Blut und Schlacht (Blood and Battle): A Learner’s Saga

[Bullfilter]

Chapter 93: The Wolgast Polka (5 September 910 – 9 March 911)

Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif, having quelled the peasant revolt in Memel and dispatched its leader in a suitably gruesome and salutary manner, was once again looking for targets; his main short-term priority was for an easy conquest of a heathen county to ensure he was seen as pious enough to reform the fierce Germanic faith. Virdyan and Buðli still fought for their slices of Murom and the pacts thwarted Eilif’s ambitions closer to home … he would just have to look a little further for a tempting victim.

AuthAAR’s note: after our excursion into the strange and exotic world of duelling Muslim heretic Karling brothers in Italy and Bavaria, we return to Garðariki and Eilif’s pursuit of the Germanic Fylkirate. Trying again to keep it shorter and sharper, but still teasing out the details and 'learning points'.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
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September 910

After discussions at the recent Þing, and elusive rumours of a possible Norse order looking for a home in Pomeranian lands, Eilif inquired about the island of Rana. But it (like dozens of other pagan neighbours) was currently in the anti-Rurikid defensive pact.

Eilif needed to dismiss his levies before he could launch another war, so this was done in Memel on 5 September. Conferring with Sumarliði, he was reminded of what it would take to build an empire and thus solve the problem of the two kingdoms (Garðariki and Sweden) splitting on succession. The Russian approach would still be the quicker one – but currently the Pagan Pact and a number of highly prestigious tribal chiefs in the Suomenusko northlands prevented him from doing much about that.

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Barsbek of Chernigov meanwhile was making fairly slow progress in his de jure war to take Lyubech and thus eliminate the short-lived Kingdom of Bohemia.

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Of the choices available, Eilif decided the small Chiefdom of Dymin in Pomerania would be the next one to suffer a Garðarikian conquest. All his ships and royal levies were summoned this time: there would be no half measures. A speedy conquest was sought. As the levies assembled, the Royal Guard decided to march overland from Memel to see what it could do to distract Chief Bretislav’s small army.

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In Flanders, six ships and 536 levies were gathering. Naumadal would provide eight ships and another 196 men. The Garðarikian heartland would provide 3,942 men and 22 ships. All would congregate and then sail to Dymin as they were ready – the Garðarikian host would require two trips to transport all the men there.

As these forces were set in motion, Eilif deepened his religious studies. And at last, it had begun to pay off.

Comment: You’d want a good tactical reason to pick the third option here!
​

As the fate of Dymin was contemplated by greedy Garðarikian eyes, the Pagan Pact against Eilif began to erode [the traditional post-load fall-off of adherents – which I have not taken a gamey advantage of, but will see what is still up for grabs when Dymin is done with].

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

October 910

The Flanders and first Garðarikian (1,833 men) contingents were fully assembled by 12 October and began their voyages to the Baltic shore of Dymin. The enemy force had been sighted by then as the Royal Guard approached. The small Dymin force had about 50 men fewer than the Guard, but they had a significant number of heavy infantry among them – though no archers. Even though the Guard had more heavy infantry, plus pikemen and archers, a battle on near-even terms was not desired. Haukr would wait for reinforcements to arrive. Some careful manoeuvring would be required.

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Hakon, now resident in Zaozherye serving his brother Buðli, had been separated from his wife Gydia Sigrid ‘the Unready’ of Cartmel for some time. She certainly had not been ready for her fate at the hands of her liege, King Halfdan II of Jorvik. Hakon’s life had not been a happy one – it could have been so different had he not become such a fierce rival of his uncle and King.

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Better news came the next day however from Smaleskja: long a Slavic county ruled by the Germanic Holming family, it had come to worship the true faith instead!

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Though it seemed word of the forward march of the Germanic faith had come to the ears of yet another distant Christian monarch. This time, King Simon of Aquitaine had sent one Bishop Thomas to spread his heathen faith. Given Eilif’s current focus and religious studies, his timing could not have been worse! Thomas joined the others in the dungeon.

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That same day, far to the north, the small contingent from Naumadal set sail for Dymin.

23 October brought news of a wedding: Buðli had arranged a match for his brother, a Russian woman of the Germanic faith, who brought a few claims with her. Though given her reputed traits and vices, it may have been this was the only match Buðli could find for his repulsive brother!

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The Royal Guard also arrived in Stettin on 23 October, just two provinces away from Dymin. They had been out of supply for six days by then and had begun to suffer a small amount of attrition [0.2% per month] from the slim rations, being unable to raid or forage in neutral lands. They saw the Dymin army set out to meet them in Wolgast. This began a period of cat-and-mouse movement that became known colloquially in the Royal Guard as the ‘Wolgast Dance’.

As the Guard would have to cross a river if they continued, the Dymin army would get to Wolgast first. Haukr therefore halted the Guard in Stettin, tempting the enemy to attack them over the river, if they dared to.

Arriving in Wolgast a couple of days later, Shaman Szymon (commanding the Dymin army) turned and headed straight back to Dymin, themselves refusing to do battle at a tactical disadvantage. Haukr then in turn started marching back to Wolgast the next day. This caused Szymon to turn around on 28 October, hoping to once again trap Haukr into a river-crossing attack.

Naturally, Haukr refused and this little dance continued to a similar tune for another three weeks, while Haukr waited for the fleets to begin arriving. The only penalty the Guard paid for this was tightened belts and gradually increasing attrition. But it was far less expensive at this stage than the casualties a battle would have caused. If not so heroic.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

November 910

Eilif’s Christian concubine Holmfrid announced she was pregnant at the start of November. There were no suspicions about who the father was, despite the fact the two still did not get on. Even if they did get it on.

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By 17 November, the first two invasion fleets had arrived off the coast of Dymin. The Guard had been out of supply for a month by then, and attrition was slowly increasing [0.4% per month]. But they once again pressed forward towards Wolgast in an attempt to lure the Szymon out of Dymin.

This ploy worked. The Flanders and first Garðarikian levy contingents slipped into Dymin unopposed just after Szymon had arrived in Wolgast. At this point, Gandalfr took command of the Guard, ceased the advance on Wolgast and made to march around Szymon through neutral Brandenburg to Dymin – where they could finally find some supplies and link up with the main army. Haukr took command of the main force besieging the hold of Waren in Dymin. It was a sizeable task, aided by the presence of siege specialist Sverker.

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The main fleet immediately sailed back to pick up the rest of the Garðarikian levies as the Naumadal contingent sailed through the Skagerrak. The latter would arrive in Dymin by the end of the month.

​

And despite this latest aggression against a small realm, by then the Pagan Pact was almost non-existent. Perhaps they were happy someone else had got it in the neck and they thought they were safe!

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

December 910

By early December, King Olafr II of Noregr had previously settled two of the Christian holy wars against him, losing territory in southern Holland. But Metropolitan Dietmar of Münster still fought his own holy war against the Norse monarch. Despite controlling a number of Olafr’s counties in Noregr itself, he still seemed to be losing – at least as far as observers were concerned. High Chief Num of Ugra and his allies had meanwhile managed to assemble a substantial force which had come all the way across northern Finland to invade Noregr’s heartlands. A small band of raiders was in the territory of one of Eilif’s Swedish vassals, though unlikely to do much damage: they were ignored.

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8 December saw the Guard in Brandenburg, having been out of supply for 52 days [0.6%/month attrition] but finally heading towards Dymin unhindered, where they arrived twelve days later, joining the siege of Waren.

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Translators discovered a small entry in Eilif’s diary from 24 December. Without any context, historians are unsure of the meaning of this short piece of self-congratulation.

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Spoiler: Ch 93 Q1: Smugglers’ Ring

Ch 93 Q1: Smugglers’ Ring. I wasn’t aware there was a smugglers ring in Naumadal (or if so, have forgotten about it). Just curious, if anyone can shed any light on this and whether it has any real in-game significance.

By that time, the last contingent of levies from Garðariki (2,119 men) was aboard ship and already sailing towards Dymin from the Gulf of Finland.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

January-February 911

Late January saw the last reinforcements arrive off shore from Dymin, with the siege progressing and Szymon’s army just watching from Wolgast, powerless to affect the result. This suited Eilif, as he had no particular desire to sustain needless casualties, nor indeed to inflict them on a levy which should soon be part of his own realm. Waren fell on 29 January, before the new troops finished disembarking. One important prisoner was taken: Chief Bretislav’s spouse.

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Eilif was in no mood to go slowly now the main keep had fallen and all his troops were in place. Haukr had orders to end the matter as soon as possible. He did this by staging two assaults in mid-February. Some casualties were taken, but men may also have died in sieges and the casualties were relatively light.

​

At this stage, Chief Bretislav was ready to surrender – but there was still the matter of his wife’s ransom. This was demanded on 18 February [hadn't thought to ask for it beforehand], but was not paid until 1 March. In case the surrender terms would have resulted in Chieftess Grazyna being freed without the payment being rendered, Haukr delayed the surrender ceremony until the gold had been handed over.

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Spoiler: Ch 93 Q2: Ransoms and Peace

Ch 93 Q2: Ransoms and Peace. I wasn’t sure if Bretislav might have welshed on the deal in between agreeing to the payment and a settlement being made. It took longer than I had thought it would (two weeks), so I chafed at the delay – for only 10 gold. But money is important, especially if Eilif must wait a while before raiding again. Was I right, or just being over-cautious?

While Haukr waited for the ransom to be paid, Buðli announced his successful conquest of Galich Mersky: another de jure Russian county brought into the realm by a loyal vassal.

​

Virdyan still fought Vechkas – and it looked like another one-sided battle loomed. Especially given Vechkas had now run out of money to pay his own levies, who would be getting dispirited as a result.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
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March 911

Ransom duly paid, peace with Bretislav was imposed on 1 March – Dymin would now be known as Werle. And not only did Eilif temporarily hold too many titles for his vassals’ liking, but these new ones, feudal in nature and including a temple as well, were seen to be of the ‘wrong type’. That would soon be dealt with – but for now now, he basked in the glow of victory, which boosted his prestige and piety [the latter now 731 – tantalisingly close to the 750 mark required to reform the Germanic faith]!

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The ships were ordered into port in Werle, where they could be safely dismissed from service. Of interest, they had spotted two fleets of equal size in The Sound: both 110 ships each, both belonging to hosts. It was fervently hoped that the number of troops commensurate with the full capacity of these fleets weren’t about to disembark on Rurikid land!

Eilif decided to solve three issues with one grant. The young Jarl Bragi of Sviþjod was given the lead title and all those under it. One of the most powerful Jarls in the realm, he was now very happy with Eilif and would be for at least the next ten years. Second, his problem of two many titles was solved. And third, now Bragi could be the one with the ‘wrong type of title’ – his problem!

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Restless for another target – and with many countries having left the Pagan Pact in the last few months – Eilif cast his eye north for Suomenusko lands that were also part of the de jure Russian imperial claim. Three had been discounted previously due to the high prestige of their rulers, bringing the risk of an expensive fight against summoned tribal armies.

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High Chief Päiviö was renowned in the north – and could summon 8,000 tribal warriors if attacked! Pomorye was less formidable, though High Chief Toivo could summon 2,000 men. Ugra, currently with much of their army attacking Olafr in Noregr, was another possibility. High Chief Num could summon 2,000 men himself, as could one of the border chiefs (Nga of Syrj). But the other, Pudak of Ustug, was a legend: he alone could muster a force of 14,000 if pushed!

Spoiler: Ch93 Q3: Vassals and Tribal Hosts

Ch93 Q3: Vassals and Tribal Hosts. Advice (or reminder) needed here. If say I attacked Nga of Syrj, I assume he would almost certainly summon his tribal army. Should I also bank on his liege, Num, doing the same to protect him? And how about Pudak: if called into a war by his High Chief, could he be expected to start summoning vast amounts of men? Even using all of Eilif’s prestige (now above 2,000) and all his levies, this could be a disastrous fight. And all I want is one more county, for piety, and if possible to keep building towards the empire.

Of the choices on offer in the north, Pomorye looked to be the safest bet. Eilif should be able to crush them with his levy and retinue, without having to call vassals to arms or summoning his own tribal army. To the south, other than a risky and needlessly expensive war with Barsbek for one county, Turov was the other Russian county that Garðariki shared a border with. They were still in the pact, however. And although the pact was now far smaller, a series of small wars on multiple fronts was not what Eilif wanted either.

But Turov was examined in a little detail anyway. Apart from their pact membership, Chief Bogdan shared an alliance with Kresimir z Rujani – the Chief of Rana.

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Kresimir himself was not a member of the Pagan Pact at the moment. He had much prestige, but was a feudal rather than a tribal lord, so could not use it to call up a defensive army.

​

While Turov by itself would be no great problem to tackle if it aided Rana in a war, a question arose: if Rana was attacked and Turov then joined, would that trigger the Pagan Pact? Or only if Turov (its men or territory) were attacked? Or not at all?

Eilif instructed Sumarliði to put these questions to the next Þing.

Spoiler: Ch93 Q4: Allies and Defensive Pacts

Ch93 Q4: Allies and Defensive Pacts. I need some bush lawyers to advise on what basis, if any, the Pagan Pact could be invoked if Rana were attacked and Turov responded by joining the war.

The writings of Wiki the Red were also consulted on the rumours about a possible Germanic order of holy warriors in the region Garðariki had just ‘bought into’.

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“They are unlikely to be ready to declare themselves for another ten years, King Eilif,” was Sumarliði’s advice. “But if they do, we now hold land in the right part of the world.”

“That is good. Would there be a free holding for them to use if they could be attracted?”

“Yes, in both Rana – if we were to take it - and our new county of Werle, My King.”

Noting Bragi now has the ‘wrong holding’ alert.​

Spoiler: Ch93 Q5: Jomsvikings

Ch93 Q5: Jomsvikings. Anything else I’m missing here? Is Bragi likely to reject this request if it’s made? Or is it usually pretty much automatic that a NPC of the right type would accept it?

The levies and ships were all disbanded by 9 March. Nearby Obotritia was a possible next target. Another was Pomorye, risking the summoning of a tribal army. Veps and (pending advice) Ugra (one of its frontier counties) seemed too dangerous for now, as did Turov. Rana itself was another option, depending again on advice regarding Turov and the Pagan Pact. Of course, some other far away land (so long as it was heathen) could be tried, but that would take more time – and would not contribute to a complimentary objective.

King Eilif the Just at age 40 and his realm, March 911 AD.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

Questions

Ch 93 Q1: Smugglers’ Ring. I wasn’t aware there was a smugglers ring in Naumadal (or if so, have forgotten about it). Just curious, if anyone can shed any light on this and whether it has any in-game significance.

Ch 93 Q2: Ransoms and Peace. I wasn’t sure if Bretislav might have welshed on the deal in between agreeing to the payment and a settlement being made. It took longer than I had thought it would (two weeks), so I chafed at the delay – for only 10 gold. But money is important, especially if Eilif must wait a while before raiding again. Was I right, or just being over-cautious?

Ch93 Q3: Vassals and Tribal Hosts. Advice (or reminder) needed here. If say I attacked Nga of Syrj, I assume he would almost certainly summon his tribal army. Should I also bank on his liege, Num, doing the same to protect him? And how about Pudak: if called into a war by his High Chief, could he be expected to start summoning vast amounts of men? Even using all of Eilif’s prestige (now above 2,000) and all his levies, this could be a disastrous fight. And all I want is one more county, for piety, and if possible to keep building towards the empire.

Ch93 Q4: Allies and Defensive Pacts. I need some bush lawyers to advise on what basis, if any, the Pagan Pact could be invoked if Rana were attacked and Turov responded by joining the war.

Ch93 Q5: Jomsvikings. Anything else I’m missing here? Is Bragi likely to reject this request if it’s made? Or is it usually pretty much automatic that a NPC of the right type would accept it?

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

A mural depicting the Garðarikian victory at Waren Castle in 911 AD.​

 

[Bullfilter]

At least the Catholics are not having their hearts cut out.

Nor being burnt at the stake, gored to death by a boar or given a Blood Eagle!

 

[TheButterflyComposer]

Ch 93 Q1: Smugglers’ Ring. I wasn’t aware there was a smugglers ring in Naumadal (or if so, have forgotten about it). Just curious, if anyone can shed any light on this and whether it has any in-game significance.

County income penalty.

Ch93 Q4: Allies and Defensive Pacts. I need some bush lawyers to advise on what basis, if any, the Pagan Pact could be invoked if Rana were attacked and Turov responded by joining the war.

Defensive pact only applies to members, and only in defensive wars. So if the war target isn't in the pact, nothing will happen.

 

[Idhrendur]

1) It's one of several province debuffs that can be added when you're at negative money. They can cause different combinations of problems. The Runes of Wiki claim that this one increases the cost of constructions, slows it, and increases disease risk.

2) I think it's that anyone who's capture increases war score will be released, but I'm not sure. And ten gold is ten gold.

3-5) Not sure.

 

[TheButterflyComposer]

Basically for the county modifiers, if you are below zero in terms of money, you will eventually get all of the penalties for that in all your counties. If you are above zero money wise, the status will change fairly quickly, usually within a year.

Thus I don't tend to focus on the specific effects of one modifier from the bunch because either it'll be gone shortly or you'll soon have all of them on that county anyway. Basically. Never. Debt. In. CKII. There is no intrinsic penalty for going under, so the game instead just makes things worse for you the longer you have no cash. Incidentally, this is the reason why if you were to look at the monies everyone in the world has, aside from the always rich pope and a few random guys scattered around, everyone tends to be dirt poor and stays that way. Land rich and huge lives? Sure, game can do that. Ensure everyone has some money? Rarely the case. It's why money is so broken in the game if you can get any amount of it regularly and reliably, no one can hope to match your development after that.

This covers ransoms too. Realms often cannot pay them, no matter if it's the king himself you have captured. In times of war, it's usually better to just keep all commanders and nobles locked up (some add to warscore some dont, and all were useful to the end army so...) unless you really are struggling to fun doing a war and someone's going for 75 gold (about three months of fighting by itself).

 

[alscon]

Dymin fell quickly, so that's another goal achieved. Still, the goal of founding an empire remains a fairly distant target.

Ch 93 Q1: Smugglers’ Ring. I wasn’t aware there was a smugglers ring in Naumadal (or if so, have forgotten about it). Just curious, if anyone can shed any light on this and whether it has any in-game significance.

I'll just echo the above.
As for the casue, Olafr's constant warring certainly caused him to go bankrupt at some point, so the smugglers rose up. Eilif, who has some gold in his coffers, could start actively fighting them.

Ch 93 Q2: Ransoms and Peace. I wasn’t sure if Bretislav might have welshed on the deal in between agreeing to the payment and a settlement being made. It took longer than I had thought it would (two weeks), so I chafed at the delay – for only 10 gold. But money is important, especially if Eilif must wait a while before raiding again. Was I right, or just being over-cautious?

A tribal ruler's income is low, so ten gold is always good to have. Then again, if you wanted to ransom her, then it had to be done before Bretislav became landless. And what good would she be in Eilif's dungeon? She's too old to serve as a concubine, is just another pagan for blòt purposes, and simply releasing her is not the viking style.
So it was probably the right decision.

Ch93 Q3: Vassals and Tribal Hosts. Advice (or reminder) needed here. If say I attacked Nga of Syrj, I assume he would almost certainly summon his tribal army. Should I also bank on his liege, Num, doing the same to protect him? And how about Pudak: if called into a war by his High Chief, could he be expected to start summoning vast amounts of men? Even using all of Eilif’s prestige (now above 2,000) and all his levies, this could be a disastrous fight. And all I want is one more county, for piety, and if possible to keep building towards the empire.

Tribal vassals never raise their tribal armies for their liege's wars, or at least I never experienced it. So you'd just have to fight Num's likely tribal army and both Pudak's and Nga's usual levies.
Then again, Nenetsia is not exactly rich land, so there may be targets which are both less costly and more attractive.

Ch93 Q4: Allies and Defensive Pacts. I need some bush lawyers to advise on what basis, if any, the Pagan Pact could be invoked if Rana were attacked and Turov responded by joining the war.

The defensive pact protects its members. Rana isn't a member. If Turov joins Rana's defence, it doesn't change the fact that Eilif didn't attack a member of the pact. So the pact doesn't get itself involved, as Turov joined of his own volition and not because he was attacked.
Article 1 Section 3 of the "Pagan Pact Defence Agreement, as signed by those threatened by King Eilif of Garðariki" clearly states that .

Ch93 Q5: Jomsvikings. Anything else I’m missing here? Is Bragi likely to reject this request if it’s made? Or is it usually pretty much automatic that a NPC of the right type would accept it?

AIs always accept the foundation of the Jomsvikings, so there's no need to fear. IIRC Palnatoke offers some gold to sweeten the deal, so if you want 100 additional gold you could hold on to Rana for a while if you decide to take it.

 

[randomgamer71]

I think smuggler's ring come from a bad event either from your steward or if you go over your demesne limit. not sure.

In the spirit of learning you'd want to know that as a tribal you can pillage non-tribal holdings you directly control. If you right click on the holding and click 'pillage' you gain (I think) 50 ducats, 5 tech points, and two buildings in the holding are destroyed, if all the buildings are destroyed the holding disappear and leave an empty slot, unless is the last holding in the province.

 

[stnylan]

I am curious to see what you might do with reformation

 

[TheButterflyComposer]

Oh yeah, missed this one.

Yes stuff that requires npcs to approve outside your realm (change of crusade target, relgious changes etc) tend to happen automatically. For obvious reasons, since otherwise the AI would probably reject it everytime because it usually isn't in their interest at all...

 

[diskoerekto]

As these forces were set in motion, Eilif deepened his religious studies. And at last, it had begun to pay off.

I'm not really sure but this event chain might go even deeper with this choice

As the fate of Dymin was contemplated by greedy Garðarikian eyes, the Pagan Pact against Eilif began to erode [the traditional post-load fall-off of adherents – which I have not taken a gamey advantage of, but will see what is still up for grabs when Dymin is done with].

Ooooh like an open buffet

Ch 93 Q1: Smugglers’ Ring. I wasn’t aware there was a smugglers ring in Naumadal (or if so, have forgotten about it). Just curious, if anyone can shed any light on this and whether it has any real in-game significance.

It's just a small penalty to something like tax or trade income of a province and apparently there's an event that removes it if the ruler has good stats? I think there's a chance of it appearing in a random province when one is in debt.

Ch 93 Q2: Ransoms and Peace. I wasn’t sure if Bretislav might have welshed on the deal in between agreeing to the payment and a settlement being made. It took longer than I had thought it would (two weeks), so I chafed at the delay – for only 10 gold. But money is important, especially if Eilif must wait a while before raiding again. Was I right, or just being over-cautious?

I always ransom everybody possible before peace because sometimes on peace the captives are released from the dungeons for some reason

Eilif decided to solve three issues with one grant. The young Jarl Bragi of Sviþjod was given the lead title and all those under it. One of the most powerful Jarls in the realm, he was now very happy with Eilif and would be for at least the next ten years. Second, his problem of two many titles was solved. And third, now Bragi could be the one with the ‘wrong type of title’ – his problem!

Good that he's Norse, now if he accepts the jomsvikings can settle on a free holding there (but I'm not sure if they'll be his vassals or directly yours)

Ch93 Q3: Vassals and Tribal Hosts. Advice (or reminder) needed here. If say I attacked Nga of Syrj, I assume he would almost certainly summon his tribal army. Should I also bank on his liege, Num, doing the same to protect him? And how about Pudak: if called into a war by his High Chief, could he be expected to start summoning vast amounts of men? Even using all of Eilif’s prestige (now above 2,000) and all his levies, this could be a disastrous fight. And all I want is one more county, for piety, and if possible to keep building towards the empire.

I've never seen that one vassal summon his special troops for another vassal but as you know Paradox games sometimes like to surprise us.

Ch93 Q4: Allies and Defensive Pacts. I need some bush lawyers to advise on what basis, if any, the Pagan Pact could be invoked if Rana were attacked and Turov responded by joining the war.

This I have no idea

Ch93 Q5: Jomsvikings. Anything else I’m missing here? Is Bragi likely to reject this request if it’s made? Or is it usually pretty much automatic that a NPC of the right type would accept it?

I remember seeing this kind of orders around so that should mean AI accepts those decisions. On the other hand, I'm thinking they would be a vassal of the Jarl and not us I guess?

The levies and ships were all disbanded by 9 March. Nearby Obotritia was a possible next target. Another was Pomorye, risking the summoning of a tribal army. Veps and (pending advice) Ugra (one of its frontier counties) seemed too dangerous for now, as did Turov. Rana itself was another option, depending again on advice regarding Turov and the Pagan Pact. Of course, some other far away land (so long as it was heathen) could be tried, but that would take more time – and would not contribute to a complimentary objective.

Poland seems big but is it strong? Sometimes some realms are just paper tigers. If not, I'd just go for Pomorye.

My week is still busy :/

 

[TheButterflyComposer]

there's an event that removes it if the ruler has good stats?

As above, it's just getting out of debt and time passing that does it. The stats thing is just flavour on the side tab notification. Even if your ruler is a drooling imbecile with no limbs they'll suddenly have great 'skill' in rounding up bandits or smugglers.

 

[Bullfilter]

The Twenty-fourth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – 9 March 911 (a summary of advice from Chapter 93)

After some time spent on the other AARs recently, it’s time again for some medieval mayhem. First, feedback from the comments from last chapter.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

General Comments

Basically for the county modifiers, if you are below zero in terms of money, you will eventually get all of the penalties for that in all your counties. If you are above zero money wise, the status will change fairly quickly, usually within a year.

Thus I don't tend to focus on the specific effects of one modifier from the bunch because either it'll be gone shortly or you'll soon have all of them on that county anyway. Basically. Never. Debt. In. CKII. There is no intrinsic penalty for going under, so the game instead just makes things worse for you the longer you have no cash. Incidentally, this is the reason why if you were to look at the monies everyone in the world has, aside from the always rich pope and a few random guys scattered around, everyone tends to be dirt poor and stays that way. Land rich and huge lives? Sure, game can do that. Ensure everyone has some money? Rarely the case. It's why money is so broken in the game if you can get any amount of it regularly and reliably, no one can hope to match your development after that.

This covers ransoms too. Realms often cannot pay them, no matter if it's the king himself you have captured. In times of war, it's usually better to just keep all commanders and nobles locked up (some add to warscore some dont, and all were useful to the end army so...) unless you really are struggling to fun doing a war and someone's going for 75 gold (about three months of fighting by itself).

Right. I reckon I could have done this ransom a bit earlier, as it was a wife rather than a warscore affecting relation or useful commander. At least I waited until the ransom was paid before making peace.

Dymin fell quickly, so that's another goal achieved. Still, the goal of founding an empire remains a fairly distant target.

Quick is good right now but yes, trying to get Russian counties in dribs and drabs, in between Pact lockouts, is proving a long grind.

In the spirit of learning you'd want to know that as a tribal you can pillage non-tribal holdings you directly control. If you right click on the holding and click 'pillage' you gain (I think) 50 ducats, 5 tech points, and two buildings in the holding are destroyed, if all the buildings are destroyed the holding disappear and leave an empty slot, unless is the last holding in the province.

Didn’t know that – thanks. I don’t think I’ll be using it yet, but will bear it in mind.

I am curious to see what you might do with reformation

Same here. If/when I get there, I’ll be asking plenty of questions!

I'm not really sure but this event chain might go even deeper with this choice

It looked to me like it would too, if I took that option, but it is just a feeling.

Ooooh like an open buffet

Let’s hope it remains open for a little while longer.

Good that he's Norse, now if he accepts the jomsvikings can settle on a free holding there (but I'm not sure if they'll be his vassals or directly yours)

Will see how it all works out. Still some years off yet before they can be founded.

Poland seems big but is it strong? Sometimes some realms are just paper tigers. If not, I'd just go for Pomorye.

I can recheck Poland, but I really want to go for something that will add to the Russian de jure imperial claim.

My week is still busy :/

Hope it has calmed down by now.

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Ch 93 Q1: Smugglers’ Ring. I wasn’t aware there was a smugglers ring in Naumadal (or if so, have forgotten about it). Just curious, if anyone can shed any light on this and whether it has any in-game significance.

County income penalty.

OK.

1) It's one of several province debuffs that can be added when you're at negative money. They can cause different combinations of problems. The Runes of Wiki claim that this one increases the cost of constructions, slows it, and increases disease risk.

Thanks.

I'll just echo the above.

As for the casue, Olafr's constant warring certainly caused him to go bankrupt at some point, so the smugglers rose up. Eilif, who has some gold in his coffers, could start actively fighting them.

Yes, must have been inherited when Eilif took the province over.

I think smuggler's ring come from a bad event either from your steward or if you go over your demesne limit. not sure.

Seems most likely, from the other comments, to have been the previous ruler’s indebtedness that let them set up.

It's just a small penalty to something like tax or trade income of a province and apparently there's an event that removes it if the ruler has good stats? I think there's a chance of it appearing in a random province when one is in debt.

Seems so.

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Ch 93 Q2: Ransoms and Peace. I wasn’t sure if Bretislav might have welshed on the deal in between agreeing to the payment and a settlement being made. It took longer than I had thought it would (two weeks), so I chafed at the delay – for only 10 gold. But money is important, especially if Eilif must wait a while before raiding again. Was I right, or just being over-cautious?

2) I think it's that anyone who's capture increases war score will be released, but I'm not sure. And ten gold is ten gold.

Indeed it is, when you’re a tax-poor tribal.

A tribal ruler's income is low, so ten gold is always good to have. Then again, if you wanted to ransom her, then it had to be done before Bretislav became landless. And what good would she be in Eilif's dungeon? She's too old to serve as a concubine, is just another pagan for blòt purposes, and simply releasing her is not the viking style.

So it was probably the right decision.

Appears so – I might have saved a few days by doing it earlier, but eventually pocketed the gold.

I always ransom everybody possible before peace because sometimes on peace the captives are released from the dungeons for some reason

Yes, that’s what I was worried about – I need the money, especially with raiding taking a back seat to conquests at the moment.

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Ch93 Q3: Vassals and Tribal Hosts. Advice (or reminder) needed here. If say I attacked Nga of Syrj, I assume he would almost certainly summon his tribal army. Should I also bank on his liege, Num, doing the same to protect him? And how about Pudak: if called into a war by his High Chief, could he be expected to start summoning vast amounts of men? Even using all of Eilif’s prestige (now above 2,000) and all his levies, this could be a disastrous fight. And all I want is one more county, for piety, and if possible to keep building towards the empire.

Tribal vassals never raise their tribal armies for their liege's wars, or at least I never experienced it. So you'd just have to fight Num's likely tribal army and both Pudak's and Nga's usual levies.

Then again, Nenetsia is not exactly rich land, so there may be targets which are both less costly and more attractive.

Good to know, if it comes to it (which it may do at some point, given they’re part of the de jure imperial claim.

I've never seen that one vassal summon his special troops for another vassal but as you know Paradox games sometimes like to surprise us.

Yeah, that’s what I was being wary about. Seven tribal armies would be just a little hard to take on!

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Ch93 Q4: Allies and Defensive Pacts. I need some bush lawyers to advise on what basis, if any, the Pagan Pact could be invoked if Rana were attacked and Turov responded by joining the war.

Defensive pact only applies to members, and only in defensive wars. So if the war target isn't in the pact, nothing will happen.

The defensive pact protects its members. Rana isn't a member. If Turov joins Rana's defence, it doesn't change the fact that Eilif didn't attack a member of the pact. So the pact doesn't get itself involved, as Turov joined of his own volition and not because he was attacked.

Article 1 Section 3 of the "Pagan Pact Defence Agreement, as signed by those threatened by King Eilif of Garðariki" clearly states that .

Good, thanks guys, that’s what I was hoping, but needed to check. Triggering a pact war would be exactly what I don’t need at the moment!

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Ch93 Q5: Jomsvikings. Anything else I’m missing here? Is Bragi likely to reject this request if it’s made? Or is it usually pretty much automatic that a NPC of the right type would accept it?

AIs always accept the foundation of the Jomsvikings, so there's no need to fear. IIRC Palnatoke offers some gold to sweeten the deal, so if you want 100 additional gold you could hold on to Rana for a while if you decide to take it.

Nice – will hold on if it comes to that.

Oh yeah, missed this one.

Yes stuff that requires npcs to approve outside your realm (change of crusade target, relgious changes etc) tend to happen automatically. For obvious reasons, since otherwise the AI would probably reject it everytime because it usually isn't in their interest at all...

Good to confirm, thanks.

I remember seeing this kind of orders around so that should mean AI accepts those decisions. On the other hand, I'm thinking they would be a vassal of the Jarl and not us I guess?

Hmm, possibly, but I’m hoping it’s more just where they live rather than who they respond to (presumably anyone with the right credentials to call on them)?

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Thanks once again everyone for your advice and comments. Next, Eilif will see if he can get that reformation happening!

 

[diskoerekto]

I can recheck Poland, but I really want to go for something that will add to the Russian de jure imperial claim.

I thought they held some provinces from the de jure empire of Russia, don't they? We play different versions so things may be different but I was very convinced Poland has a few Russian provinces in your game.

 

[Bullfilter]

I thought they held some provinces from the de jure empire of Russia, don't they? We play different versions so things may be different but I was very convinced Poland has a few Russian provinces in your game.

Will check again. But have played the next little session through last night - and it threw up at least one good learning point (or re-learning, anyway). Of blood and battle, there is plenty!

 

[diskoerekto]

Will check again. But have played the next little session through last night - and it threw up at least one good learning point (or re-learning, anyway). Of blood and battle, there is plenty!

I think the province I'm thinking about is Turov (as opposed to the Realm of Turov, who is on the province of Pinsk)

 

[Bullfilter]

Chapter 94: Religious Fervour (9 March – 7 October 911)

Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … as he stood on the brink of reforming the Germanic faith, Eilif looked for his next heathen conquest, to give him the religious standing he needed to take the fierce adherents of his religion with him - and to also buff his imperial ambitions; Jarl Virdyan remained occupied with his war on Vechkas of Murom; Pagan Pact membership was ebbing but still remained bothersome; and the king was expecting a seventh child – this time another from his ‘reluctant’ Christian concubine Holmfrid.

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March 911

Considering the advice of his Council and the collective wisdom of the Þing, Eilif decided he would make war on Chief Toivo of Pomorye. He was both a heathen Suomenusko and held a county within the Russian de jure imperial claim. A further check revealed he had an alliance with High Chief Áilu of Kola – who was currently part of the Ugran war on Olafr II of Noregr, where his (not particularly numerous) his troops were committed.

“He won’t be a problem,” Eilif said dismissively to his Chancellor Grimr Fróni. “Toivo will yield his lands to us, after a fair fight.”​

Of the Council, the only two opposed were Marshal Vihavald (a Suomenusko zealot these days) and Spymaster Tihomir (a glory hound who thought the target beneath Garðariki). The vote passed easily.

What no-one had really noticed before – and information that hadn’t been made readily available to the recent Þing – did not concern Toivo’s prestige. It was his great reputation for piety among the northern peoples. Only later did Eilif and his Councillors began to rue this oversight: they had been fixated on the prestige of tribal rulers to that point. Old lessons had been forgotten.

​

Another thing Eilif had noticed but also dismissed was the increasing eccentricity he had noticed in his Chancellor of late. But as the most loyal [100 opinion] of his King’s Party Councillors, he also waved off these subtle indications in Grimr.

With the prospect further blood and battle after the recent conquest of Werle and of a great Germanic Reformation in the air, these matters were glossed over.

A grand mobilisation was called and all vassal allies requested to join the banners: most were likely to accept, except for Jarl Virdyan (disgruntled and in the middle of his own long war with Murom), Marshal Vihavald and Chief Vladimir of Vyazma (already at war with Murom). Haukr would command the lead contingent and all responding vassal allies would be ordered to join his army, while he and the rest of the nearby royal levies converged on Zaozerye.

​

The fleets were also mobilised, with one being sent down to collect the Royal Guard from Werle. Naumadal’s fleet would transport that levy (191 men) to Ingria as well. Three days later, it became clear that young Chief Tryggve’s troops from Moramar may not be joining the main army although he would accept the call to arms: his regent had jumped on the Murom bandwagon as they sought to conquer Obran Osh.

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While none of Chief Toivo’s troops had been sighted yet, reports were that the expected 2,000 warriors had been summoned on 12 March. [What should have been noticed at the time was that Toivo’s prestige remained at 262 and it was his piety that had decreased by 200. Newbiness and lack of attention to detail being a curse, while hindsight is a wonderful thing.]

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By 14 March, Jarl Þordr (607 men), Jarl Grimr II (884) and Jarl Hildur (1,085) had mobilised their levies and began marching to meet Haukr – two of them all the way from Sweden, across Finland. 20 March saw Jarl Buðli (710), Tryggve (1,173), Jarl Rikulfr (318), Haukr himself (174) and young Jarl Bragi of Sviþjod (1,735) add their troops to the gathering of the banners.

This marshalling of forces must have found its way into Eilif’s dreams: once again he dreamed of a life or death confrontation. Once more, he resolved to fight, not flee. And again, it did not translate afterwards into anything tangible [ie no bravery trait].

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As the end of March neared, 13 of Eilif’s vassals had accepted his call to arms: some from very far away (including Ireland), with Jarl Ivar of Bergslagen, Chancellor Grimr of Connacht, Jarl Rikulfr II of Upper Lorraine, Eilif’s son Strykar of Austerbotn and Refil of Vladimir signing up to the war. Though not all may be in a position to send troops (due to the need for sea transport or involvement in other conflicts of their own).

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April 911

Toivo called up his one ally, High Chief Áilu of Kola, on 1 April – but little help could be expected of him, as his existing war with Olafr in Noregr continued.

​

The Guards began boarding their ships off Werle on 8 April – it was unclear whether they would be able to reach the front before it was all over, but they would try. On 11 April, Virdyan’s army (2,360) was doing battle with Vechkas’ troops (1,061) in the county of Mari. The battle would last for some days before the Yaroslavian army claimed victory.

Mid-April brought the first confirmed sighting of Toivo’s advance guard – and it was a rude shock for the Garðarikians, where Haukr had begun to gather his invasion force in Zaozerye. Pomorye’s lead element had almost 4,000 warriors, including almost 700 heavy infantry and 500 light cavalry. Even with a major river to defend behind and reinforcements on the way, these odds were considered too unfavourable. Because Toivo’s army would be delayed crossing the Volga from Romny, Haukr would have time to withdraw south to Belo Ozero, which was designated as the new meeting place for the gathering Garðarikian army.

​

Alerted to this massive expansion of Toivo’s troop strength, further investigation revealed the source of the influx – his great piety had turned this into a war of religious fervour for the Suomenusko. The Chief of Pomorye would now boast an army of over 10,000 well-armed and fervent troops. Fittingly, this war that was begun for Germanic religious ambitions would clash head-on with the religious spirit of the north. Meanwhile, in Mari, the Yaroslavians had begun to gain the upper hand against the Muromians.

Six days later, the second – and larger – part of Toivo’s great army appeared in Ääninen, bearing down on Ladoga. The levy regiment there would manage to escape to Belo Ozero just nine days before the enemy were upon them. Other troops in the vicinity were re-routed via Holmgarðr to avoid being isolated and defeated in detail. This latest development tipped the scales for Eilif. He took advantage of his the great prestige he had accumulated in recent years to summon two tribal hosts of his own: 5,000 well-equipped warriors assembled in Holmgarðr and moved to join the rest of the troops (including vassal allies) massing in Belo Ozero.

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May 911

Pomorye’s advance guard (3,942 strong) crossed the Volga to arrive in Zaozerye on 6 May and kept marching on towards Ladoga, where they were due to arrive on 29 May. Just a day after the enemy’s main body (6,872 men) was due in there from the north. Haukr had 2,523 levies and the first vassal ally contingents mustered in Belo Ozero by early May, with the 5,000 man tribal army approaching from Holmgarðr and another 1,750 royal levies making their way both from Ladoga, and Ingria via Holmgarðr. Most of the rest of the vassal allied contingents were still some way off. The feared link-up of the two enemy forces into one massive army looked like it may become a reality.

But on 17 May, the enemy changed strategy. They decided to besiege Zaozerye instead, while the main force continued onto Ladoga. By then, the main Garðarikian army had halted in Holmgarðr while the advance guard in Belo Ozero had begun marching back to the capital. The longer combat was delayed, the more chance Eilif had of building his numbers to a winning concentration as reinforcements turned up.

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On 27 May, the army of Tuure (Toivo’s son and heir, 5,572) was in Ladoga. Another contingent of 1,300 men was still coming from the north. Tuure (facing just over 6,000 Garðarikians in Holmgarðr) turned north-east instead and marched to link up with the force in Zaozerye. Eilif waited for the 3,000-plus men marching from Belo Ozero to join, before he would put Haukr in command and send them to chase the enemy out of Ladoga and Zaozerye.

The manoeuvre phase of the campaign continued as the 1,300 man ‘Onegian Army’ of Pomorye arrived in Ladoga from the north the next day and halted there, beginning a siege of the main holding.

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June 911

As Eilif waited for his own forces to come together in sufficient numbers to risk an advance, at home his seventh child – and third son – was born. Tolir would be brought up to face the struggles of life in a fierce Norse culture.

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Spoiler: Ch94 Q1: Summoned Army Strengths

Ch94 Q1: Summoned Army Strengths. Something I noticed here is that all the piety-based defensive armies summoned by Toivo seem to have appeared at well below full strength. Setting his personal levy aside, he should have had 16,000 warriors (from the 1,600 piety he spent on them). I calculated them as (at start, before any reinforcing, which they stopped doing once they left Pomorye territory) at exactly 65% of that. Is there some limiting mechanic or explanation (such as a limit on this type of soldier in regions, for example) why those armies didn’t appear at full strength, whereas prestige ones tend to do so? It certainly saved me either having to wait for longer to get all my vassal allies together and/or spending even more prestige on a third tribal army. I am curious though.

As the cries of Eilif's latest child sounded out in Nygarðr, Tuure’s main army turned around in Ladoga and headed straight toward Holmgarðr. Eilif had previously ordered his own army to advance on Ladoga some days before, hoping to ambush the smaller force besieging it. Now, whichever side attacked would end up suffering the penalty of doing so across a smaller river. By then, the Royal Guard had landed in Ingria and was making its way across the large Lovai River to Holmgarðr.

The main royal army now had over 7,000 men gathered in the capital, with more than 2,000 more still on their way from Belo Ozero. The decision was taken to hold in place, gather as many men as possible, and see if Tuure would keep coming to attack over the river. Indeed, he would: bringing the other 1,300-man Onegian detachment with him, following on five days behind. And the siege of Zaozerye was also broken, with Toivo marching to join his son. But instead of waiting for their whole army to muster, Tuure – perhaps in a burst of confidence (or bravado) did not wait, but plunged on ahead to the Garðarikian capital.

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The Garðarikian army was organised into three wings: one of the tribal armies was deployed on each flank, under Sölvi and Virdyan (called up for national command duty while his own army still fought Vechkas). The royal levies were all gathered in the centre, where it was expected their numbers would be boosted by the vassal contingents.

Fortunately for the Garðarikians, the rest of the reinforcing levies from Belo Ozero were due to arrive on 26 June, five days after the battle was due to start: and the very same day the second Pomorye contingent should arrive. But until then, Tuure would have a decided advantage in heavy infantry and light cavalry, though with the disadvantage of having to cross a minor river in their attack.

While tension built as Pomorye’s army closed in on the capital Nygarðr, welcome news came from Noregr: King Olafr had won the third of the Christian holy wars launched against him in recent years, by Münster. He could now concentrate on repelling the Ugran-led invasion, which by that time was deep in his home counties.

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Battle commenced outside the gates of Nygarðr in Holmgarðr county on 21 June – one of the largest in Garðarikian history so far. As expected, Haukr’s centre was boosted by thousands of vassal ally forces – and by the contingent from Belo Ozero, which had arrived on the eve of battle, earlier than expected.

Sölvi’s left wing was marginally outnumbered by his opponent, but the enemy had no designated commander and Sölvi took the early advantage. On the right, Virdyan outnumbered his opponents (who also lacked a commander) by almost two-to-one. In the centre, Haukr’s reinforced division had around three times as many men as Tuure, who had taken personal command there. Tuure’s men were soon taking punishing casualties and his own centre division broke on 23 June, as Haukr charged in pursuit.

Eilif, watching from the vantage point of the Nygarðr’s main watchtower, cried out “We’ve got them!” in exultation. However, Garðariki’s armies had been in similar seemingly invincible positions before, only to lose.

And on 26 June, the enemy’s reinforcements arrived, allowing Tuure to rally: he and Haukr fell into a vicious melee and the tables were turned. This time, Haukr’s division was taking the heavy casualties as the reinvigorated Tuure led from the front, hacking down Garðarikian warriors with vicious intent. Despite their overall numerical superiority, the Garðarikian Royal Guard had not made it to the battle in time and Pomorye had a significant advantage in heavy infantry and cavalry. Eilif began to get that sinking feeling.

By 29 June, the melee in the centre was running even in casualties (about 125/turn each), despite Haukr’s advantage in numbers. But Virdyan finally broke his outnumbered opponent on the right and, instead of pursuing, charged into the melee in the centre on a narrowed flank. The effect eventually proved devastating.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

July 911

As the battle still raged, a messenger had arrived in Nygarðr to inform King Eilif that a rebel opportunist had taken advantage of the war with Pomorye to once again stir up the peasants in Memel. Eilif seethed: but matters must be concluded with Pomorye before a sizeable force could be sent to deal with the distant rebellion. However, he was already dreaming up an imaginative fate for the rebel leader once he was captured.

​

Meanwhile, in Noregr, Olafr (with 2,500 man tribal army he had summoned) was dealing with the Ugran invasion force (around 1,400 men), including Toivo’s Kolan ally. Apart from sidelining Kola, perhaps Ugra would take enough damage to make itself a target after Pomorye was (hopefully) defeated and absorbed. And by then a total of more than 3,000 Swedish vassals were in the south of Finland and beginning to approach northern Garðariki.

By 4 July, all three of the enemy’s flanks were in full retreat, as Haukr’s victorious warriors pursued – but it had been a tough battle. When the pursuit ended on 11 July, the Royal Guard had arrived and joined in on 5 July [thus boosting the ‘numbers engaged’ report at the end of the battle]. A great victory had been won, though not without cost. As Tuure’s forces broke but the pursuit phase of the Battle of Nygarðr continued, Toivo’s follow-on force or nearly 4,000 men was still heading towards Holmgarðr from Ladoga, due to arrive on 19 July.

​

With the battle won on 11 July, a dispatch rider approached Eilif’s observation post in Nygarðr.

“King Eilif, complements of Chief Haukr,” said the messenger. “He confirms a great victory by the Royal Army and Loyal Regiments of Garðariki. He also has an additional gift for you, sire.”​

A noble-looking but bloodied man was brought forward, his hands tied but his gaze firm ... if a little saucy – was that an appraising look he was giving one of Eilif’s strapping young bodyguards? Surely not! The man turned out to be Tuure Vepsä himself, heir to Pomorye and his father’s lead commander, captured as the battle had come to an end.

“Send him to our prison – but make his lodgings comfortable enough,” said Eilif, dismissing the insouciant young man with an absent wave of his hand. “He is worth much to us alive – his father will be desperate to have him back and this will bring him to the bargaining table more quickly than he might otherwise have done.”​

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As soon as the battle finished on 11 July, Toivo had halted his second army in Ladoga and resumed the siege. When the fleeing army of his defeated son arrived on 30 July, he took command of it himself, no doubt hoping to rally them and bring them back into the fight. Haukr's army (now over 9,500 strong) was heading to Ladoga itself: with the odds so firmly in their favour they were willing to pay the price of a river crossing to get at their enemies. Of interest, a Connachtian contingent had arrived all the way from Ireland in Ääninen via the White Sea – they must have had their own small fleet of ships available to bring them over.

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Among all the war reports, a letter was received on 14 July from Tihomir in Constantinople: he had sent another trunk of learned tomes to boost Garðarikian research. They were put aside for now and would be considered once the war with Pomorye had been concluded.

And on 30 July, Olafr had comprehensively beaten the invaders in southern Noregr – who were now fleeing north in disorder. This was broadly good news for Eilif: he had only ever wanted to take Naumadal and its holy site of Mære from Olafr: he’d far prefer to see his fellow Norseman regain his strength, whether it be to contend against Christian holy warriors or Finnish invaders. Some time soon, he may even wish to pursue an alliance with his former opponent.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

August 911

Haukr’s host fell upon the Onegian (named after the Onega Peninsula on which Pomorye sat) army in Ladoga on 3 August. The enemy were heavily outnumbered and had no recognised commander, with Tuure in prison and Toivo now with the troops routing north. This time the result was never in any doubt: their left flank broke on 6 August and the rest by 8 August. By the time the immediate pursuit ended on 16 August, there had been a great slaughter of Onegian warriors at the Battle of Aldeigjuborg - for only three score Garðarikian casualties. One more such success should see Toivo ready to capitulate – perhaps without the need to actually invade and conquer his homeland.

​

The surviving Onegian troops joined the rout north to Ääninen. The men who had fled earlier with Toivo would arrive on 28 August, while the rest of the Onegians were now due there in mid-September, chased by Haukr.

As this went on, Eilif took pause from his overall direction of the war for other pursuits. Faced with a choice between falconry and study, the inveterate self-improver naturally took the studious path. The new book of poetry he began reading may well prove to be rubbish …

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… but by the time he finished it, faithful dog Hunter sitting at his feet, Eilif was inspired! This new found sophistication of expression also helped him with his diplomatic dealings.

As Haukr’s royal army and accompanying allied contingents (now numbering over 10,000) approached Ääninen, scouts brought word on 29 August that the main Onegian army (a little over 3,400 men) had managed to halt and rally, setting up defences behind a major river (the Svir). A commander by the name of Soini had taken over from Chief Toivo (who was no great general in any case).

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

September-October 911

As the next battle approached, Eilif’s nephew Jarl Buðli did not neglect his role in keeping the faith pure in Belo Ozero. Yet another over-zealous, proselytising physician, this time an Orthodox practitioner from Georgia, suffered the usual fate.

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On 13 September, a group of Garðarikian vassal companies (mainly Buðli’s troops but also some who had come by sea from far Hlymrek in Ireland) blundered into the Onegian force in Ääninen, kicking off the battle there earlier than had been planned [they were under orders to join Haukr, but their path took them there a few days early]. They bravely attacked with 730 men against 3,411 – hoping Haukr’s river crossing would soon be complete so he could come to their rescue. By 15 September, the other Onegian army arrived ahead of the pursuing Haukr – but fortunately kept running towards Karjala, as the small Belo Ozeran-led force took further casualties but still stood firm.

Haukr finally arrived on 21 September – in time to save the beleaguered Belo Ozerans and Irishmen. The two flanks skirmished while Haukr’s large central division joined the melee there, now outnumbering his opponent Soini (who was only a barely competent commander) by three-to-one. The Onegian centre broke the next day and Haukr turned left to help Virdyan finish off the enemy’s right flank, which fled four days later on 26 September. By 29 September, all enemy divisions were in flight and being pursued.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

Victory was declared on 7 October but the river had proved a tough obstacle and together with the initial losses before Haukr’s arrival on 21 September, casualties were comparatively high.

The Pomorye campaign, March-October 911 AD: major army movements and battles (no sieges completed). Each battle's end date and victory points earned are shown.
​

The victory of Ust-Onega was easily enough to bring the dispirited Toivo to the peace table. He was summoned to a meeting with Eilif himself, who had travelled north to accept the momentous surrender. This would bring him to the point where the reform of the Germanic faith would become a reality.

​

However, he did not finalise the peace yet: he had brought many learned and wise counsellors north with him, to advise on a range of issues and implications the coming settlement would bring. They would meet that afternoon.

The Seeress Queen Ingrid confirmed that, with the coming settlement, all the pieces would be in place to fulfil a dream of the Rurikids that had begun with Eilif’s father.

​

“And I will be able to declare holy wars of my own?” asked Eilif. “There is also mention of ‘getting access to most succession laws’, among other things. I’m interested in that and what further options it may give me.”

“The best information I have to hand is in the note I have given you. I will seek further guidance at the coming Þing on the benefits and any other implications we should be aware of once we proclaim the reformation.”​

Spoiler: Ch94 Q2: Reform

Ch94 Q2: Reform. I have the basics above, including the other effects. A little more detail on what this may mean for succession law options would be very handy – and whether other conditions will apply (I suppose I’ll find out soon enough, but some advance notice would be good). Also, anything I should do beforehand or immediately after the reform is proclaimed. Otherwise, I’ll just do it and see what happens.

Grimr Fróni was there too. The Chancellor had brought his own Irish levy all the way over to help with the war effort and he remained Eilif’s most loyal supporter on the Council. But the gifted diplomat’s eccentric behaviour could no longer be ignored. Such as his habit of inexplicable and sudden violence, speaking in strange languages spitting at and assaulting those nearby. Some thought him either possessed by demons or under the thrall of the evil God Hel. Or maybe both.

​

“Grimr, I do have a few questions, including some following up earlier discussions at the last Þing, before I bring Chief Toivo before me to surrender.”

“Yes, King Eilif,” said Grimr, with a wild eye and a distracted manner. “Nevakhi vekha ha maan: Rekke, m'aresakea norethi fitte.”

“Er, what was that?”

“As I said sire, there is a place for him: there, with the short-haired cowards.”
​

Spoiler: Language

Language. A quote from Dothraki, supposedly.

“Ah, yes, right. Moving right along; first, I want to check on the current successions for the two kingdoms, with the birth of my son Tolir a few months back.”

“Yes, My Liege. Here is a list for both realms. Of course, it can all change, but Jarl Buðli has strong support for Garðariki and Stybjörn is set to inherit Sviþjod, where Tolir now becomes third in line.”​

​

“Very well. The revolt in Memel?”

“The siege of the hold there by the rebels is almost completed.”

“They will pay for this – gruesomely. But other matters are more important, if not urgent. Religious reform will be a great moment in Garðarikian history, but we also aim for a wider empire here in ‘Russia’. How stand the pacts against me?”

“The tide is higher than it was, My King, but a few opportunities remain after Pomorye is dealt with. Unfortunately, Ugra has rejoined the Pagan Pact and the High Chief of Turov remains a member.”​

​

“I see Poland is not currently a member and there was talk of them, and their ownership of the county of Turov, among other de jure Russian lands, in the margins of the last Þing.”

“Yes, we have done some research on them, King Eilif. Poland is quite a large kingdom, though King Siemowit ‘the Fat’ retains more power in his vassals than he does himself. They remain a tribal realm and he has no great prestige among his subjects.”​

​

“He does have one external ally – though a small one,” Grimr continued, under control for the moment. “A fellow Catholic, Duke Braslav II of Slavonia – but I don’t think we have much to fear from him. Reputedly a coward with only a small levy.”​

​

“And there was one other matter, King Eilif. You seemed interested in the tangled story of the warring Muslim Karling brothers in Italy and Bavaria. It seems King Louis III of Italy is in a bad way after his injury in battle. He may well not live to see his war with his brother concluded, while the revolt against his rule appears to be winning.”​

​

“A sobering lesson for what can happen to a realm or a dynasty when it is broken apart by a contested succession, Grimr. And why I want to pursue ways to change our laws one day, whether through legal reform or by founding an empire to bring both the kingdoms under my rule to heel for any successor.”

“Yes, King Eilif. Mtu mmoja kuwatawala wote.”​

Spoiler: Translation

Translation. According to Google translate, Swahili for ‘one man to rule them all’.

“Right, thanks, that will be all Grimr. Good work.” Eilif stared at his gifted but strange Chancellor as he made his farewells.​

King Eilif Rurikid 'the Just' as he contemplated the reform of the Germanic faith, 7 October 911 AD.​

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

Questions

Ch94 Q1: Summoned Army Strengths. Something I noticed here is that all the piety-based defensive armies summoned by Toivo seem to have appeared at well below full strength. Setting his personal levy aside, he should have had 16,000 warriors (from the 1,600 piety he spent on them). I calculated them as (at start, before any reinforcing, which they stopped doing once they left Pomorye territory) at exactly 65% of that. Is there some limiting mechanic or explanation (such as a limit on this type of soldier in regions, for example) why those armies didn’t appear at full strength, whereas prestige once tend to do so? It certainly saved me either having to wait for longer to get all my vassal allies together and/or spending even more prestige on a third tribal army. I am curious though.

Ch94 Q2: Reform. I have the basics above, including the other effects. A little more detail on what this may mean for succession law options would be very handy – and whether other conditions will apply (I suppose I’ll find out soon enough, but some advance notice would be good). Also, anything I should do beforehand or immediately after the reform is proclaimed. Otherwise, I’ll just do it and see what happens.

Ch94 Q3: Way Ahead. Any general advice on how and where to proceed from here would, as always, be welcome. Now that I have been forced into assembling a fair-sized supplementary tribal army, I’m minded to use it straight away (the rolling declaration of war when peace is made but before they disband). They and the Royal Guard are now in the north, so striking another target up there among the de jure Russian Suomenusko realms would make sense. But Poland (for Turov – thanks for the suggestion @diskoerekto ) would also make sense – and it’s on the way to Memel, which will have to be dealt with too. Mind you, the latter could be done by warring in the north, but sending some re-mustered levies to Memel to fix things up there at the same time.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ​

The Onega Peninsula, where Pomorye lies. It will soon become part of Garðariki – and through that herald a new age for the Old Gods of the Germanic faith.​

 

[MatthewP]

1) No idea. May have just been bugged. The mechanic is no longer in the game so no way to test.
1a) Good work handling the war with minimal cost despite the surprise 12000 man army. One other option would have been to send an army (by ship?) behind the lines and take the single county, maybe with an assault. If the enemy is fully occupied it's an automatic 100% warscore, and allies do not count (of course, vassals do).

2) Some random info on reform, in no particular order:
-You will be able to declare holy wars. The target duchy must be your neighbor and/or within two sea zones, as well as of course a different faith. If you win you get everything owned by the target realm in that duchy. Holy wars can be very powerful, but they are also very risky: unlike with conquest or claim wars, any nearby (not necessarily neighboring) rulers of the same faith can choose to join in the defense. This includes vassals of other realms. You can end up with a very tough war pretty quickly.
-Maybe the best immediate advantage: you can demand that vassals or courtiers convert. They need to have ~35 opinion of you, bribes can be helpful. This is a good thing to do right after reform.
-Not every Norse pagan will convert to the reformed faith. I believe all your vassals should, but other rulers will have a choice. If they don't they'll become "Old Norse". You'll then be able to use holy war/conquest against them and they won't like you.
-Not an issue for a while, but eventually you'll get great holy wars. There's an event; I'll skip details until then. Short version: it's a holy war for a whole kingdom, and any norse ruler can join.
-Succession: Going from memory since things have changed, but I think it's bad news - I believe you don't get any good laws until you're feudal. Then you should be able to get ultimogeniture (youngest son inherits everything) or elective (same as now but all titles go to the heir). Primogeniture requires an additional law change. I actually prefer ultimogeniture though - the long reigns tend to make up for the early weakness.
-Increasing tribal authority becomes much more popular. This is intended to smooth your path towards feudalism.
-I think you may see some decrease in levy size. Not sure on the details. Nothing huge.
-One big one I almost forgot: you'll start to get very low supply limits in unreformed pagan counties (other than Old Norse). This can make it very unpleasant to invade. The Russian empire concept might become difficult. This is nullified at military organization level 4.

If this sounds like a mixed bag, it is. There are a couple good benefits, but mostly reforming is a pathway to feudalism. Once feudal you are basically Christian+, since you keep raiding, county conquests and concubines.

3) You could conquer a few more counties I suppose. Only worth a whole lot if you're not at your demesne limit in my view. In the medium term, I'd say do a bunch of raiding (spend the prestige on buildings since it's useless once you go feudal...or die), increase organization, try to convert everyone, and maybe mix in some holy wars against the Old Norse who pop up and other targets of opportunity.

 

[diskoerekto]

What no-one had really noticed before – and information that hadn’t been made readily available to the recent Þing – did not concern Toivo’s prestige. It was his great reputation for piety among the northern peoples. Only later did Eilif and his Councillors began to rue this oversight: they had been fixated on the prestige of tribal rulers to that point. Old lessons had been forgotten.

ooohhhh how did we miss this

Mid-April brought the first confirmed sighting of Toivo’s advance guard – and it was a rude shock for the Garðarikians, where Haukr had begun to gather his invasion force in Zaozerye. Pomorye’s lead element had almost 4,000 warriors, including almost 700 heavy infantry and 500 light cavalry. Even with a major river to defend behind and reinforcements on the way, these odds were considered too unfavourable. Because Toivo’s army would be delayed crossing the Volga from Romny, Haukr would have time to withdraw south to Belo Ozero, which was designated as the new meeting place for the gathering Garðarikian army.

uhmmm I hope attrition helps us enough to turn this around

He took advantage of his the great prestige he had accumulated in recent years to summon two tribal hosts of his own: 5,000 well-equipped warriors assembled in Holmgarðr and moved to join the rest of the troops (including vassal allies) massing in Belo Ozero.

Now we need to make this a chain war to take full advantage of those troops

Ch94 Q1: Summoned Army Strengths. Something I noticed here is that all the piety-based defensive armies summoned by Toivo seem to have appeared at well below full strength. Setting his personal levy aside, he should have had 16,000 warriors (from the 1,600 piety he spent on them). I calculated them as (at start, before any reinforcing, which they stopped doing once they left Pomorye territory) at exactly 65% of that. Is there some limiting mechanic or explanation (such as a limit on this type of soldier in regions, for example) why those armies didn’t appear at full strength, whereas prestige once tend to do so? It certainly saved me either having to wait for longer to get all my vassal allies together and/or spending even more prestige on a third tribal army. I am curious though.

There's a setting that you can select between 0%/50%/100% reinforcement rate which the AI could've turned off, or his piety might've run out. Troops called by piety reinforce by piety so if you're out of piety it doesn't reinforce (but as many of my experiences this might be horselord specfic).

… but by the time he finished it, faithful dog Hunter sitting at his feet, Eilif was inspired! This new found sophistication of expression also helped him with his diplomatic dealings.

I want to say this once again: Eilif developed himself greatly, I didn't expect half of this from him. Kudos.

As Haukr’s royal army and accompanying allied contingents (now numbering over 10,000) approached Ääninen, scouts brought word on 29 August that the main Onegian army (a little over 3,400 men) had managed to halt and rally, setting up defences behind a major river (the Svir). A commander by the name of Soini had taken over from Chief Toivo (who was no great general in any case).

I'm always wary fighting defensive pagans (suomenusko and the ones around poland I guess) on their soil but the long way via Kexholm seems to be too long to march around. We're big enough to win anyway, but the elevated losses were not only luck and river crossing but them defending well on their soil.

Ch94 Q2: Reform. I have the basics above, including the other effects. A little more detail on what this may mean for succession law options would be very handy – and whether other conditions will apply (I suppose I’ll find out soon enough, but some advance notice would be good). Also, anything I should do beforehand or immediately after the reform is proclaimed. Otherwise, I’ll just do it and see what happens.

I have only reformed once but I had the latest DLC with different reformation and it was a horselord campaign so whatever experience I have has no relevance in this situation unfortunately.

Ch94 Q3: Way Ahead. Any general advice on how and where to proceed from here would, as always, be welcome. Now that I have been forced into assembling a fair-sized supplementary tribal army, I’m minded to use it straight away (the rolling declaration of war when peace is made but before they disband). They and the Royal Guard are now in the north, so striking another target up there among the de jure Russian Suomenusko realms would make sense. But Poland (for Turov – thanks for the suggestion @diskoerekto ) would also make sense – and it’s on the way to Memel, which will have to be dealt with too. Mind you, the latter could be done by warring in the north, but sending some re-mustered levies to Memel to fix things up there at the same time.

It's Bjarmia, Saamod or Poland at this point; right? Once, I was really fed up with pacts so once they left I declared war on 3 countries at the same time. If you think 10000+ strong army can take on all 3 in a row, you can even do that. Since they are unrelated wars they do not form huge stacks and one can defeat them after one another. I looked at the previous episode but strength analysis is for other provinces and not Bjarmia or Saamod.

On a slightly related topic, on which province is our chancellor trying to fabricate a claim at the moment? I forgot which one that was.

About the new provinces, I believe giving them to trigger happy Norse rulers might make them conquer neighboring provinces like the Minsk example.

This has been good progress despite a bad surprise, and now it seems it's time to turn the crisis into an opportunity

 

[diskoerekto]

-Succession: Going from memory since things have changed, but I think it's bad news - I believe you don't get any good laws until you're feudal. Then you should be able to get ultimogeniture (youngest son inherits everything) or elective (same as now but all titles go to the heir). Primogeniture requires an additional law change. I actually prefer ultimogeniture though - the long reigns tend to make up for the early weakness.

Ultimogeniture is also kind of heir selection, you procreate until you get one genius and somehow hold your wiener after that point.

-One big one I almost forgot: you'll start to get very low supply limits in unreformed pagan counties (other than Old Norse). This can make it very unpleasant to invade. The Russian empire concept might become difficult. This is nullified at military organization level 4.

3) You could conquer a few more counties I suppose. Only worth a whole lot if you're not at your demesne limit in my view. In the medium term, I'd say do a bunch of raiding (spend the prestige on buildings since it's useless once you go feudal...or die), increase organization, try to convert everyone, and maybe mix in some holy wars against the Old Norse who pop up and other targets of opportunity.

I do not accept this, Russian Empire is going to happen. See this war, we nearly did all the battles on our own soil, and if I knew @Bullfilter one little bit, he's the master expert in managing logistics.

One note about prestige buildings: Except shipyards and huiscarl training grounds, try to keep them at level 2 or 4 because that's when the upgrade to the next level castle version happens. What I mean is, War Camp I will disappear when you feudalize and turn the tribe into a castle but War Camp II becomes Barracks I. War Camp III also becomes Barracks I (so lost investment) but War Camp IV becomes Barracks II.

Weaponsmith seems to have the best conversion rate of prestige to gold when one looks at the upgrades (300+400=700 prestige for 200 gold for first level and 500+600=1100 prestige for 250 gold for second level. Shipyard one can say 200/200 gold for same amount of prestige, Keep (from Training Grounds) is 150/200, Militia Training Grounds (from Practice Range) and Barracks (from War Camp) is 100/120 gold)

Among War Camp / Practice Range, the latter is more desirable for a tribal ruler because archers > light infantry but when upgraded, Practice Range becomes Militia Training Grounds which gives a mixture of archers and LI while the puny War Camp becomes a Barracks which gives heavy infantry and pikemen. So spend on that one if you're not spending on shipyards or huiscarl training grounds or Weaponsmith.

In short, after that complicated explanation I can say among prestige buildings the priority should be Weaponsmith, Shipyard, Keep, War Camp and lastly Practice Range while keeping all except Shipyards at levels 0, II or IV.

Among gold buildings, Huiscarl Training Grounds stay as they are, Market again has its upgrades at level II and IV (Market Town and Large Market City respectively). Market Town keeps its value but Large Market City is a big loss in gold. So if you have Market I (Market Village) it's best to upgrade to Market Town to protect your investment but otherwise never bother about Market and if you want to build a gold building go for Huiscarl Training Grounds.

 

[alscon]

Well, that was a fair bit costlier than expected. Still, it was a battle of faiths, so that may have been fitting after all. Fighting on good Norse soil helped keeping the casualties a bit lower than they could have been, too. Now to pursue the dream.

Oh, and good news - I don't believe Grimr is a hel-worshipper, or he'd have far more negative traits.

Ch94 Q1: Summoned Army Strengths. Something I noticed here is that all the piety-based defensive armies summoned by Toivo seem to have appeared at well below full strength. Setting his personal levy aside, he should have had 16,000 warriors (from the 1,600 piety he spent on them). I calculated them as (at start, before any reinforcing, which they stopped doing once they left Pomorye territory) at exactly 65% of that. Is there some limiting mechanic or explanation (such as a limit on this type of soldier in regions, for example) why those armies didn’t appear at full strength, whereas prestige once tend to do so? It certainly saved me either having to wait for longer to get all my vassal allies together and/or spending even more prestige on a third tribal army. I am curious though.

My guess here is fairly simple. Toivo did summon 16k men. His problem is that they've been in poor, forested territory, far north, in winter. In other words, attrition .

And to clear things up, both tribal and religious armies don't reinforce.

Ch94 Q2: Reform. I have the basics above, including the other effects. A little more detail on what this may mean for succession law options would be very handy – and whether other conditions will apply (I suppose I’ll find out soon enough, but some advance notice would be good). Also, anything I should do beforehand or immediately after the reform is proclaimed. Otherwise, I’ll just do it and see what happens.

@MatthewP makes a good summary. I'll actually just make some additions to that.

-You will be able to declare holy wars. The target duchy must be your neighbor and/or within two sea zones, as well as of course a different faith. If you win you get everything owned by the target realm in that duchy. Holy wars can be very powerful, but they are also very risky: unlike with conquest or claim wars, any nearby (not necessarily neighboring) rulers of the same faith can choose to join in the defense. This includes vassals of other realms. You can end up with a very tough war pretty quickly. Holy wars as reformed pagan cost 100 piety - but you still keep your conquest CB, so it's an additional option to seize duchies if you can keep your target's coreligionists at bay (or they are busy/ don't join).
-Maybe the best immediate advantage: you can demand that vassals or courtiers convert. They need to have ~35 opinion of you, bribes can be helpful. This is a good thing to do right after reform. That is, if they don't decide to keep practicing in secret - then you'll need a good seer to root them out by hunting apostates. If there isn't a good character or dynasty I want to preserve, I usually tend to go for the purge.
-Not every Norse pagan will convert to the reformed faith. I believe all your vassals should, but other rulers will have a choice. If they don't they'll become "Old Norse". You'll then be able to use holy war/conquest against them and they won't like you. Old Norse will be a heresy. Those who like you are more likely to follow suit, but there will probably be some holdouts even within Eilif's kingdom. Most of the provinces don't convert, too, so you'll likely have heretic uprisings in formerly good Norse counties.
-Not an issue for a while, but eventually you'll get great holy wars. There's an event; I'll skip details until then. Short version: it's a holy war for a whole kingdom, and any norse ruler can join. Norse crusades, triggering around 1000 IIRC.
-Succession: Going from memory since things have changed, but I think it's bad news - I believe you don't get any good laws until you're feudal. Then you should be able to get ultimogeniture (youngest son inherits everything) or elective (same as now but all titles go to the heir). Primogeniture requires an additional law change. I actually prefer ultimogeniture though - the long reigns tend to make up for the early weakness. As a tribal, your succession laws are limited to Elective Gavelkind, Gavelkind and Tanistry. As long as Eilif doesn't decide to embrace his inexistent Celtic heritage, that only leaves you with Gavelkind. You'll still have to change your highest titles' laws, but regular Gavelkind has (almost only) advantages compared to Elective:
+ no title is going to create itself out of thin air for your non-primary heirs
+ no heir can decide to rather be independent of the primary heir if they inherit a lower title
+/- your eldest son will inherit your primary title, there's no election mechanic
-Increasing tribal authority becomes much more popular. This is intended to smooth your path towards feudalism. There's no opinion penalty any more, and your vassals will support passing the law.
-I think you may see some decrease in levy size. Not sure on the details. Nothing huge. Not that I can think of, actually. Pre-HF reform keeps the Norse faith offensive pagans, so they'll keep their inherent levy bonus.
-One big one I almost forgot: you'll start to get very low supply limits in unreformed pagan counties (other than Old Norse). This can make it very unpleasant to invade. The Russian empire concept might become difficult. This is nullified at military organization level 4. Building forts becomes critical - during sieges, you'll have to spend 20 gold to build one, or attrition will tear your army apart.
- Eilif will bear the title of Fylkir and be head of the faith. Most of the time, you won't notice any difference, but the Fylkir's piety will increase MA of the faith and may act against heretics per event. Also, he can launch the aforementioned Great Holy Wars once triggered.

Ch94 Q3: Way Ahead. Any general advice on how and where to proceed from here would, as always, be welcome. Now that I have been forced into assembling a fair-sized supplementary tribal army, I’m minded to use it straight away (the rolling declaration of war when peace is made but before they disband). They and the Royal Guard are now in the north, so striking another target up there among the de jure Russian Suomenusko realms would make sense. But Poland (for Turov – thanks for the suggestion @diskoerekto ) would also make sense – and it’s on the way to Memel, which will have to be dealt with too. Mind you, the latter could be done by warring in the north, but sending some re-mustered levies to Memel to fix things up there at the same time.

The good thing to come from the peasant revolt is that you don't need to be too hasty - the revolt is a war too, after all. So you can disband your troops, send the tribal army to your target, and then strike swiftly.
Waging a holy war after reformation comes to mind, but I do believe Eilif sadly won't have enough piety to do so after reforming. It may be a good idea to strike someone close to your powerful vassals, so they may decide to do a follow-up war on the weakened enemy.
Or you could decide to send a message to the defensive pact, something I'm sure Eilif would like to do. Especially with the conquest of Pomorye, I believe the conquest of Veps might be a good idea, mostly to connect the land (and avoid too harsh attrition if marching through this county).

Should the target of the vile king's expansion plans sign a peace with that demon, no matter our gains, we shall honour this treaty.
In particular, we shall not offer our pact members shelter while their lands are fully occupied.

It shouldn't be too deadly to siege down Veps (if you build a fort there!), and Eilif would have shown the pact that it can't stop him.