, in case of defeat - let's hope not.)
. But then again, he has been released, so who'd to say he won't come back? If my knowledge of CK II's CoAs doesn't fail me, your mystery man is the chief of Oldenburg. He may have been the leader of ghe Brunswickian troops who were present in Norway, and ended up claiming your victory. If not for himself, he may be there for his liege... or inadvertently his liege/liege's liege
.Now it is important not to let the tide of war turn. Eilif has had to take some unfortunate casualties, so it may be best to face the Norwegians with a mostly united army next to prevent any nasty surprise.
But at least on the prisoner front, everything's looking well. Though if you want to keep Tièrri warm for the blòt, you'd best put him under house arrest (or at least not in the oubliette
.)Huh, I didn't know about the garrison. Then again, it's unlikely to have an impact in the long run, but good to know. Further analysis of the screenshot reveals that troop composition is somewhat respected in the drafting of the garrison, too.
I wouldn't worry much about the pacts. As long as Eilif doesn't attack anyone, it's not important. And after the end of this conflict, he's better served by going on a raid, launching a blòt with a few Abrahamic prisoners and support defensive holy wars. He needs some piety, after all...
(Or hold his realm together, in case of defeat - let's hope not.)
Some feedback before the next episode (written up, just need to publish/upload the screenies):
I wouldn't be anywhere near this well off in without the help of all of you and the extra consideration an AAR brings, in what is still my first and only game of CK2 so far. I don't really have time what with my other projects to crank up side games, and I feel that would also detract from the newby learning vibe I've got going here .
You may have been sad to see him defeated, but I couldn''t bring Eilif to feel the same way.
)
May you use it where it's least expected and never detected!
All: OK, hope to publish the next chapter soon: again, the first of two instalments to cover the next session, so the second should follow reasonably quickly (after I update my other two AARs). As always, thanks all readers for your readership and contributors especially for your support.
Indeed! And, given I'm not yet preparing to attack anyone new, probably a bit more detailed than necessary. Didn't anticipate the scale of changes when I started it. Will streamline in the next episode.
As you’re becoming more and more experienced, you’re having more notes and less questions. At this point you’re as good a ck2 player as any of the followers
Very nice of you both to say so. At the moment, we're still in a comparative 'comfort zone' in terms of gameplay, but I suspect I will soon be a raft of newbiness afloat on a bemusing ocean of arcane game mechanisms and concepts!
I wouldn't be anywhere near this well off in without the help of all of you and the extra consideration an AAR brings, in what is still my first and only game of CK2 so far. I don't really have time what with my other projects to crank up side games, and I feel that would also detract from the newby learning vibe I've got going here .Just so. Though just ordinary jail for now - don't want him dying before I get a chance to do a Blot.Excellent shorthands for oubliette and blot
Maybe not, but ...
And so it proved. But they delayed their movement and softened them up for the next wave.
That is his aim.
It is a chiefdom, but for some reason (like for instance when I granted Hrolfr his county for services rendered) he doesn't get the honorific in his game title.
Yes, it seems to pick up where it left off.
You will see in a forthcoming episode where this is tried. No spoiler though on whether it works.
Maybe, but you will see the pagan pact varies wildly from month to month, day to day sometimes! I don't think any long term plan will be possible on that score. Just opportunity targets - when the time is judged to be right.Seems like we can still get a kingdom of rus province from Murom after all
As above re checking surrender. And you're most welcome!It’s good that we didn’t let some unfortunate events let turn the tide of war. I repeat that since noregr is also in another war there’s a possibility they might accept to give the province before further bloodshed. Not a certainty but checking from time to time wouldn’t hurt. Thanks for the episode in quick succession with the other one
We will see what happens to Hakon a bit later.I'm saddened by Hakon's defeat. He was such a great potential king in Írland
You may have been sad to see him defeated, but I couldn''t bring Eilif to feel the same way. Nice work! That earns you the Golden Dagger Award from the Garðarikian Spies Guild! (Not to be confused with the award these days given by the Crime Writers' Association of the UKIf my knowledge of CK II's CoAs doesn't fail me, your mystery man is the chief of Oldenburg. He may have been the leader of ghe Brunswickian troops who were present in Norway, and ended up claiming your victory. If not for himself, he may be there for his liege... or inadvertently his liege/liege's liege
)May you use it where it's least expected and never detected!
This had been played through by the time you made this very pertinent observation - you will have to see whether Eilif gets a pass, fail or resubmit for this one!
Quite. Is there a chance he could escape from house arrest?But at least on the prisoner front, everything's looking well. Though if you want to keep Tièrri warm for the blòt, you'd best put him under house arrest (or at least not in the oubliette
Yes, it was sitting there in plain sight all along! Or I think so, anyway, at least until some future war seems to indicate differently.
Good advice there (and see above - I'm still tracking them but less intensively). And yes, piety is the next big thing.
All: OK, hope to publish the next chapter soon: again, the first of two instalments to cover the next session, so the second should follow reasonably quickly (after I update my other two AARs). As always, thanks all readers for your readership and contributors especially for your support.
- 1
Chapter 83: A Reckoning (12 December 903 – 20 June 904)
Chapter 83: A Reckoning (12 December 903 – 20 June 904)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … The war to claim Naumadal from King Olafr II or Noregr had found its ups and downs; but with the position substantially recovered by December 903 AD, Garðarikian thoughts now turned to the main Norwegian force, last seen tracking towards Denmark and a possible crossing into southern Sweden; Eilif’s concubine and Spymaster Elin were looking forward to the birth of a child; and the two defensive pacts opposing Eilif had both grown large: while these were not a direct issue now, they served to limit and shape the king’s options after the war with Noregr was over. Whichever side won.
On 12 December, King Olafr’s main force was indeed spotted in Denmark: it was estimated they would arrive at Skåne (a Danish-owned county at the southern tip of Sweden) in around a week and a half. Eilif’s forces were at that point dispersed in four main groups (both royal levies and attached vassal allies) around western Scandinavia. Jarl Þordr’s army was still in retreat, which would end soon in Jarnberaland. The rest were in Hålogaland (where they had recently defeated another Norwegian army), Naumadal and southern Norway, on the way back from the profitable siege of Rygjafylki. They were all ordered to concentrate at Vestergautland: the enemy force (numbering over 4,300 men but suffering some supply problems during their march through Denmark) was too large for any less than a merging of three of the four Garðarikian armies to tackle.
As forces began to muster for a great confrontation, Karl of Rygjafylki had coughed up another 10 gold for the return of another hostage (Linda) and was now tapped for 26 gold for young Astrid. The money was received eight days later and she was sent back home. The coffers were looking as healthy as they had for many a year.
One of the new Swedish Jarls - now a prominent (and supportive) Garðarikian magnate – was old Ivar ‘the Monk’ of Bergslagen (a previously generous payer of ransoms during the War of Swedish Subjugation). It seemed he had some internal political problems, with Eilif’s spy network reporting one of his chiefs was trying to fabricate a claim on the Jarl’s title. Both were Christians: A pity, Eilif thought to himself, it would be nice to be able to force his Norse vassals – and other infidel subjects, for that matter – to follow the True Germanic Faith. [Maybe that time will come.] But Ivar was friendly and the would-be pretender Arnbjörn of Vermaland was not, so the king hoped Ivar would not be challenged or would win if he was. For now though, the situation would just be monitored.
The next day, some cheering news came in from the court of Eilif’s colleague King Rögnvaldr of Denmark. It seemed another good Norse Germanic king knew how to deal with Christian interlopers! He had imprisoned a bishop (no less): perhaps another missionary from one of those meddling Christian kingdoms?
When Olafr’s army arrived in Skåne it started marching to another Danish-owned county (Halland). It became clear the first nominated meeting point would be too close to the enemy and risked an encounter before Þorsteinn’s main force could arrive. They were now ordered to meet in Vermaland instead. That would be a good central location from which to respond to whatever the next Norwegian move may be.
On 27 December, Jarl Þordr’s army had finished its retreat in Jarnberaland and began marching to the rally point in nearby Vermaland.
Pacts. The membership of the Christian pact remained almost unchanged during the second half of December 903, with just the departure of Mercia, leaving it with 17 members (large and small). But the Pagan pact saw many changes indeed. Between 14 and 28 December, 12 realms left the pact (Latgale, Livonia, Häme, Yatvingia, Lithuania, Pruthenia, Rana, Khopyor, Hordaland, Dymin, Mari and Bjarmia). Jorvik joined the pact on 29 December, leaving it with a membership of 12 realms, down from 23 on the 12th of December.
January 904
The new year began in a way the old Romans would have said was typical of the actions of the God Janus. One door opened to the future, while another shut, consigning a loved one to the past. The happy news of a healthy birth in far-off Constantinople of a new daughter for Eilif was made tragic by the death of her mother, Elin Öysteinnsdottir Yngling, the king’s concubine and spymaster, in childbirth.
The child Hafrid would be brought back to Nygarðr to be educated in the ways of the Germanic faith. Perhaps she may make a seeress one day, if not a wife for a potential ally. Eilif hoped she would grow up under a reformed Germanic faith – with a Garðarikian Fylkir!
Soon after, word came from the south that a bold raider was looting one of Barsbek’s counties! Someone called Chief Temir of Khopyor was the man of the moment – a man seemingly without a past who, if Barsbek got hold of him, may not have much of a future either! But it seemed Barsbek was occupied in ‘liberating’ Kiev from the Hungarians, so perhaps Temir would get away with it. For now, anyway.
After the two-day mourning period for Elin was over [ie when I remembered I also needed to recruit a new Spymaster ], the hunt was on for Elin’s replacement on the Council. Within the realm, Tihomir of Luki was clearly the most qualified. But (at least until his loyalty might be boosted) he could be a disruptive influence in the Council chamber. And he was a Russian Slav as well. Hakon Rakki (no relation to his hated nephew of the same first name) was very well qualified, as was Eilif’s remaining concubine Edla. Both were solidly loyal, Norse and Germanic, though both may be glory hounds if appointed. Halsten af Cliath would be a reasonable choice and would likely be a pragmatist on council, which would help to balance its make-up. Eilif was leaning that way.
But apparently, there was a miscommunication and Tihomir received a letter offering him the position [ie I meant to click on his portrait to check him out further, but ended up appointing him before I realised it! Argh. I decided to go with it rather than kicking him straight off again and would see what I could do to turn him into a supporter. More learning . Even if he was a Slovensky!]
It turned out that Tihomir was very susceptible to financial encouragement. With the coffers full, for a mere 15 gold he was turned into a firm supporter! Eilif did not much care that he hated the man personally (that was largely due to him not answering calls to arms with which he would have not been expected to comply anyway). He was soon sent off to Constantinople, the standard posting for Garðarikian spymasters.
The success of that financial persuasion led Eilif to offer similar inducements to two other council members – his Marshal Vihavald and even his wife, the Seeress Queen Ingrid. It did not prove enough to turn them into ‘loyalists’ in terms of voting, but he thought it didn’t do any harm to have them even more strongly supportive.
And the funds were still accruing from ransoms. Yet another of the Rygjafylki women was ransomed, the money appearing a couple of weeks later. However, this was the last ‘ransomable’ prisoner held in Eilif’s dungeons.
Olafr’s army – which now had a few men dying of hunger after so long without supplies – arrived in Halland on 7 January and made for Vestergautland. It could only be guessed as to whether he may besiege it or continue, and then whether he would strike to the north-west or north-east of Lake Vänern. No elements of the Garðarikian army had yet to arrive at the new mustering point in Vermaland.
Three days later, Jarl Þordr’s rallied army was the first to reach the rally point. The defeated Norwegian army in the north looked like it was fleeing to northern Finland. The other Garðarikian armies were strung out on the snow-covered tracks of Norway and central Sweden.
The next day, a messenger from the newly appointed Spymaster Tihomir noted that considering his recent appointment and preferment by Eilif, he had formally renounced his leadership of the faction to lower tribal organisation in Garðariki. As the only member of it, this meant it had disbanded. Well, at least one good thing has come out of that mistaken appointment, Eilif noted in passing to Sumarliði der Schreiber. Who duly recorded it in his confidential journal that catalogued the King’s thoughts for posterity.
To complicate an already busy January, a small band of Danish freebooters arrived in longboats in Zeeland to start looting. There was little Eilif could do at present to stop them, though they only had enough men to ravage the countryside – the forts there would be too strong for them to take by siege.
Pacts. January saw even more realms leave the Pagan pact (Zemaitija, Latgale, Pomorye, Chernigov, Veps, Mordva, Kola, Obotritia, Karelia and Metz) though two joined (Murom and Turov). By months end only four countries remained in the pact. The Christian pact by comparison was far more stable: Breizh left on 2 January only to re-join 11 days later!
February 904
Olafr’s army (back in supply since making it onto Garðarikian territory) was in Dal on 3 February and kept heading north-west, to the occupied Norwegian county of Raumariki, where they would arrive on 15 February. Perhaps they intended to liberate it, then continue north to Naumadal, whose occupation by Eilif sapped so much strength from Noregr’s ability to resist. The Garðarikian army by then had largely assembled in next-door Vermaland and now, under Þorsteinn’s leadership, numbered almost 5,500. He could not arrive in Raumariki before Olafr (who would beat him there by two days), meaning he’d be attacking the Norwegians over a river.
Instead, the next day he started marching to Gudbrandsdal. If he could put himself in the way or Olafr’s apparent northward march and tempt him into attacking the Garðarikian army there, then Þorsteinn would be the one with the tactical advantage. The army was reorganised, with Þorsteinn taking a small company of levies in the centre, where it was expected the bulk of the vassal allied regiments would mass [see question below]. The brilliant but untrustworthy Chief Nikita would command a beefed-up right flank, with Sölvi taking the left.
Olafr arrived in Raumariki as predicted on 15 February and kept heading north – to Gudbrandsdal, where Þorsteinn would arrive on 25 February: over a week before the Norwegians. Plenty of time to set up a defence using the advantages of the hilly terrain and a minor river crossing. But would Olafr keep coming once Þorsteinn was in place?
The rest of the month was spent in the two approach marches. And the Norwegians kept coming, so it looked like the long-sought (by both sides) climactic battle of the war would indeed happen in early March.
Pacts. There were no changes in the Christian pact during February. Zemaitija re-joined the Pagan pact on 18 February, bringing it to a membership of five.
Þorsteinn had arrived some days before to set up his defensive position in Gudbrandsdal, and by 1 March Olafr still kept coming. The day of reckoning approached. Closer and closer. It dawned, cold and clear, on 3 February 904. What would become known later as the Battle of Dovre began. Olafr – the most capable Norwegian commander present - led their centre. He was slightly outnumbered by his opposite number Þorsteinn, who was also one of the greatest tacticians in Scandinavia, perhaps the best. The enemy’s left was a little less than a third the size of Sölvi’s division and were soon in trouble. As it happened, the Norwegian right was almost exactly balanced in numbers by the Garðarikian left wing, commanded by Nikita. Unfortunately for the enemy, for some reason they had neglected to appoint a commander on that side. This would prove to be a grave mistake.
In numbers, Garðariki had the advantage by 1,200 men. But Noregr had more of the crucial heavy infantry and cavalry. The big Garðarikian edge, especially in the initial skirmish phase, was in archers, of which they had a good deal more. And of course the ‘axe fodder’ of the period, the humble light infantry that made up most of the levies.
The crucial initial tactical positions were conventional enough in the centre and the Garðarikian right: Þorsteinn and Sölvi ordered their shieldwalls into place, while the Norwegians shot volleys at them. The Norwegians could make best use of their archers, but the shieldwalls heavily protected their valuable huscarls and provided reasonable protection for the light infantry, still giving Garðariki’s archers some advantage against the enemy formations.
But the crucial fight would be on the Garðarikian left, where the two largest and evenly balanced formations would fight it out. Here, the lack of leadership on the enemy side was telling. They employed the ‘volley harass’ tactic, which may have worked reasonably well against a shieldwall, but was spotted by Nikita who ordered his large force of archers to shower the Norwegians with flight after flight of arrows. The result was carnage in the Norwegian ranks!
By 7 March, [or perhaps the equivalent of four hours combat in a more realistic RL time scale, but I never worry about that, as this is principally a gameplay AAR], the undermanned enemy left had broken, with Sölvi turning his attentions to King Olafr’s division in the centre. The morale of enemy’s right was already looking shaky as a result of their disastrous tactical blunder. They broke on 9 March and Nikita pursued them, harrying them without mercy for the next week. Meanwhile, Olafr showed himself a brave and resourceful leader, fighting hard in the centre long after his flanks had deserted him. Whether this was wise is another matter. By 15 March the melee was on in full, Sölvi’s flanking attack exacting a heavy toll on Olafr’s hardy but now badly outnumbered warriors.
Sölvi’s flank attack proved decisive [melee damage up to 89 from the 53 of the skirmish stage] and his men finally broke on 16 March, after 13 days of hard combat. On 18 March the enemy left had fled the field, so Nikita’s wing switched its pursuit over to Olafr’s unfortunate central division. Their casualties continued to mount.
Just as the great Battle of Dovre was approaching victory, Eilif received news that Queen Ingrid had become quite unwell. It turned out that, apart from being stressed, she had developed gout – a painful and serious affliction in those days. Eilif did what he could to support her and her treatment seemed to be doing a little good, but he was still concerned. His wife was a very important asset to him and his governance of the realm, apart from and in addition to any personal feelings they may have had for each other.
As the pursuit of Olafr’s army from the field continued, the northern Norwegian army had finished its shattered retreat in Kemi, though they were out of supplies. They were now headed to Austerbotn – prince Styrkar’s county. With the main battle won, Sverker’s army was redirected to Finland, where they could if necessary intervene against this flank threat.
The Battle of Dovre was declared over on 25 March and was a resounding Garðarikian victory [warscore +27.7%!]. This completely reversed and overwhelmed the series of three smaller defeats that had preceded it. The enemy’s heavy infantry had suffered particularly heavily, while the Garðarikian huscarls escaped very lightly by comparison. Their tactics during the skirmish phase had really preserved them.
Olafr retreated north-east to Heidmark, closely followed by Þorsteinn and the whole main army.
Pacts. Metz (25 March) and Latgale (28 March) both re-joined the Pagan pact, bringing its membership to seven. Once again the Christian pact remained unchanged.
Queen Ingrid seemed to respond well enough to her treatment, or at least she did not let it get in the way of her religious duties as Seeress. In early April, she helped Eilif in his quest to become a more pious man – essential if he was to achieve his ambition of becoming Fylkir of a reformed Germanic faith.
[Comment: I figured that every little bit counts and don’t care that much at this point what the temple vassals think of Eilif.]
When Olafr reached Heidmark in mid-April he headed (still in shattered retreat and out of supply) to Naumadal, Þorsteinn hot on his heels. When the Garðarikian host also reached Heidmark a few days later, the additional numbers in the county over-matched it's ability to provide them with sufficient forage and fairly severe attrition set in. Þorsteinn’s men tightened their belts and marched on.
Pacts. The rebuilding trend continued for the Pagan pact, with three realms (Livonia, Pomorye and Kola) re-joining and two new ones (Laanemaa and Tartu) signing up, bringing it to 12 in number. Lower Lorraine quit the Christian pact.
May-Jun 904
The Norwegians reached Naumadal on 9 May and kept heading north. Þorsteinn’s men once again had sufficient forage in Heidmark, while Naumadal could furnish supplies for up to 11,000 troops, so supply there would not be a problem.
Pacts. Häme, Chernigov and Veps re-joined the Pagan pact during May, bringing it to 15 realms. Mercia re-joined the Christian pact.
In early June, Sverker’s force was almost in Finland. An enemy fleet of 20 longboats was unloading a force of unknown size in northern Sweden, while the Norwegian army in Austerbotn made a move towards Kexholm. In response, Sverker was ordered to march there as well, while the Garðarikian reserve force in Holmgarðr was sent to Ingria. From there, they could reinforce Sverker, or simply hold the key county from any other chance raiding groups, for which it had been a repeated target over the years.
On 5 June, Olafr’s depleted army finished its shattered retreat in Hålogaland. They made for Jamtaland, but would be caught where they were by Þorsteinn on 30 June, before they could escape. The river crossing and mountain terrain aiding Olafr’s defence would surely not be enough to stave off the Garðarikians’ by now overwhelming numbers.
Meanwhile, the Norwegians in Austerbotn had spotted the arrival of Grimr (who had now taken control of the force) in Finland and decided to retreat back north to Kemi instead. Smelling blood, Grimr gave chase. The Norwegian fleet in the Gulf of Bothnia had deposited a mere 39 bedraggled warriors in northern Sweden, who were now suffering attrition! They would continue to be very safely ignored.
As had been noted in passing previously, Barsbek the Liberator was up to his old ways again. Ignoring those raiders from Khopyor, he had almost won his war to conquer Kiev from the Hungarians and currently occupied much or their eastern territory.
Tihomir’s chief spy runner in Nygarðr delivered a message to Eilif on 20 June stating that Chief Grimr had started a plot to kill the troublesome Chief Vseslav of Vyazma. One of the men was considered possessed by demons, the other to be insane. Trying to work out a reason for the mutual hatred was probably pointless and not worth the effort. Grimr was a Germanic Norse chief of long standing – as a child, he had unfailingly supported Rurik with his levy when he succeeded his father in the early days of Holmgarðr and then Eilif for his entire reign. He sat on his Council as Advisor. Vseslav was a Slavic Russian plotter and troublemaker. It was no surprise when Eilif decided not to intervene.
It did however raise a few question for Eilif, who had not been paying much attention recently to the manifold plots going on in the realm. He wrote to Tihomir by fast messenger directing him to review all known plots and report back soon after the next Þing, which would be held the following day.
Pacts. June saw two more countries – Lithuania and Yatvingia – re-join the Pagan pact, while again there was no change in the Christian pact. Buðli provided a concise summary to Eilif on who belonged to each pact and their comings and goings over the last six months.
Comment: The Pagan pact really seems to ebb and flow in its membership far more than the Christian one, for some reason. In the two tables, the colour represents membership by the end of a month, the grey areas absence from the pacts. The dates shown are the changes in status. To make it easier to track, current (end June) member countries in each pact are highlighted in yellow.
Questions
In addition to general comments and suggestions, the following specific questions are asked of the Þing:
Ch 83 Q1: Fabrications against vassals. Just a quick technical and tactical question. Is there anything I either can or should do (if I have reason to quash it) to stop a vassal’s vassal trying to fabricate a claim? Or is it just something for the direct vassal to manage at this point? And (as a follow-up) if it comes to a rebellion, must I let them fight it out or if I wished could I offer to aid one side or the other?
Ch 83 Q2: Vassal ally placement in battle. I still find it a bit strange you can’t dictate which flank they appear on, unless there’s some way of doing so I’ve never heard of or discovered yet. I’m assuming you just have to take what you’re given, but if there is some way of dictating it, I’d be rapt!
Ch 83 Q3: Names in army mouse-overs. This is a very small and arcane point, but if you look at the mouse-over message for the tactical advantage for the Garðarikians in the above screenshot, it says ‘Chief Vihavald of Ingria will get …”. He’s not in the army (checked all the subordinate units too). Which he shouldn’t be, because his is on duty as Marshal so not available for field command. So (as Marshal) is that why his name is used here? For a second I thought I had another commander turning up where he wasn’t meant to be …
Ch 83 Q4: How bad is gout? Just wondering how serious gout tends to be in-game. Is it a slow killer, or more of a continuing discomfort? How badly might Ingrid’s days be curtailed and is there any cure or will it just now persist until it or something else claims her?
The great Battle of Dovre began on 3 March 904 AD. Here, Þorsteinn is depicted rallying his shieldwall against the attack of King Olafr II or Noregr.
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … The war to claim Naumadal from King Olafr II or Noregr had found its ups and downs; but with the position substantially recovered by December 903 AD, Garðarikian thoughts now turned to the main Norwegian force, last seen tracking towards Denmark and a possible crossing into southern Sweden; Eilif’s concubine and Spymaster Elin were looking forward to the birth of a child; and the two defensive pacts opposing Eilif had both grown large: while these were not a direct issue now, they served to limit and shape the king’s options after the war with Noregr was over. Whichever side won.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
December 903
On 12 December, King Olafr’s main force was indeed spotted in Denmark: it was estimated they would arrive at Skåne (a Danish-owned county at the southern tip of Sweden) in around a week and a half. Eilif’s forces were at that point dispersed in four main groups (both royal levies and attached vassal allies) around western Scandinavia. Jarl Þordr’s army was still in retreat, which would end soon in Jarnberaland. The rest were in Hålogaland (where they had recently defeated another Norwegian army), Naumadal and southern Norway, on the way back from the profitable siege of Rygjafylki. They were all ordered to concentrate at Vestergautland: the enemy force (numbering over 4,300 men but suffering some supply problems during their march through Denmark) was too large for any less than a merging of three of the four Garðarikian armies to tackle.
Ch 83 Q1: Fabrications against vassals. Just a quick technical and tactical question. Is there anything I either can or should do (if I have reason to quash it) to stop a vassal’s vassal trying to fabricate a claim? Or is it just something for the direct vassal to manage at this point? And (as a follow-up) if it comes to a rebellion, must I let them fight it out or if I wished could I offer to aid one side or the other?
The next day, some cheering news came in from the court of Eilif’s colleague King Rögnvaldr of Denmark. It seemed another good Norse Germanic king knew how to deal with Christian interlopers! He had imprisoned a bishop (no less): perhaps another missionary from one of those meddling Christian kingdoms?
Pacts. The membership of the Christian pact remained almost unchanged during the second half of December 903, with just the departure of Mercia, leaving it with 17 members (large and small). But the Pagan pact saw many changes indeed. Between 14 and 28 December, 12 realms left the pact (Latgale, Livonia, Häme, Yatvingia, Lithuania, Pruthenia, Rana, Khopyor, Hordaland, Dymin, Mari and Bjarmia). Jorvik joined the pact on 29 December, leaving it with a membership of 12 realms, down from 23 on the 12th of December.
“Thank you, Buðli. We have no immediate plans on attacking any other neighbour (pact member or not) in the near future, certainly not before this war for Naumadal is over. This more general tracking of these pact movements will suffice for now.”
“Of course, Eilif. I will present something more comprehensive if or when it comes time to decide our next course of action after we certainly defeat Olafr.”
“I would like to share your optimism Buðli and I think you are right. But I recall the occasional surprise my father received and the ups and downs of this war so far. I pray Loki does not see fit to once again shit in our beds!”
“By Thor’s mighty spear, I trust you are right, Uncle!” Both men laughed heartily but with a touch of foreboding. Perhaps it may be time to seek Odin’s guidance again …
“Of course, Eilif. I will present something more comprehensive if or when it comes time to decide our next course of action after we certainly defeat Olafr.”
“I would like to share your optimism Buðli and I think you are right. But I recall the occasional surprise my father received and the ups and downs of this war so far. I pray Loki does not see fit to once again shit in our beds!”
“By Thor’s mighty spear, I trust you are right, Uncle!” Both men laughed heartily but with a touch of foreboding. Perhaps it may be time to seek Odin’s guidance again …
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
January 904
The new year began in a way the old Romans would have said was typical of the actions of the God Janus. One door opened to the future, while another shut, consigning a loved one to the past. The happy news of a healthy birth in far-off Constantinople of a new daughter for Eilif was made tragic by the death of her mother, Elin Öysteinnsdottir Yngling, the king’s concubine and spymaster, in childbirth.
Soon after, word came from the south that a bold raider was looting one of Barsbek’s counties! Someone called Chief Temir of Khopyor was the man of the moment – a man seemingly without a past who, if Barsbek got hold of him, may not have much of a future either! But it seemed Barsbek was occupied in ‘liberating’ Kiev from the Hungarians, so perhaps Temir would get away with it. For now, anyway.
], the hunt was on for Elin’s replacement on the Council. Within the realm, Tihomir of Luki was clearly the most qualified. But (at least until his loyalty might be boosted) he could be a disruptive influence in the Council chamber. And he was a Russian Slav as well. Hakon Rakki (no relation to his hated nephew of the same first name) was very well qualified, as was Eilif’s remaining concubine Edla. Both were solidly loyal, Norse and Germanic, though both may be glory hounds if appointed. Halsten af Cliath would be a reasonable choice and would likely be a pragmatist on council, which would help to balance its make-up. Eilif was leaning that way.
. Even if he was a Slovensky!]
The success of that financial persuasion led Eilif to offer similar inducements to two other council members – his Marshal Vihavald and even his wife, the Seeress Queen Ingrid. It did not prove enough to turn them into ‘loyalists’ in terms of voting, but he thought it didn’t do any harm to have them even more strongly supportive.
“Commander Þorsteinn, the Norwegians have arrived in Vestergautland,” a scout reported to the senior Garðarikian commander, who was by now just nine days away from joining the main part of the army in Vermaland. “They have kept moving.”
“Which way?”
“North-west, to Dal. They will get there a couple of days after you arrive in Vermaland.”
“Excellent. Report to Jarl Þordr and tell him we’ll see what happens once we’re together. I hope I can bring them to battle – we should have enough troops by then to do it. I won’t wait for our northern army – it is still many days away.”
“Which way?”
“North-west, to Dal. They will get there a couple of days after you arrive in Vermaland.”
“Excellent. Report to Jarl Þordr and tell him we’ll see what happens once we’re together. I hope I can bring them to battle – we should have enough troops by then to do it. I won’t wait for our northern army – it is still many days away.”
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
February 904
Olafr’s army (back in supply since making it onto Garðarikian territory) was in Dal on 3 February and kept heading north-west, to the occupied Norwegian county of Raumariki, where they would arrive on 15 February. Perhaps they intended to liberate it, then continue north to Naumadal, whose occupation by Eilif sapped so much strength from Noregr’s ability to resist. The Garðarikian army by then had largely assembled in next-door Vermaland and now, under Þorsteinn’s leadership, numbered almost 5,500. He could not arrive in Raumariki before Olafr (who would beat him there by two days), meaning he’d be attacking the Norwegians over a river.
Instead, the next day he started marching to Gudbrandsdal. If he could put himself in the way or Olafr’s apparent northward march and tempt him into attacking the Garðarikian army there, then Þorsteinn would be the one with the tactical advantage. The army was reorganised, with Þorsteinn taking a small company of levies in the centre, where it was expected the bulk of the vassal allied regiments would mass [see question below]. The brilliant but untrustworthy Chief Nikita would command a beefed-up right flank, with Sölvi taking the left.
Ch 83 Q2: Vassal ally placement in battle. I still find it a bit strange you can’t dictate which flank they appear on, unless there’s some way of doing so I’ve never heard of or discovered yet. I’m assuming you just have to take what you’re given, but if there is some way of dictating it, I’d be rapt!
Olafr arrived in Raumariki as predicted on 15 February and kept heading north – to Gudbrandsdal, where Þorsteinn would arrive on 25 February: over a week before the Norwegians. Plenty of time to set up a defence using the advantages of the hilly terrain and a minor river crossing. But would Olafr keep coming once Þorsteinn was in place?
Ch 83 Q3: Names in army mouse-overs. This is a very small and arcane point, but if you look at the mouse-over message for the tactical advantage for the Garðarikians in the above screenshot, it says ‘Chief Vihavald of Ingria will get …”. He’s not in the army (checked all the subordinate units too). Which he shouldn’t be, because his is on duty as Marshal so not available for field command. So (as Marshal) is that why his name is used here? For a second I thought I had another commander turning up where he wasn’t meant to be …
The rest of the month was spent in the two approach marches. And the Norwegians kept coming, so it looked like the long-sought (by both sides) climactic battle of the war would indeed happen in early March.
Pacts. There were no changes in the Christian pact during February. Zemaitija re-joined the Pagan pact on 18 February, bringing it to a membership of five.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
March 904
Þorsteinn had arrived some days before to set up his defensive position in Gudbrandsdal, and by 1 March Olafr still kept coming. The day of reckoning approached. Closer and closer. It dawned, cold and clear, on 3 February 904. What would become known later as the Battle of Dovre began. Olafr – the most capable Norwegian commander present - led their centre. He was slightly outnumbered by his opposite number Þorsteinn, who was also one of the greatest tacticians in Scandinavia, perhaps the best. The enemy’s left was a little less than a third the size of Sölvi’s division and were soon in trouble. As it happened, the Norwegian right was almost exactly balanced in numbers by the Garðarikian left wing, commanded by Nikita. Unfortunately for the enemy, for some reason they had neglected to appoint a commander on that side. This would prove to be a grave mistake.
In numbers, Garðariki had the advantage by 1,200 men. But Noregr had more of the crucial heavy infantry and cavalry. The big Garðarikian edge, especially in the initial skirmish phase, was in archers, of which they had a good deal more. And of course the ‘axe fodder’ of the period, the humble light infantry that made up most of the levies.
The crucial initial tactical positions were conventional enough in the centre and the Garðarikian right: Þorsteinn and Sölvi ordered their shieldwalls into place, while the Norwegians shot volleys at them. The Norwegians could make best use of their archers, but the shieldwalls heavily protected their valuable huscarls and provided reasonable protection for the light infantry, still giving Garðariki’s archers some advantage against the enemy formations.
But the crucial fight would be on the Garðarikian left, where the two largest and evenly balanced formations would fight it out. Here, the lack of leadership on the enemy side was telling. They employed the ‘volley harass’ tactic, which may have worked reasonably well against a shieldwall, but was spotted by Nikita who ordered his large force of archers to shower the Norwegians with flight after flight of arrows. The result was carnage in the Norwegian ranks!
Ch 83 Q4: How bad is gout? Just wondering how serious gout tends to be in-game. Is it a slow killer, or more of a continuing discomfort? How badly might Ingrid’s days be curtailed and is there any cure or will it just now persist until it or something else claims her?
As the pursuit of Olafr’s army from the field continued, the northern Norwegian army had finished its shattered retreat in Kemi, though they were out of supplies. They were now headed to Austerbotn – prince Styrkar’s county. With the main battle won, Sverker’s army was redirected to Finland, where they could if necessary intervene against this flank threat.
Pacts. Metz (25 March) and Latgale (28 March) both re-joined the Pagan pact, bringing its membership to seven. Once again the Christian pact remained unchanged.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
April 904
Queen Ingrid seemed to respond well enough to her treatment, or at least she did not let it get in the way of her religious duties as Seeress. In early April, she helped Eilif in his quest to become a more pious man – essential if he was to achieve his ambition of becoming Fylkir of a reformed Germanic faith.
[Comment: I figured that every little bit counts and don’t care that much at this point what the temple vassals think of Eilif.]
When Olafr reached Heidmark in mid-April he headed (still in shattered retreat and out of supply) to Naumadal, Þorsteinn hot on his heels. When the Garðarikian host also reached Heidmark a few days later, the additional numbers in the county over-matched it's ability to provide them with sufficient forage and fairly severe attrition set in. Þorsteinn’s men tightened their belts and marched on.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
May-Jun 904
The Norwegians reached Naumadal on 9 May and kept heading north. Þorsteinn’s men once again had sufficient forage in Heidmark, while Naumadal could furnish supplies for up to 11,000 troops, so supply there would not be a problem.
Pacts. Häme, Chernigov and Veps re-joined the Pagan pact during May, bringing it to 15 realms. Mercia re-joined the Christian pact.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
In early June, Sverker’s force was almost in Finland. An enemy fleet of 20 longboats was unloading a force of unknown size in northern Sweden, while the Norwegian army in Austerbotn made a move towards Kexholm. In response, Sverker was ordered to march there as well, while the Garðarikian reserve force in Holmgarðr was sent to Ingria. From there, they could reinforce Sverker, or simply hold the key county from any other chance raiding groups, for which it had been a repeated target over the years.
Meanwhile, the Norwegians in Austerbotn had spotted the arrival of Grimr (who had now taken control of the force) in Finland and decided to retreat back north to Kemi instead. Smelling blood, Grimr gave chase. The Norwegian fleet in the Gulf of Bothnia had deposited a mere 39 bedraggled warriors in northern Sweden, who were now suffering attrition! They would continue to be very safely ignored.
Pacts. June saw two more countries – Lithuania and Yatvingia – re-join the Pagan pact, while again there was no change in the Christian pact. Buðli provided a concise summary to Eilif on who belonged to each pact and their comings and goings over the last six months.
Comment: The Pagan pact really seems to ebb and flow in its membership far more than the Christian one, for some reason. In the two tables, the colour represents membership by the end of a month, the grey areas absence from the pacts. The dates shown are the changes in status. To make it easier to track, current (end June) member countries in each pact are highlighted in yellow.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Questions
In addition to general comments and suggestions, the following specific questions are asked of the Þing:
Ch 83 Q1: Fabrications against vassals. Just a quick technical and tactical question. Is there anything I either can or should do (if I have reason to quash it) to stop a vassal’s vassal trying to fabricate a claim? Or is it just something for the direct vassal to manage at this point? And (as a follow-up) if it comes to a rebellion, must I let them fight it out or if I wished could I offer to aid one side or the other?
Ch 83 Q2: Vassal ally placement in battle. I still find it a bit strange you can’t dictate which flank they appear on, unless there’s some way of doing so I’ve never heard of or discovered yet. I’m assuming you just have to take what you’re given, but if there is some way of dictating it, I’d be rapt!
Ch 83 Q3: Names in army mouse-overs. This is a very small and arcane point, but if you look at the mouse-over message for the tactical advantage for the Garðarikians in the above screenshot, it says ‘Chief Vihavald of Ingria will get …”. He’s not in the army (checked all the subordinate units too). Which he shouldn’t be, because his is on duty as Marshal so not available for field command. So (as Marshal) is that why his name is used here? For a second I thought I had another commander turning up where he wasn’t meant to be …
Ch 83 Q4: How bad is gout? Just wondering how serious gout tends to be in-game. Is it a slow killer, or more of a continuing discomfort? How badly might Ingrid’s days be curtailed and is there any cure or will it just now persist until it or something else claims her?
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
The great Battle of Dovre began on 3 March 904 AD. Here, Þorsteinn is depicted rallying his shieldwall against the attack of King Olafr II or Noregr.
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Speaking of concubines, are you checking the character find window for any young genius girls to take as concubines? You can take up to 3 and each one of them brings prestige. I have a saved filter for same religious group unmarried genius women in diplo range. And they agree easily.
He seems to have an heir outside his dynasty. Why is that? Is there something we can leverage? If the heir is an unlanded character who’s not the heir of anything else we can call him to court and give him a county so that when he inherits danish lands join our empire?
A Slovenskiy as a spymaster? What can go wrong
I would’ve rallied a province or two in the north and joined all my armies before the big fight.
There’s a chance court physician cures this, or at least the effects on her stats. I think it’s not a show killer.
Good job, great news!
Don’t they accept defeat yet?
Thanks for yet another great episode, all good news except the passing of Elin. I was suggesting you to find a concubine, now you can invite 2 of them instead.
I'm pretty sure it doesn't work that way.
If you give someone a county and then press his claim on a kingdom (while you yourself are an emperor), the kingdom joins the empire.
But a count who inherits an independent kingdom, will be independent and take the county with him (even if we were an emperor).
A vassal who inherits stuff can only bring new titles into the realm that are of equal or lower rank than his current title.
(So if we were an emperor we could make him a king and if he inherits Denmark as his second kingdom, he would bring it into the empire. Even then, if Denmark picked a different heir (they probably are Elective Gavelkind), we would have given a kingdom title to a nobody (though he might get a claim at least.))
Ooh so that’s the catch. What if we don’t give him a title but matrilineally marry him to a daughter? He’ll also get prestige from that strengthening his chances of inheritance?
Matrilineally marrying him to a daughter would mean his children (who may or may not be elected king after him) will be of our dynasty. This doesn't make them part of our realm, but it would be a good first step. (And you could consider spreading your dynasty a goal in itself. This is a sandbox game after all.)
But checking the screenshot in question, the guy seems to be landed. (The frame of his portrait is ornamented.) So we can't invite him to our court and force him into a matrilineal marriage anyway.
This week I’m on holiday and only read from my phone so I missed the existence of the ornaments there. Well, at least a good mind exercise this has been
I shall treasure it alwaysNice work! That earns you the Golden Dagger Award from the Garðarikian Spies Guild! (Not to be confused with the award these days given by the Crime Writers' Association of the UK
May you use it where it's least expected and never detected!
! ... And put it to good use...
With the great victory of Dovre, ownership of Naumadal is close. And with all the cash from the ransoms, it turns out to be a very profitable war in more than that regard.
Especially as that money can be put to good use dealing with vassals.
If you want to, you can freely try imprisoning him, tell him to stop the plotting, or leave him be. He only wants to fabricate a claim.
If he gets his claim, he still needs to push it, although then you can ask either the attacker to accept a white peace or the defender to surrender.
But if you don't care for Arnbjörn (who's also a foolish Catholic after all), then imprison him. If it fails, he flees into exile (as he can't revolt against Eilif, only against his direct liege), if it doesn't you have either a nice new living cash reserve or another sacrifice ready for the blòt
.Yeah, you can't. And your assumption is good - as long as they haven't got multiple levies to call their own, their troops will amass solely in the centre.
His name appears there solely because his army is involved. They all arrived at the same day, so I don't know if it gets picked at random or if there's a formula for it, but then the army's owner, not its commander, gets listed as getting the combat bonus.
That depends on your physician's skill and luck in picking the right treatment. Gout's effects can be completely negated by a good treatment, and it isn't that harsh, so she should stay among the living for a while yet (as long as she isn't horribly mistreated). A definite cure can only (IIRC) be achieved through experimental (aka "cut something off")/ esoteric treatment, a miracle or dark powers though.
Q1: I dont think there is a way to stop it completely unless they try and fabricate a claim on your own land, in which you can get an event to assasinate their chancellor or if it is a plot you can demand them to stop. If one vassal is pressing a claim on another, you cant directly help with millitary aid but you can demand the attacker stop, or the defender to surrender, though its not a guaranteed thing and there might be a cost.
Q4: In my experience Gout is pretty common, but it can become more dangerous with bad treatment as I saw in my game. It being combined with the stressed trait is not good however.
Q4: In my experience Gout is pretty common, but it can become more dangerous with bad treatment as I saw in my game. It being combined with the stressed trait is not good however.
Did you mean Odin, or were they talking about the God of Thunder's dick?
Well...I can, but I have all DLC and have only played feudal since last update. So you can tell one side or the other to give up, for a price or they'll just flat out refuse or say yes for varipus reasons. You can also do the normal stuff: seduce them, imprison them or murder them depending on who it is.
Gout is generally bad news because it can actually kill you or maim you with treatment. On the other hand, good doctors are peetty good at healing it as well, so it depends on luck, stats of ruler and doctor.