That is useful info - if I ever saw it in another AAR I had forgotten it! I should look into it for the younger children. As for Styrkar, something happens to resolve the situation.
All: will move onto writing up the next section soon.
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All: will move onto writing up the next section soon.
Chapter 98: Peasants and Pestilence (1 May – 9 October 913)
Chapter 98: Peasants and Pestilence (1 May – 9 October 913)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … the Karelians having finally been dealt with, Eilif had begun to send his forces back south; he had it in mind to begun the religious 'purification’ of the realm, hoping to convert or banish heathens and heretics alike over time; though the last few years of warfare and attrition of deployed troops had decreased the amount of levies he could personally summon; Eilif also wondered about the marriage of his eldest son Styrkar (who had just come of age) to a heathen Romuva woman; but most of all, the worst of the various plots and factions centred on Jarl Virdyan of Yaroslavl, who after his recent conquest now held three jarldoms to his name.
AuthAAR’s Note: The second instalment of the last play-through follows. Once again, fate – or perhaps Loki - plays some strange tricks on Eilif, Fylkir or not!
May 913
The Kingdom of Garðariki was still a relatively young one in a rather backward part of the world. Its King and Council still had much to learn and in hindsight did not always make the best choices – yet Rurik and now Eilif had reigned long and prospered, for the most part. Despite having conquered Sweden, reformed the Germanic faith and become its first Fylkir, Eilif was again about to be reminded of the limits of his authority over men, events or the fickle whims of the Gods.
Even as the final battle against the Karelians was winding down, with the pursuit over and victory declared in Dvina on 6 May 913, events to the east were already moving to change the parameters of Eilif’s considerations. Word reached him that on 1 May, a large peasant revolt had broken out in Bolghar, the holding of one of Jarl Virdyan’s new eastern vassals.
As his own levies and the Royal Guard made their way back south to Garðarikian territory, Eilif was now in a quandary. He was not yet in a good position to challenge Jarl Virdyan to force him into a rebellion or religious war (indeed, it transpired that the revolt would prevent a conversion demand anyway). And now Virdyan – though openly plotting against him (a refused demand to stop would at least give Eilif cause to try to arrest him) as well has having founded an independence faction – would be forced to put down a peasant revolt, which by formal declaration was against Eilif himself.
As Eilif pondered what to do, Virdyan summoned his levies for the revolt campaign. So they could not now be surprised - just as Eilif’s first army approached Yaroslavl.
He decided he would let Virdyan – perhaps his only vassal strong enough to tackle such a rebellion by himself – send his forces east, perhaps take casualties fighting the rebels and have his troops drawn far away. Eilif’s own levies would continue to drift south – and see what opportunities may arise.
Then a week later, on 17 May, the Fylkir was infuriated to hear that the feckless Chief Vladimir was once again backing Virdyan’s plot to fabricate a claim on the Garðarikian crown! Another demand was made for him to cease – and Eilif would not be disappointed if he refused this time (which was possible), giving him a less powerful heathen than Virdyan to focus his anger, frustration and Germanic religious zeal upon.
But word came through by the end of the month that Vladimir would once again back down. A wise decision on his part.
June 913
As June began, Eilif’s options for action were once again constrained by events. The Pagan Defensive Pact by this time was a solid ring around Garðariki’s borders. And 1 June brought more news of restive peasants – this time over in the lands of a vassal of young Jarl Bragi of Sviþjod. And he – a good reformed Germanic lad – would not be able to look after the revolt by himself.
Eilif decided this must be a test of his patience sent by the Gods. Virdyan would have to wait for now, as would raiding or border conquests. By mid-June, his decision was made. First, word was sent to Flanders for his ship (six) and army levies there to be raised. Then his remaining levies (not previously raised for the Karelian campaign) in Naumadal and Garðariki proper were called out. The plan was for them all to eventually gather in Uppland, south of the uprising in Gästrikland, and then confront the peasants once their whole force was assembled. The Naumadal levy company would have to be careful skirting the rebel positions as they besieged the local Chief Totil’s holding. The Flanders troops would arrive by sea. And it would all take some time.
By 24 June, Virdyan’s main army (over 2,300 strong) was approaching the border with Mordva on their way east to confront the rebels, who were half way through their siege of Bolghar. And Barsbek of Chernigov was apparently (as usual) doing well in his latest conquest war against Hungary – where King Árpád II did not seem to command a very large personal host for such a prominent kingdom (he had far more claims these days than he did actual holdings).
Then, in keeping with the surprising and frustrating developments of this period, disturbing news came from Austerbotn: Styrkar had contracted dysentery – the same disease that had recently killed Eilif's brother-in-law Rögnvaldr, the former King of Denmark. Eilif sent the court physician at once.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
July 913
A month later, a messenger returned from Austerbotn. He bore a sealed letter from Jarl Rikulfr of Smáland (a learned man who was Eilif’s Court Physician). Eilif hoped it brought good news of his son – a young, strong lad – and his recuperation.
But it was not to be.
After his grieving was done, Eilif was gently reminded by Chancellor Grimr that he must decide what to do with Austerbotn again, as Styrkar had died before he could produce an heir. Eilif had once regretted giving Austerbotn away because of the ships it commanded. But he had since acquired more, while compared to his existing holdings Austerbotn was by far the poorest (partly from being constantly subject to raids) and had the smallest levy, while the other smaller 'non-core' counties he held also contained shipyards.
He ended up giving the title to his young son Styrbjörn, one of his children with his ailing concubine Edla, and who was now heir to the Kingdom of Sviþjod. His other young son Tolir already had a title of his own. [NB: this was already done before recent comments/advice was received. Perhaps I shouldn’t have given it to another son, but there you go. I will also need to do something about his future marriage prospects, but as a five year old, he is a long way off his majority.]
The same day, Eilif did something his court advisers had been suggesting for some time, setting Edla aside and searching for a new concubine. There was no great talent on offer within or outside the realm who were of the right religion and willing and able to come to Garðariki. In the end, the 32 year-old Beata Jedvardsdottir from Mann was invited to court as Eilif’s new concubine on 26 July.
August-September 913
Beata arrived on 1 August. She was a strong woman, though otherwise neither accomplished nor of outstanding character. But Eilif shrugged and thought to himself: at least she doesn’t hate me.
The very next day, poor Edla died. Alone. Abandoned. Ostensibly from the cancer which had long plagued her, but many said it was from a broken heart.
Out in the east, Bolghar fell to the rebels on 6 August, with the main Yaroslavian army still two counties away. By 10 August, all the Flanders levies were assembled, the ships consolidated into a single fleet, the men loaded and their voyage to Sweden begun: they would add another 515 men to the army gathering in Uppland.
The Bulgarian rebels arrived in Qazan – another holding owned by a vassal of Virdyan – on 5 September, to begin their next siege. Virdyan’s men were still two counties away in Chevash, on the other side of the Volga.
And in Sweden, Gästrikland fell to the peasants on 15 September – who started heading towards Járnberaland, where the Naumadal levy company (228 men) was passing through. Fortunately, they would be clear the next day - eleven days before the rebels got there. But there was some good news the same day – from Austerbotn. The Seeress, Queen Ingrid, reported that it had autonomously converted to the Reformed Germanic faith.
On 19 September, the Naumadl company was heading east to Uppland; the Flanders regiment was offshore in the Sea of Åland; and the first of the levy companies from Garðariki proper was ferrying over from Finland in small boats via the island of Åland.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
October 913
The unfortunate history of Rurikid marriages abroad had another chapter written on 1 October. Chief Chichayka of Radstofa was Eilif’s nephew (whom he had never met) through his late sister Asa. He was now a vassal (after Virdyan’s recent subjugation victory) of the Jarl of Yaroslavl. Or had been, until he was found dead under suspicious circumstances! There was no known culprit suspected of the murder of the 25 year-old.
Another sad footnote in the extended family history – but Chichayka was not of the Rurikid dynasty and his death had little material effect on Garðariki or Eilif.
The same day, the main Yaroslavian army was reported to have crossed the Volga – into Bolghar, having outflanked the rebels and themselves laying siege to the key holding that was the original focus of the rebellion. Eilif was still digesting all this news a few days later, when he began to feel ill. As he doubled over in pain, his first thought was that the dysentery that had claimed Rögnvaldr and then his son Styrkar had now come to claim him.
Jarl Rikulfr was summoned and arrived at court two days later. He may have been unable to save young Styrkar, but had cancer himself which he seemed to be treating successfully – which was at least a good sign. Or so Eilif hoped.
As Eilif underwent Rikulfr’s treatment, he was well enough to receive reports from the spy network – though the first item did nothing to improve his humours, which seemed at risk of rotting within his living body, as the old curse went.
First, Chief Pentti, the new (Slovensky) Chief of Belo Ozero was busy fabricating a claim on the Jarldom of his lord – Jarl Buðli. And he appeared certain to refuse any request to stop. Buðli’s attempt to bring the blackguard around had apparently failed – in earnest. Pentti's name would be put into Eilif’s 'little black book' – if Pentti was challenged and refused to comply, he may find himself either under arrest or fighting for his chiefdom against an angry and vengeful King, in Buðli’s name.
But somewhat more heartening was Buðli’s plot to kill the troublesome Jarl Virdyan. It was progressing quite well and had attracted some notable co-conspirators: the well-known commander Sverker Herse; Queen Ingrid herself and Eilif’s new concubine Beata among them! He chuckled to himself at that: at least they have already found something in common, he thought happily. He was now seriously contemplating whether he should join in himself, though there could be some dangerous implications, he supposed.
And a last little gem was that one of Virdyan’s own troublesome Chiefs in the east was trying to fabricate a claim on him – for the Jarldom of Bolghar!
On 9 October, Rikulfr administered a blood-letting on Eilif. Which, against all logic, seemed to make him feel a bit better, though the underlying condition was not cured.
Dispositions and Decisions - 9 October 913
As Eilif endeavoured to recover from his ailment – presumed Camp Fever – troops were falling into position and some more decisions would be required.
The Pagan Pact had been almost completely reconstituted and once again surrounded Garðariki proper. But [due to the next load game ‘reboot’] could be anticipated to start ebbing again, for a limited period before it rebuilt.
The first question facing Eilif was should he wait this time in case a juicy conquest opportunity might become available soon? Or should he start taking some internal measures to deal with troublemakers, malcontents, plotters and heathens within the realm?
The simple action ahead lay in Sweden: whatever happened more widely, the army to put down the peasant revolt there was coming together. Once fully marshalled, they would strike.
Over in the eastern Jarldom of Bolghar, the Yaroslavian army was far from home and embroiled in putting down the peasant Bulgarian rebellion.
While in Yaroslavl itself, the Royal Guard and a good proportion of the king’s levies were assembled around some key points of Virdyan’s home Jarldom: ready to pounce and enforce order should he resist a forced conversion or arrest (whichever it might be) and war break out.
But Eilif was advised that while he could demand Virdyan stop his fabrication plot on the Kingdom (which would likely be refused, allowing a legitimate cause to imprison him without being branded a tyrant), he could not currently demand a conversion. This was due to the two extant revolts being considered breaches of the peace, thus preventing a demand to convert until they were settled – and no other wars started – by that time.
In case of war, though Virdyan’s own army may still at that point be in Bolghar, would his vassals rally to his side? If resisting arrest and fighting on the plot charges, would he stay to fight the rebellion or march straight back to defend his homelands? Or would it be better to wait for the rebellions to be defeated and force a conversion war? If that happened, would Virdyan’s co-religionist vassals – and perhaps other Suomenusko lords in the kingdom – likely rally to his cause, making it an even larger war - with unpredictable consequences? Of course, Eilif would expect his own reformed Germanic vassals to respond to calls to arms as well, evening up the score: was that a legitimate expectation?
Questions
Though unwell, Eilif has much to consider and must push through his illness as best he can. The advice of the Þing will be keenly sought, on his specific questions or any other matters the wise people of the realm may consider worth raising.
Ch98 Q1: Plot to Kill Virdyan. Very well, the big question is should Eilif join? He’s very tempted to – but what might the drawbacks be? Pros and cons and advice would be most welcome.
Ch98 Q2: Eilif- Health and Precautions. I’m hoping Eilif gets over this illness. But just in case it takes a turn for the worse, are there any general ‘standard’ precautions, actions or other things I should be checking on or put into action just in case there is an early and unplanned succession?
Ch98 Q3: Conquest or Internal Action. A general question to start with: should Eilif hold his options open for some external action, or forget about that and (as some have previously advocated and he had originally intended this time round) concentrate on sorting out the Kingdom. Perhaps then build for a Holy War on somewhere worthwhile down the track – like say Chernigov and the dreaded Barsbek?
Ch98 Q4: Best Cause Against Virdyan. If Eilif does decide to provoke a possible war with Virdyan soon, is a plot cease demand the quickest and most expedient solution (ending in either arrest or civil war)? Or would it be better to wait for the rebellions to be done with (both men were currently fighting them) first and a confrontation on religious grounds pushed?
Ch98 Q5: Virdyan’s Prospects. If it comes to war, who else (if anyone) would be likely to rally to his cause? He has a lot of vassals, almost all of them the same religion. Are they any more likely to support him in one confrontation than the other (resisting arrest vs conversion)? I’m not sure (can never quite remember the numbers and circumstances for piety and prestige) he has enough piety or prestige left to summon more tribal armies of his own – while Eilif certainly does. Anything more I should be considering that I may be missing?
Nothing like a good blood-letting to balance the humours!
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … the Karelians having finally been dealt with, Eilif had begun to send his forces back south; he had it in mind to begun the religious 'purification’ of the realm, hoping to convert or banish heathens and heretics alike over time; though the last few years of warfare and attrition of deployed troops had decreased the amount of levies he could personally summon; Eilif also wondered about the marriage of his eldest son Styrkar (who had just come of age) to a heathen Romuva woman; but most of all, the worst of the various plots and factions centred on Jarl Virdyan of Yaroslavl, who after his recent conquest now held three jarldoms to his name.
AuthAAR’s Note: The second instalment of the last play-through follows. Once again, fate – or perhaps Loki - plays some strange tricks on Eilif, Fylkir or not!
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
May 913
The Kingdom of Garðariki was still a relatively young one in a rather backward part of the world. Its King and Council still had much to learn and in hindsight did not always make the best choices – yet Rurik and now Eilif had reigned long and prospered, for the most part. Despite having conquered Sweden, reformed the Germanic faith and become its first Fylkir, Eilif was again about to be reminded of the limits of his authority over men, events or the fickle whims of the Gods.
Even as the final battle against the Karelians was winding down, with the pursuit over and victory declared in Dvina on 6 May 913, events to the east were already moving to change the parameters of Eilif’s considerations. Word reached him that on 1 May, a large peasant revolt had broken out in Bolghar, the holding of one of Jarl Virdyan’s new eastern vassals.
As Eilif pondered what to do, Virdyan summoned his levies for the revolt campaign. So they could not now be surprised - just as Eilif’s first army approached Yaroslavl.
Then a week later, on 17 May, the Fylkir was infuriated to hear that the feckless Chief Vladimir was once again backing Virdyan’s plot to fabricate a claim on the Garðarikian crown! Another demand was made for him to cease – and Eilif would not be disappointed if he refused this time (which was possible), giving him a less powerful heathen than Virdyan to focus his anger, frustration and Germanic religious zeal upon.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
June 913
As June began, Eilif’s options for action were once again constrained by events. The Pagan Defensive Pact by this time was a solid ring around Garðariki’s borders. And 1 June brought more news of restive peasants – this time over in the lands of a vassal of young Jarl Bragi of Sviþjod. And he – a good reformed Germanic lad – would not be able to look after the revolt by himself.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
July 913
A month later, a messenger returned from Austerbotn. He bore a sealed letter from Jarl Rikulfr of Smáland (a learned man who was Eilif’s Court Physician). Eilif hoped it brought good news of his son – a young, strong lad – and his recuperation.
After his grieving was done, Eilif was gently reminded by Chancellor Grimr that he must decide what to do with Austerbotn again, as Styrkar had died before he could produce an heir. Eilif had once regretted giving Austerbotn away because of the ships it commanded. But he had since acquired more, while compared to his existing holdings Austerbotn was by far the poorest (partly from being constantly subject to raids) and had the smallest levy, while the other smaller 'non-core' counties he held also contained shipyards.
He ended up giving the title to his young son Styrbjörn, one of his children with his ailing concubine Edla, and who was now heir to the Kingdom of Sviþjod. His other young son Tolir already had a title of his own. [NB: this was already done before recent comments/advice was received. Perhaps I shouldn’t have given it to another son, but there you go. I will also need to do something about his future marriage prospects, but as a five year old, he is a long way off his majority.]
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
August-September 913
Beata arrived on 1 August. She was a strong woman, though otherwise neither accomplished nor of outstanding character. But Eilif shrugged and thought to himself: at least she doesn’t hate me.
The Bulgarian rebels arrived in Qazan – another holding owned by a vassal of Virdyan – on 5 September, to begin their next siege. Virdyan’s men were still two counties away in Chevash, on the other side of the Volga.
And in Sweden, Gästrikland fell to the peasants on 15 September – who started heading towards Járnberaland, where the Naumadal levy company (228 men) was passing through. Fortunately, they would be clear the next day - eleven days before the rebels got there. But there was some good news the same day – from Austerbotn. The Seeress, Queen Ingrid, reported that it had autonomously converted to the Reformed Germanic faith.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
October 913
The unfortunate history of Rurikid marriages abroad had another chapter written on 1 October. Chief Chichayka of Radstofa was Eilif’s nephew (whom he had never met) through his late sister Asa. He was now a vassal (after Virdyan’s recent subjugation victory) of the Jarl of Yaroslavl. Or had been, until he was found dead under suspicious circumstances! There was no known culprit suspected of the murder of the 25 year-old.
Another sad footnote in the extended family history – but Chichayka was not of the Rurikid dynasty and his death had little material effect on Garðariki or Eilif.
The same day, the main Yaroslavian army was reported to have crossed the Volga – into Bolghar, having outflanked the rebels and themselves laying siege to the key holding that was the original focus of the rebellion. Eilif was still digesting all this news a few days later, when he began to feel ill. As he doubled over in pain, his first thought was that the dysentery that had claimed Rögnvaldr and then his son Styrkar had now come to claim him.
Jarl Rikulfr was summoned and arrived at court two days later. He may have been unable to save young Styrkar, but had cancer himself which he seemed to be treating successfully – which was at least a good sign. Or so Eilif hoped.
“What is it, do you think, Rikulfr? Tell me straight: is it the dysentery? Am I destined to die weak and huddled in pain and shame over a chamber pot?”
“I do not believe so, My Fylkir. I am sure it is Camp Fever – even though there have been no reports of it anywhere near Garðariki. I will do my best to treat your symptoms.”
As Eilif underwent Rikulfr’s treatment, he was well enough to receive reports from the spy network – though the first item did nothing to improve his humours, which seemed at risk of rotting within his living body, as the old curse went.
First, Chief Pentti, the new (Slovensky) Chief of Belo Ozero was busy fabricating a claim on the Jarldom of his lord – Jarl Buðli. And he appeared certain to refuse any request to stop. Buðli’s attempt to bring the blackguard around had apparently failed – in earnest. Pentti's name would be put into Eilif’s 'little black book' – if Pentti was challenged and refused to comply, he may find himself either under arrest or fighting for his chiefdom against an angry and vengeful King, in Buðli’s name.
Ch98 Q1: Plot to Kill Virdyan. Very well, the big question is should Eilif join? He’s very tempted to – but what might the drawbacks be? Pros and cons and advice would be most welcome.
And a last little gem was that one of Virdyan’s own troublesome Chiefs in the east was trying to fabricate a claim on him – for the Jarldom of Bolghar!
On 9 October, Rikulfr administered a blood-letting on Eilif. Which, against all logic, seemed to make him feel a bit better, though the underlying condition was not cured.
“This should get your humours right back into balance, My Fylkir! May Freya watch over your recovery.”
Ch98 Q2: Eilif- Health and Precautions. I’m hoping Eilif gets over this illness. But just in case it takes a turn for the worse, are there any general ‘standard’ precautions, actions or other things I should be checking on or put into action just in case there is an early and unplanned succession?
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Dispositions and Decisions - 9 October 913
As Eilif endeavoured to recover from his ailment – presumed Camp Fever – troops were falling into position and some more decisions would be required.
The Pagan Pact had been almost completely reconstituted and once again surrounded Garðariki proper. But [due to the next load game ‘reboot’] could be anticipated to start ebbing again, for a limited period before it rebuilt.
Ch98 Q3: Conquest or Internal Action. A general question to start with: should Eilif hold his options open for some external action, or forget about that and (as some have previously advocated and he had originally intended this time round) concentrate on sorting out the Kingdom. Perhaps then build for a Holy War on somewhere worthwhile down the track – like say Chernigov and the dreaded Barsbek?
The simple action ahead lay in Sweden: whatever happened more widely, the army to put down the peasant revolt there was coming together. Once fully marshalled, they would strike.
Ch98 Q4: Best Cause Against Virdyan. If Eilif does decide to provoke a possible war with Virdyan soon, is a plot cease demand the quickest and most expedient solution (ending in either arrest or civil war)? Or would it be better to wait for the rebellions to be done with (both men were currently fighting them) first and a confrontation on religious grounds pushed?
Ch98 Q5: Virdyan’s Prospects. If it comes to war, who else (if anyone) would be likely to rally to his cause? He has a lot of vassals, almost all of them the same religion. Are they any more likely to support him in one confrontation than the other (resisting arrest vs conversion)? I’m not sure (can never quite remember the numbers and circumstances for piety and prestige) he has enough piety or prestige left to summon more tribal armies of his own – while Eilif certainly does. Anything more I should be considering that I may be missing?
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Questions
Though unwell, Eilif has much to consider and must push through his illness as best he can. The advice of the Þing will be keenly sought, on his specific questions or any other matters the wise people of the realm may consider worth raising.
Ch98 Q1: Plot to Kill Virdyan. Very well, the big question is should Eilif join? He’s very tempted to – but what might the drawbacks be? Pros and cons and advice would be most welcome.
Ch98 Q2: Eilif- Health and Precautions. I’m hoping Eilif gets over this illness. But just in case it takes a turn for the worse, are there any general ‘standard’ precautions, actions or other things I should be checking on or put into action just in case there is an early and unplanned succession?
Ch98 Q3: Conquest or Internal Action. A general question to start with: should Eilif hold his options open for some external action, or forget about that and (as some have previously advocated and he had originally intended this time round) concentrate on sorting out the Kingdom. Perhaps then build for a Holy War on somewhere worthwhile down the track – like say Chernigov and the dreaded Barsbek?
Ch98 Q4: Best Cause Against Virdyan. If Eilif does decide to provoke a possible war with Virdyan soon, is a plot cease demand the quickest and most expedient solution (ending in either arrest or civil war)? Or would it be better to wait for the rebellions to be done with (both men were currently fighting them) first and a confrontation on religious grounds pushed?
Ch98 Q5: Virdyan’s Prospects. If it comes to war, who else (if anyone) would be likely to rally to his cause? He has a lot of vassals, almost all of them the same religion. Are they any more likely to support him in one confrontation than the other (resisting arrest vs conversion)? I’m not sure (can never quite remember the numbers and circumstances for piety and prestige) he has enough piety or prestige left to summon more tribal armies of his own – while Eilif certainly does. Anything more I should be considering that I may be missing?
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Nothing like a good blood-letting to balance the humours!
- 1
I don't think that plot is aimed at your troublesome jarl. The plot target is Virdyan Virdyan, but the jarl is Virdyan Meryavid.
On the one hand, Virdyan is powerful enough to challenge you on his own, so even if you were able to get him to like you I think it would be a good idea to break up his domain at least somewhat. On the other hand, you're at your vassal limit, so you'd probably have to grant one of your own duchies to someone in order to free up enough space to split up Virdyan's grand duchy. It's a matter of tradeoffs.
As for external expansion. I seem to recall that Barsbek holds enough de jure Russian counties to enable you to proclaim yourself Emperor if you should acquire them. If that's so, a great holy war against Barsbek is probably your best plan for external expansion.
Things certainly could have gone better than two rebellions, a dead son and illness. Poor Styrkar. And poor Edla. Putting it like that, it was truly a cruel thing to do to her (although it was right after landing her son).
Eilif however should be fine. IIRC, cramps are a symptom of either food poisoning or the plague. It can also vanish by itself. As I very much doubt he's going to get the plague (or the evil hel-worshippers cursed him), he should be able to survive.
Generally said, the biggest pro in supporting a plot is of course the target's possible death. The con is that there's a small chance of your involvement to be publicly known (smaller than in own plots), but a small known murderer penalty of -10 would be worth it in most cases.
If a severe illness manifests itself, it may be a good idea to do a once-per-lifetime action (which Eilif already has) or pass a law instead, which is what I'd advise in this case. For upon succession, the timer for law changes resets itself.
Peasant rebellions are mostly just nuisances, so it's more a personal preference if Eilif wishes to crush them first.
And to clear it up: demanding conversion is not an hostile action insofar as he'd rebel if he declines. Your options here are imprisonment and revocation. If Virdyan disagrees with that (and he will), then you'll have a tyranny war on your hands.
Eilif however should be fine. IIRC, cramps are a symptom of either food poisoning or the plague. It can also vanish by itself. As I very much doubt he's going to get the plague (or the evil hel-worshippers cursed him), he should be able to survive.
As InvisibleBison says above, wrong Virdyan. Buðli's target is probably a troublemaker in his own duchy.
Generally said, the biggest pro in supporting a plot is of course the target's possible death. The con is that there's a small chance of your involvement to be publicly known (smaller than in own plots), but a small known murderer penalty of -10 would be worth it in most cases.
Other than watching the succession, there isn't much you can do. The 'opinion of predecessor' modifier was introduced specifically to combat the worst excesses possible for a dying ruler.
If a severe illness manifests itself, it may be a good idea to do a once-per-lifetime action (which Eilif already has) or pass a law instead, which is what I'd advise in this case. For upon succession, the timer for law changes resets itself.
My opinion remains focused on purging, then rebuild strength for a GHW. Additional advantage of the internal cleansing is that threat has time to decline.
If Virdyan revolts, then his peasants will lose their rebellion cause and step down. But in any case, if you have a chance of imprisonment, it's good to try and seize it. If you try to revoke, he's going to decline anyway, so there would just be the same result. Imprisonment's chance will be low, but better than nothing.
Peasant rebellions are mostly just nuisances, so it's more a personal preference if Eilif wishes to crush them first.
His vassals will likely support him, and perhaps some other disgruntled vassals (independence faction members, if anyone does) may join his cause. I don't think there's a difference between imprisonment and revocation war, in any case. I think he cannot summon a prestige army - and as he's the attacker in a tyranny war, he may not be able to summon a defensive piety army, though I'm not sure there.
And to clear it up: demanding conversion is not an hostile action insofar as he'd rebel if he declines. Your options here are imprisonment and revocation. If Virdyan disagrees with that (and he will), then you'll have a tyranny war on your hands.
Speaking as someone who contracted dysentery 3 times, make sure you don't contract it. I'm sure there are worse diseases out there, it's no typhoid or typhus for example or violent and gory like rabid or tetanus but dysentery is not good at all.
There you go. Without modern medicine dysentery is a mostly one way street.
RNG works in mysterious ways. It's as if trying to create storylines
That's where the ancestors of my girlfriend's father come from
Oh boy, I spoke too soon about various diseases. This is not good at all.
conquer the empire of Russia real quick
he's the first fylkir he should be going warring on the horse in order to feast in the halls of Odin when he's gone, not delirious and rotting in bed!I refreshed my earlier analysis about the empire: We need 53 out of the 66 total province count. We already have 34 so need 19 more. We have 24/24 of the Kingdom of Rus, 9 from Ruthenia and 1 from Perm. In Ruthenia; Chernigov has 9, Poland has 5, Turov and Hungary have 1 each (from what I can see). In the north in the kingdom of Perm we hold only 1 province. Noregr has a puzzling one, 3 chiefdoms have 1 each, Ugra has 3, and finally Perm and Yugra probably have 4-5 each.
By the way, who did we give the single Perm county to? He should've tried to conquer the neighboring counties, why is he so passive?
It's difficult to plan since he can completely heal or drop dead in the coming months. Normally I'd say quickly sweep the internal trouble-makers (and not aim for a complete Germanization, just the usual suspects) and in the meanwhile pick one by one whoever drops out of the pagan alliance (I'd declare on all the single province ones as soon as they're out of the alliance, handling multiple wars is easier than waiting for those pesky chiefdoms to drop out of alliances), and when that is finished go for a big war against Chernigov (hopefully in the meanwhile he'll accumulate more counties from the kingdom of Ruthenia like those Polish lands and not Khazaria like he's doing now). Now, any decision feels like a coin flip.
I think this depends on if we'd prefer a Germanic Virdyan or a dead Virdyan. If breaking down his multiduchy is a priority, demanding a plot cease seems to be a surefire way of provoking a war.
On the other hand, I think I'd demand a conversion, and regardless of his reply, demand a ceasement of plot. If he becomes a coreligionist, the personal relations would also become better and he might just drop the plot. Also, if he converts there's a good possibilty he'll try to convert his vassals in turn as well. When he dies his duchies will be split to his heirs anyway so they'll not be one powerful bloc. In any case though, demand a ceasement of plot. In the case he converts, I'd wait awhile to see if he tries to convert his vassals.
No idea about in which case his vassals would be more inclined to help him.
May Freya help Eilif...
By the way, there's a bush lawyer way of getting around great holy wars that I used a few times in the past. One just converts to your religion and suddenly the war is cancelled. Not a white peace but completely annuled. I'm telling just in case somebody we declare war to pulls it off it in the future.
I could be wrong but I believe a failed imprisonment war (with a just cause, which you have) won’t bring in Co-religionists, whereas a religious revocation war definitely can. This excludes vassals who can always be called. Two other points:
1) unlike plot supporters, with a plot leader you don’t need to ask them to stop. Merely being discovered leading a plot is sufficient grounds for arrest.
2) others have alluded to it, but to be explicit, there is a big advantage in trying the arrest first, and sending your marshal to help. If you succeed, you can then revoke all his titles at your leisure while he is sitting in prison, since religion gives you a just cause. With a direct revocation request, war is effectively certain since he’s too powerful to agree.
1) unlike plot supporters, with a plot leader you don’t need to ask them to stop. Merely being discovered leading a plot is sufficient grounds for arrest.
2) others have alluded to it, but to be explicit, there is a big advantage in trying the arrest first, and sending your marshal to help. If you succeed, you can then revoke all his titles at your leisure while he is sitting in prison, since religion gives you a just cause. With a direct revocation request, war is effectively certain since he’s too powerful to agree.
I suspect it will be Eilif's heirs to truly consolidate his realm into a more unitary whole.
I don't really have much to add, other than to note my extremely pious ruler recently died and was made a saint by the Pope for his celebrated piety and celibacy.
...he died because he was poisoned by his 'son' who was actually his half-brother, and was poisoned in revenge for sleeping with that man's wife whilst openly being celebate. And on pilgrimage in Rome.
Oh, and the wife was his niece anyway.
Who is actually his sister and his aunt.
And she's pregnant...
...he died because he was poisoned by his 'son' who was actually his half-brother, and was poisoned in revenge for sleeping with that man's wife whilst openly being celebate. And on pilgrimage in Rome.
Oh, and the wife was his niece anyway.
Who is actually his sister and his aunt.
And she's pregnant...
So, an ordinary day in CK2
I actively avoided those kinds of things for the most part in ckii aside from my Lancaster game where it became a feature (and I guess a toss to the ASOIAF crowd) that they all bummed each other all the time because they can.
It really does seem like if one ruler does a little bit of molesting, it runs the gambit through the whole family for quite some time. If you don't, none of this happens. See Galahad II of Albion who had so many children it broke the in game family tree. No inbreeding there...
true that, I guess it's the trauma making its way down generations
The Twenty-eighth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – October 913 (a summary of advice from Chapter 98)
The Twenty-eighth Þing of Eilif’s Reign – October 913 (a summary of advice from Chapter 98)
General Comments
First off, thanks not only for the comments this time round, but for all who voted in the annual awards (YAYAs) for this humble work to be voted the Gameplay AAR of the Year for 2019 and/or for me as Writer of the Year. Truly appreciated. For any who haven’t looked in on the various category outcomes, I encourage you to have a look at the https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...s-lps-and-fanfiction-general-discussions.224/ section, where you can find them all. Some excellent material in there if you are looking for some AARs to read that have impressed their current readership.
I do hope these cramps don’t turn into anything worse. Eilif is still comparatively young and there is much to do before another succession looms.
Is that going to be written up in one of your AARs eventually? Or is it just from a ‘private’ game?
Ch98 Q1: Plot to Kill Virdyan. Very well, the big question is should Eilif join? He’s very tempted to – but what might the drawbacks be? Pros and cons and advice would be most welcome.
Ch98 Q2: Eilif- Health and Precautions. I’m hoping Eilif gets over this illness. But just in case it takes a turn for the worse, are there any general ‘standard’ precautions, actions or other things I should be checking on or put into action just in case there is an early and unplanned succession?
Ch98 Q3: Conquest or Internal Action. A general question to start with: should Eilif hold his options open for some external action, or forget about that and (as some have previously advocated and he had originally intended this time round) concentrate on sorting out the Kingdom. Perhaps then build for a Holy War on somewhere worthwhile down the track – like say Chernigov and the dreaded Barsbek?
Pomorye went to another of Eilif’s young sons, Tolir, heir to the Jarldom of Tver. It is a weak county only recently conquered and he has a regent, so I guess that would be it?
Will see how the timings work for one-province conquests of opportunity, Virdyan and indeed Barsbek. Good point re multiple declarations on single county conquests. I’ll flip the coin when the time comes
Ch98 Q4: Best Cause Against Virdyan. If Eilif does decide to provoke a possible war with Virdyan soon, is a plot cease demand the quickest and most expedient solution (ending in either arrest or civil war)? Or would it be better to wait for the rebellions to be done with (both men were currently fighting them) first and a confrontation on religious grounds pushed?
Ch98 Q5: Virdyan’s Prospects. If it comes to war, who else (if anyone) would be likely to rally to his cause? He has a lot of vassals, almost all of them the same religion. Are they any more likely to support him in one confrontation than the other (resisting arrest vs conversion)? I’m not sure (can never quite remember the numbers and circumstances for piety and prestige) he has enough piety or prestige left to summon more tribal armies of his own – while Eilif certainly does. Anything more I should be considering that I may be missing?
Thanks as always for your support, comments and readership. Back to the coalface now, as we see whether Eilif or the Gods/Fates are the ones calling the shots this time …
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
General Comments
First off, thanks not only for the comments this time round, but for all who voted in the annual awards (YAYAs) for this humble work to be voted the Gameplay AAR of the Year for 2019 and/or for me as Writer of the Year. Truly appreciated. For any who haven’t looked in on the various category outcomes, I encourage you to have a look at the https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...s-lps-and-fanfiction-general-discussions.224/ section, where you can find them all. Some excellent material in there if you are looking for some AARs to read that have impressed their current readership.
Yes, it’s been a somewhat frustrating few passages of late, but that’s the way the game goes. And it’s good in a way to help temper rampant expansion and blobbing to have these things intervene. It was cruel timing indeed for Edla. A few more weeks and she would have died at home anyway …
I do hope these cramps don’t turn into anything worse. Eilif is still comparatively young and there is much to do before another succession looms.
Having had bad (quarantined) viral gastro once, I can dimly imagine. And I was on crutches at the time from a football injury! Got out of hospital after a week and went straight out bush (was then a troop leader with our Armoured Regiment and we were on exercise). The hard rations certainly helped fix things up, but I don’t recommend such things as a weight loss program, effective though it was! Three bouts eh? I definitely don’t envy you that, my friend.
I think it is – an exquisite coincidence in event terms.RNG works in mysterious ways. It's as if trying to create storylines
These background things that crop up from games are fascinating, aren’t they?That's where the ancestors of my girlfriend's father come from
Yup. It just kept on coming down the pike this time.
That’s the kind of trick my adversaries in this game do and would try! If Barsbek were to try it, I would have Eilif shame him publicly and invent a new and derogatory nickname for him.
Oho!
Is that going to be written up in one of your AARs eventually? Or is it just from a ‘private’ game?Probably so – though let us hope that does not come too soon!
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Ch98 Q1: Plot to Kill Virdyan. Very well, the big question is should Eilif join? He’s very tempted to – but what might the drawbacks be? Pros and cons and advice would be most welcome.
Oops – thanks for pointing that out: I suppose I may have eventually realised it if I’d decided to pursue it further. I looked Virdyan Virdyan up: Buðli really dislikes him [-51], the others less so. The main problem is Virdyan is Ugly (which upsets some of those plotting against him), but mainly that he is foreign and Suomenusko (which for the zealous Buðli, Queen Ingrid and indeed Eilif is a black mark). Otherwise, the poor man is a chaste, kind and diligent poet – albeit a little cynical. I think Buðli has talked the rest of them into joining the plot. There seems no practical interest in killing him for any game terms. Buðli just doesn’t like him, I think!
Poor Virdyan V is just a courtier of Eilif’s – doesn’t seem to have any power or causing any trouble that I can tell. But as he’s a heathen, Eilif will let Buðli, the Queen et al have their sport and will just keep out of it.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Ch98 Q2: Eilif- Health and Precautions. I’m hoping Eilif gets over this illness. But just in case it takes a turn for the worse, are there any general ‘standard’ precautions, actions or other things I should be checking on or put into action just in case there is an early and unplanned succession?
Noted – good point. If he does look like failing early, it might mean a key decision for a successor (Buðli at this stage, who is only a few years younger) can be brought forward.
True! Dying during attending to chamber business would have been a very unheroic way to go! As to how quick the Russian Empire can be conquered …conquer the empire of Russia real quick
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Ch98 Q3: Conquest or Internal Action. A general question to start with: should Eilif hold his options open for some external action, or forget about that and (as some have previously advocated and he had originally intended this time round) concentrate on sorting out the Kingdom. Perhaps then build for a Holy War on somewhere worthwhile down the track – like say Chernigov and the dreaded Barsbek?
Yes, his power (and that of his predecessors as Jarl of Yaroslavl) has been a concern for a while now. They need to be broken up. The vassal limit should be workable I hope, with some redistributions. If not, Eilif might just have to incur a little odium for a while for controlling too many. Or pass a law to help with that.
Thanks for that update. Chernigov is the big target, probably then the northern chiefdoms (once they’re our of the Pact and taking into account the large tribal armies they can command). Poland too, the others are targets of opportunity.
Pomorye went to another of Eilif’s young sons, Tolir, heir to the Jarldom of Tver. It is a weak county only recently conquered and he has a regent, so I guess that would be it?
Will see how the timings work for one-province conquests of opportunity, Virdyan and indeed Barsbek. Good point re multiple declarations on single county conquests. I’ll flip the coin when the time comes
This still seems the broad way to go, but might be affected by events and opportunities along the way.
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Ch98 Q4: Best Cause Against Virdyan. If Eilif does decide to provoke a possible war with Virdyan soon, is a plot cease demand the quickest and most expedient solution (ending in either arrest or civil war)? Or would it be better to wait for the rebellions to be done with (both men were currently fighting them) first and a confrontation on religious grounds pushed?
Right, there will be a bit of nuance to be assessed for timing on this one. And the imprisonment attempt does seem the best approach (it worked a while back in Sviþjod very well).
Ah, some good points, I’ll keep an eye on those and useful info re plot leader and ability to imprison without asking to cease first (I can test it out for myself when the opportunity arises). The marshal helped with the last one and it did work well. And the idea of revoking while he’s in prison (if that works) is attractive.
Breaking down the multi-duchy is probably the more important immediate objective. A dead or at least imprisoned Virdyan would be best. And I think I can’t require him to convert while we’re at war with the rebels. And if I can topple him, I’ll make sure he’s replaced with a good Norse Germanic loyalist, who can then do Odin’s work without reservation.
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Ch98 Q5: Virdyan’s Prospects. If it comes to war, who else (if anyone) would be likely to rally to his cause? He has a lot of vassals, almost all of them the same religion. Are they any more likely to support him in one confrontation than the other (resisting arrest vs conversion)? I’m not sure (can never quite remember the numbers and circumstances for piety and prestige) he has enough piety or prestige left to summon more tribal armies of his own – while Eilif certainly does. Anything more I should be considering that I may be missing?
OK, I’ll just have to see how it all pans out and what options I have at the time I want to take him down. And I’ll assume a large war, then if it’s more limited that will be good. This in part has to do with how quickly my royal levies regenerate after recent losses.
Let’s hope Freya is merciful.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Thanks as always for your support, comments and readership. Back to the coalface now, as we see whether Eilif or the Gods/Fates are the ones calling the shots this time …
- 1
Oho!
Just a private game. It actually caused a minor annoyance in the game itself because the saint event gives descendants a cool bloodline with lots of perks. Unfortunately, bastards don't count so only a few children actually do have the trait because...well, almost all of them are illegitimate. However, if the in game community doesn't know they are bastards, they get the bloodline. And anyway, the saint already created a bloodline as a Great Warrier because he spent his reign masaacreing continents in order to pay for the churches that eventually got him canonized.
I wish I could put it in Lancaster now it's a comedy apparently but it wouldn't make much sense since no one in that family is monogamous and incest is extremely relative to them. It actually became standard policy for the family a few decades after where the AAR is currently at so we shall get there in time.
Chapter 99: This Means War! (9 October 913 – 28 September 914)
Chapter 99: This Means War! (9 October 913 – 28 September 914)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif remains unwell, suffering from cramps which his physician has diagnosed as Camp Fever – but the Fylkir is secretly afraid he will be the next to die ‘attending to chamber business’; revolts in Sweden and Bolghar continue; as do Jarl Virdyan of Yaroslavl’s plotting and provocations; amid all this, an unwell Eilif must decide what direction Garðariki must take next, as he considers the wise advice from the latest Þing.
AuthAAR’s Note: Here is the first instalment on the just-finished (and jam-packed) play session, which was a long one and played through to a logical stopping point. And that will be where most of the questions arising I have will be put. Here we go – plenty happened!
October 913
He left that night – 9 October 913 AD – and was in position, ostensibly in Yaroslavl to ‘suppress revolts’, by the 14th. But the wily Virdyan evaded capture and soon raised his flag in rebellion. This at least terminated the peasant revolt in Bolghar – and meant Virdyan’s main army had a long march back from the east to his main home territories. During which he was likely to suffer attrition travelling over neutral lands in worsening weather.
The very next day, as this was explained to Eilif by Chancellor Grimr (the ‘Son of Hel’, not the young Jarl of Lithuania), the Fylkir reacted by vomiting all over the floor! But it was not the news, or nerves – it was the worsening of his illness. [What terrible timing – the day after a major civil war breaks out!]
Virdyan’s Rebellion – opening dispositions, 15 October 913.
The King's detachments in Sursdalar and Moskva were both too small for a successful siege, while that in Yaroslavl was adequate to the task. The Sursdalar contingent would march to Moskva to get things moving there. Meanwhile, the main fleets were all disbanded, to save money. Any further movement of Eilif’s troops would be by land.
All the vassals were called to arms: those based in Sweden would gather to Haukr, who was in Uppland to deal with the peasant revolt. The rest would be allocated to the Royal Levy armies already deployed in the Jarldom of Yaroslavl.
Eilif’s calls went out on 15 October – most has responded by 22 October. All accepted except for the three who were judged likely to decline; even Jarl Björn of Hälsingland agreed to fight. Virdyan also called his vassals: all but two responded in the affirmative, with Chiefs Erziya of Kostroma and Vechkas of Sursdalar both earning Eilif’s gratitude by declining. Good men, he thought to himself. I must remember that when it comes time to settle things after Virdyan is beaten. He hoped.
By 1 November, the battle lines between the two great forces were drawn. It would be a war where allies played a significant part for both sides; Eilif in particular.
The treason of Virdyan had created a vacancy in the ranks of Eilif’s commanders. The most qualified warrior in the realm available to accept the post was none other than former High Chief of Mordva Kinyak Cheremisid, a political refugee in Eilif’s court these days and a man with many claims to his name (literally). He was given command of the small force in Sursdalar and would play quite an active part in the coming campaign.
It was also on 23 October that a report was received from Buðli that his demand to the troublesome Chief Pentti Slovensky of Belo Ozero to convert to the True Germanic Faith had been declined. Who knew how that mess would end up?
And just two days later, Virdyan had a very ‘convenient’ inheritance in the recently unruly Bolghar. Young Chief Kardaz had died ‘under suspicious circumstances’! And Virdyan just happened to be the heir. There was no proof of the culprit, but strong suspicion.
By this time, some large allied contingents of Eilif’s were mustering in and around the main theatre of the war against Virdyan and would soon start attaching themselves to the Royal armies in Yaroslavl and Moskva.
November 913
Life beyond the borders of Garðariki also went on, of course. On 17 November, the long-running attempt by Ugra to subjugate Noregr was defeated. King Olafr II was finally at peace – which generally pleased Eilif too. He wanted the Germanic realms to be as strong as possible, against all heathens, infidels and heretics.
Finally, the cause of Eilif’s nasty illness was revealed as he perched over the dreaded chamber pot: it was a severe case of food poisoning. At least it wasn’t dysentery. Most likely it would be a mild case, perhaps more severe.
Naturally, the worst befell and Eilif was soon going from bad to worse. His life hung by a thread. Jarl Buðli was called in to run the realm as the Fylkir writhed in bed, fevered and delirious. The last thing he asked for – possibly a dying wish – was to push through a change to the realm’s laws while he was still alive. Only Buðli was advised this was impossible, due to the current state of civil war.
As Eilif lay unconscious on his sickbed, on 25 November 913 the heretic Jarl Frirek the Unchaste stepped up to leadership of the independence faction. The mangy cur.
Worried about the turn Eilif had taken, Jarl Rikulfr presented him with the traditional Physician’s ‘Three Card Trick’. Eilif, in a moment of semi-lucid consciousness, chose the middle card. He was no coward and realised something probably needed to be done, but didn’t want his face carved off to live the rest of his life in a mask. He’d heard the horror stories.
As it happened, the well-tested path proved to be the wise one. While he was not yet fully recovered – and would not soon forget the taste of fresh sow’s urine – he did start to feel quite a bit better. But he was still confined to bed, while Buðli ran the realm as regent.
With plenty of vassal levies now gathered around Haukr in Sweden, on 30 November the 700-odd royal levies then in Finland were sent back east to eventually reinforce what would no doubt be an extended campaign against Virdyan and his allies. Haukr himself began marching towards the rebels with three times their numbers.
While in the east, Kinyak had joined forces with Vihavald and Sölvi in Moskva and they were able to begin a proper siege – now with over 2,300 men after the arrival of various vassal levy contingents. Given the ample numbers now to hand, Sölvi was detached with one royal levy regiment and Jarl Grimr’s troops were also ordered to join him as they marched to confront the incursion of one of Virdyan’s vassals into Roslavl, which was now under siege. Another Yaroslavian force was besieging Galich Mersky, but they were left for now: once the siege of Yaroslavl was completed, those troops would be ordered to deal with them.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
December 913
Young Jarl Grimr II of Lithuania had only recently come of age and had not been married. It therefore came as something of a shock when, just the day after his forces were assigned to Sölvi for operations in his demesne, Buðli received the news of his sudden death from pneumonia! With no child of his own to inherit, the title fell to his older sister Edla – Garðariki’s first female Jarl-level ruler and now High Chieftess of Lithuania. And an unconverted heretic of the Old Germanic faith.
Because they were at war, Buðli could not demand (in Eilif’s name) she convert to the Reformed faith. Relations between the King and Edla were mutually poor – but her troops were already committed, which was the important thing for now. Matters of religion could be sorted out in the future.
And with Eilif incapacitated still, Chief Vladimir of Vyazma, a Slavic direct vassal of Eilif’s who also controlled Roslavl and lived on Virdyan’s border and fiercely disliked his King, joined the independence faction on 9 December. Another potential troublemaker who may have to be dealt with in due course.
Much better news came on 14 December with the fall of Virdyan’s stronghold of Yaroslavl – yielding an enormous number of prisoners (women and children). Sixteen people, most from Virdyan’s own family, were soon either in prison or under guard in the nursery at Nygarðr!
Kinyak now took charge of this army and, along with Gandalfr, marched towards Galich Mersky to relieve the enemy's siege there. None of his assigned allied contingents (mainly Buðli’s men) had joined up yet, but he would not delay. They could join when ready: he was off to dislodge those interlopers, post-haste.
After a few weeks, Buðli got around to ransoming the first of Virdyan’s captive relatives – in effect, financing the costs of the war through Virdyan’s own treasury. This would continue through to March the next year, by which time Virdyan did not care enough about the remaining prisoners to part with gold for their return.
Three days later, Virdyan’s main army – of which he was now in personal command – was sighted in Cheremisa – suffering heavily from attrition in the nasty winter weather as they marched through Mordvin lands. Most of the group was headed to Nizhny Novgorod, the rest to the south-west. There was no immediate reaction from the Garðarikians, who were still absorbing allied contingents as they marched into the various gathering points.
The next week, to the relief of everyone at court, Eilif had fully recovered from his bout of food poisoning. He had not died doing chamber business after all – and hadn’t “lost face” in the process. Buðli’s regency came to a quiet end.
The year 913 AD finished with news that Jarl Hildur ‘the Fat’ of Austergautland had declared a prepared invasion on King Cerball of Irland.
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January 914
The new year brought with it new promise. The first inkling this year may prove better than the last came with news of a resounding victory in Járnberaland against the peasant rebels.
Next was news on 12 January that his new concubine, Beata, was pregnant ... and that the rebel leader in Sweden was ready to surrender. Haukr’s army with its large component of vassal levies began marching east even before the settlement had been completed. The cowardly rebel leader Þorfinn was in prison by 14 January, with the vassal allies having done the bulk of the legwork. Eilif did not care in the slightest: the two small peasant rebellions were now done and dusted.
The rebellion of Virdyan however was still raging. That same day, Kinyak’s army of about a thousand men attacked 445 Yaroslavian soldiers in Galich Mersky. While to its south, Virdyan’s main force of around 2,200 men was marching through Nizhny Novgorod on their way to Sursdalar. It looked like they were heading towards his capital in an attempt to retake it – and were picking up men along the way now they were back on home territory. And in the south, Sölvi’s detachment had begun chasing the smaller Yaroslavian company in Roslavl, a process that would continue for some weeks as they criss-crossed to and from Smaleskja, Vyazma and Roslavl.
But Eilif’s illness, combined with the trials of the last year and his recent spiritual studies, had left him washed out and unable to fully motivate himself. After barely a month ‘back in harness’, he decided what he really needed was some time away to pray and meditate. He could have ignored the warning signs, but his wife and Seeress Queen Ingrid counselled him to take heed of the Gods when they spoke to him and not risk his long-term health. He went into seclusion and Buðli once again took over as regent.
As it happened, his time living as a hermit in a cave and consuming ‘the sacred roots and bitter juices’ did him some good and lasted less than three weeks. He returned rejuvenated.
Meanwhile, the skirmishing in Galich Mersky had continued since 14 January – but on 29 January the enemy’s central (and only) division broke, Kinyak and Gandalfr pursuing them from the field. Then two days later the siege of Moskva was won, with almost 1,200 defenders dead or surrendered and 114 men left as garrison. Sverker (commanding the main army of over 3,200 men, a majority – well over two-thirds – made up of vassal levies) with Marshal Vihavald immediately started marching his troops via Tver and Uglich to Yaroslavl, where Virdyan was by now approaching from Radstofa, south-east of his occupied capital.
February 914
On 7 February the last Yaroslavian troops fled from the battlefield in Galich Mersky, where 95 had been killed for 35 Garðarikian soldiers slain; the enemy siege was broken. Kinyak then began fording the Volga south to Sursdalar, where 300 enemy soldiers (another of Virdyan’s vassals) were passing through on their way to joining their Jarl in Yaroslavl. Buðli’s levy troops, assigned to support him, were still trailing behind, trying to catch him up.
By 19 February, Virdyan had been back in Yaroslavl for a few days already and had received local levy reinforcements to give him over 2,300 men, while the other contingent of 300 allies was in Radstofa and approaching Yaroslavl. The small Royal garrison (111 men) left in Virdyan’s capital should be able to last about another four weeks – unless they were assaulted first.
Back in Nygarðr, Eilif was given a sudden message that a seat was vacant on the Council.
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March-April 914
The Battle of Yaroslavl began on 1 March 914. It pitted Haukr, supported by Sverker on his right and Vihavald on the left wing, with 3,282 men; against a Yaroslavian army of 2,638 men, personally commanded by the formidable Jarl Virdyan himself. The raw numbers were close enough to cause some worry – battles had been lost before at seemingly better odds – but Haukr (having returned by fast horse relay from Sweden to take command in time for the battle) had the Royal Guard with him, with its hundreds of well-trained Huskarls and pikemen to give him extra melee hitting power. His main weakness was on the right, which was under-manned: the vassal levies had all crowded into the centre, refusing to fight on the flank. The two sides were roughly even in light infantry and archers.
By 16 March, the central and right divisions had clashed in melee – where the Guard should excel. But Virdyan had managed to narrow his front there, putting up a staunch resistance. Sverker’s weak right flank (on the left as you look at it on the map) was badly outnumbered and in danger of breaking. However, Vihavald’s charge was taking a heavy toll on the enemy's right. It was that flank where the Yaroslavians first broke, on 19 March. Instead of pursuing, Vihavald struck Virdyan’s division in the flank – a highly effective manoeuvre.
This caused Virdyan’s tough defence to break on 21 March, Haukr now leading his large central division to hit the almost undamaged enemy left in an attempt to rescue the beleaguered Sverker. It worked quickly, the final enemy resistance ending on 23 March – the retreat and pursuit became general. By the time it ended on 1 April, a tough but convincing victory had been won for Garðariki.
As the battle was fought out in Yaroslavl, Queen Ingrid came to Eilif with some surprising but good news on 18 March.
Eilif was surprised and delighted – they made an offering to Freya in thanks. The year was definitely improving as it went along.
By then Kinyak was in Sursdalar – and with most of Buðli’s levies having caught him up, he had 1,800 troops to hand. More than enough to begin an effective siege of the tribal stronghold.
With Virdyan beaten at Yaroslavl on 1 April and in a panicked rout – but still far from defeated in the overall rebellion – Eilif sent Haukr to Radstofa next, where he would head off a rebel company making for it and perhaps finish a siege there before Virdyan could rally his fleeing army and return. He reached there on 11 April and started his siege-works, with the expert assistance of Sverker to speed things along. Virdyan was in another part of the county fleeing south by then.
It was at this time that news reached Eilif that Virdyan was now (for some reason the Fylkir could not fathom) being styled ‘the Wise.’ Doesn’t look so smart to me, he noted in his private journal. He’ll look even less so rotting in my oubliette when I get a-hold of him!
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May 914
The routine of the siege camp in Radstofa was broken on 5 May with word that a small Yaroslavian company had slipped into Yaroslavl and was attempting to oust the unlucky garrison there. Marshal Vihavald was detached with the Guard and one of Eilif’s own levy companies (around 670 men in total) to deal with the 250 enemy troops reported to be there.
Virdyan managed to rally his troops in Kolomna (south of Moskva) on 9 May and soon started heading over the Oka River to Moskva with around 1,650 men. He would be picking up reinforcements at a rate of about 130 per month as he marched north, due in Moskva on 27 May. Haukr’s siege in Radstofa was progressing well and he saw no need to interrupt it, especially as he had the first contingent (around 720 men) sent back earlier from Finland now just a few provinces away in Torzhok. They would join him before he attacked Virdyan again, making up (in numbers, anyway, if not skill and training) for the Guard units he had sent back to Yaroslavl.
The second battle at Yaroslavl began on 14 May, each side fielding just the one central division. While casualties on both sides remained light in the initial skirmish stage, it was clear Vihavald’s Guardsmen would crush the enemy once they could come to grips in melee. But the action would remain a drawn-out cat-and-mouse struggle for some weeks.
The skirmish in Yaroslavl still dragged on when Haukr won the siege at Radstofa on 26 May and headed south to Pereyeslavl Zalessky, where he would rendezvous with the reinforcing contingent now in Tver. Virdyan had just arrived in Moskva and lay siege to it. While in the south, Sölvi was once again trying to close with the elusive Yaroslavian company of almost 300 men that was back in Roslavl again. Frustratingly [and despite many attempts to cancel the attachment and re-assign them – this has happened before, but this was an extreme example] the large Lithuanian vassal levy that was meant to have joined them had marched all the way over to Bolghar – taking attrition on the way there, as they would on the way back. Kinyak was well advanced in his siege of Sursdalar.
June 914
On 1 June the skirmish in Yaroslavl turned into a melee – and the effect on the enemy was pretty devastating, their morale plummeting. They broke after a few more days, with the pursuit over and victory coming on the 13th: 59 enemy had been killed for only nine Guardsmen lost. The Guard headed back south to rejoin Haukr’s main force, which was by then concentrating in Pereyeslavl Zalessky, just north of Virdyan’s army besieging Moskva.
While that was happening, on 6 June Sölvi finished his river crossing and had finally closed with the enemy in Roslavl, who this time chose to stand and fight, using the major river as a defensive obstacle. Garðariki had 552 men, the Yaroslavians 229. After 18 days of fighting, Sölvi emerged victorious on 24 June, losing only 11 men in killing 66 of the enemy and sending them to flight. He then marched east to Bryansk, which only had a small garrison he would be able to besiege, while he waited for Edla of Lithuania’s levies to join him from their ‘scenic detour’ in the east.
On 21 June, most of Haukr’s reinforcements (except for the Guard, which was still in Yaroslavl) had arrived and, with over 3,000 troops now ready, he marched south to confront Virdyan in Moskva.
As they closed in for the second major battle of the civil war, word came that Barsbek of Chernigov had concluded an alliance with Itil. For however long it lasted, it would prove an added complication for any future plans against him (in addition to Pagan Pact membership). Of interest, his war with Hungary still dragged on – and he seemed to have lost some ground, with it being only marginally in his favour.
As noted above, 24 June had brought victory in the small battle for Roslavl. It also brought the fall of Sursdalar to Kinyak’s siege: he was ordered south-east to his next target in Nizhny Novgorod.
As 29 June dawned in Moskva, warm and balmy, two armies faced each other in open country. Haukr, accompanied again by Sverker and Vihavald and with over 3,000 troops under his banners, confronted Virdyan, with around 1,600 men. The Guard by then was in Radstofa and on a forced march south, in case the fighting wore on and they were needed. Indeed, they would be. The fight proved tougher than the initial odds may have indicated. Once more, Sverker found himself outnumbered, while the other two divisions had the numbers in their favour.
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July 914
By 9 July, Sverker’s flank was failing badly: they were in melee and the enemy had managed to narrow their flank, making it even tougher to hold on. The other two divisions were still skirmishing, but Haukr had the clear advantage over Virdyan’s division in the centre, as did Vihavald on the Garðarikian left. The Guard was now in Pereyeslavl Zalessky and closing on Moskva, while Kinyak had begun his siege of Nizhny Novgorod. The Lithuanian levies were also on their way back from their fruitless trip to Bolghar.
Sverker’s right flank was the first to break in Moskva, on 11 July, initially pursued by the Yaroslavian left wing. By 15 July however, Virdyan’s centre and right divisions routed, while his resilient left wing had again narrowed their flank and looked to take the fight to Vihavald’s division in a fierce melee. Haukr was still pursuing Virdyan from the field in the centre – perhaps hoping to capture the rebellious Jarl and end the war in one fell swoop.
The Yaroslavians were still hanging on doggedly by 20 July, when the Guard arrived to reinforce Haukr’s central division. The next day, they turned to join Vihavald in the vicious hand to hand fighting. This proved to be the turning point, with the last enemy flank breaking on 23 July after a very brave and honourable resistance. The final casualty count in Moskva was known on 31 July: a clear but hard-fought win looked to have broken the back of Virdyan’s revolt, but his demesne was large and he was not yet close to conceding.
While the battle for Moskva was being decided, a young artist made his was to Eilif’s hall in Nygarðr, seeking audience. And to make a proposal.
Part with a few gold for a magnificent portrait of his father and founder of the dynasty, or incur the ill-will of all the members of said dynasty? It was not even a choice.
And on 30 July, the upgraded weaponsmith facilities were completed in Holmgarðr. For now, Eilif would hold back on any more new construction (for prestige or gold) until he was clearer on what may follow the war with Virdyan, which looked like it was well on the way to being won in the field – but would take some time yet to complete.
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August-September 914
Having beaten the forces of Virdyan and his vassals repeatedly in the field, the routine of the war swung more fully to the laborious and time-consuming business of siege. This routine was relieved in mid-August by the birth of yet another child to Eilif – Gorm Rurikid; his seventh child, but his first with Beata.
And while the enemy fled and sieges progressed, the main Lithuanian contingent – marching to join Sölvi in Bryansk – happened upon a rebel company in Kolomna. Their commander Hroðulfr did the right thing and gave battle. By 22 August he was well on top, while the main Swedish contingent had finally made its way to Tver and would soon be able to add its weight to a new siege: it was investing Pereyeslavl Zalessky by 5 September. By which time Hroðulfr had put the enemy to flight in Kolomna.
One of Buðli’s agents at court had an interesting snippet to report on 1 September. Apparently Jarl Rikulfr (Eilif’s Advisor and Physician) harboured an ambition to become King of Sweden! This did not overly concern the Fylkir – Rikulfr was stricken with cancer and, while he seemed to be treating himself quite effectively, was unlikely to live to see his ambition fulfilled, and remained loyal enough for now.
Haukr finished his siege of Mozhaysk – where he had marched after the victory over Virdyan in Moskva at the end of July – on 12 September. He moved next to Kolomna to reduce that stronghold, which he was doing by the end of the month. As he arrived there, Kinyak had finished his work in Nizhny Novgorod and now marched to do the same to Gorodez.
After a range of battles and sieges over the last year, Eilif’s forces stood in a strong position. Sieges continued at Bryansk, Kolomna and Pereyeslavl Zalessky, while Gorodez would soon be added to the list. And wherever Virdyan’s stragglers may turn up again, the Fylkir was confident at least one of his larger forces would be able to deal with him easily enough.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Questions
Ch99 Q1: Rikulfr’s Ambition. Should Eilif be more worried than he seems to be? Rikulfr is his Physician, after all …
Ch99 Q2: General Advice and Suggestions. Noting that the next year or so of the campaign has been fought through and there will be some meaty ‘what next’ questions raised then, as usual any helpful observation, advice, reader questions or general comments are warmly welcomed.
This iconic likeness of the great King Rurik the Just, painted some years after his death (circa 914 AD) hangs today in the Rurikid Dynastic Museum in Old Nygarðr.
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif remains unwell, suffering from cramps which his physician has diagnosed as Camp Fever – but the Fylkir is secretly afraid he will be the next to die ‘attending to chamber business’; revolts in Sweden and Bolghar continue; as do Jarl Virdyan of Yaroslavl’s plotting and provocations; amid all this, an unwell Eilif must decide what direction Garðariki must take next, as he considers the wise advice from the latest Þing.
AuthAAR’s Note: Here is the first instalment on the just-finished (and jam-packed) play session, which was a long one and played through to a logical stopping point. And that will be where most of the questions arising I have will be put. Here we go – plenty happened!
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
October 913
“Sire, the advice from today’s Þing included a suggestion about limiting the ability of your children to arrange their own marriages if they become landed adults,” said Sumarliði Olafrsson, Eilif’s Steward, Lawspeaker and personal scribe.
“Oh yes, and what is that?”
“A legally binding declaration can be made for each child to restrict their marriage options. It means you will have full control over who they marry, even if they are landed. But it must be individually enacted for each child. A small offering to Freya and the flipping of a sacred toggle is all that is required.”
“Excellent! See this is done for all my children and try to remind me to arrange it if any more are born.”
“Of course, sire!” Then, after a firm knock at the door, Marshal Vihavald entered Eilif’s State Chamber. “I will take my leave,” said Sumarliði, then did so promptly.
“Ah, Vihavald,” said a somewhat queasy and rather pale-looking Fylkir. “You have that advice I asked for?”
“Yes, King Eilif,” said the Marshal briskly. He gave the impression he would rather not be providing the requested guidance, but would do his duty as commanded. “We estimate there is slightly better than only one chance in four of successfully arresting Jarl Vihavald, with those men we currently have near him in Yaroslavl. Because it is as a result of him leading a treasonous plot, no one would object if we were successful.”
“And if you take charge of the mission personally?”
“That would improve the chances somewhat, but only to somewhat more than one in three.” [up from 27% to 38% with Vihavald there in person.]
“Proceed there immediately then, Vihavald, by the fastest horses you have. I want this matter resolved – while I still have the strength.”
“Of course, King Eilif.” Vihavald took his leave, a grim expression on his face, to try to arrest the foremost Jarl of the realm – and fellow Suomenusko devotee.
“Oh yes, and what is that?”
“A legally binding declaration can be made for each child to restrict their marriage options. It means you will have full control over who they marry, even if they are landed. But it must be individually enacted for each child. A small offering to Freya and the flipping of a sacred toggle is all that is required.”
“Excellent! See this is done for all my children and try to remind me to arrange it if any more are born.”
“Of course, sire!” Then, after a firm knock at the door, Marshal Vihavald entered Eilif’s State Chamber. “I will take my leave,” said Sumarliði, then did so promptly.
“Ah, Vihavald,” said a somewhat queasy and rather pale-looking Fylkir. “You have that advice I asked for?”
“Yes, King Eilif,” said the Marshal briskly. He gave the impression he would rather not be providing the requested guidance, but would do his duty as commanded. “We estimate there is slightly better than only one chance in four of successfully arresting Jarl Vihavald, with those men we currently have near him in Yaroslavl. Because it is as a result of him leading a treasonous plot, no one would object if we were successful.”
“And if you take charge of the mission personally?”
“That would improve the chances somewhat, but only to somewhat more than one in three.” [up from 27% to 38% with Vihavald there in person.]
“Proceed there immediately then, Vihavald, by the fastest horses you have. I want this matter resolved – while I still have the strength.”
“Of course, King Eilif.” Vihavald took his leave, a grim expression on his face, to try to arrest the foremost Jarl of the realm – and fellow Suomenusko devotee.
He left that night – 9 October 913 AD – and was in position, ostensibly in Yaroslavl to ‘suppress revolts’, by the 14th. But the wily Virdyan evaded capture and soon raised his flag in rebellion. This at least terminated the peasant revolt in Bolghar – and meant Virdyan’s main army had a long march back from the east to his main home territories. During which he was likely to suffer attrition travelling over neutral lands in worsening weather.
Virdyan’s Rebellion – opening dispositions, 15 October 913.
The King's detachments in Sursdalar and Moskva were both too small for a successful siege, while that in Yaroslavl was adequate to the task. The Sursdalar contingent would march to Moskva to get things moving there. Meanwhile, the main fleets were all disbanded, to save money. Any further movement of Eilif’s troops would be by land.
All the vassals were called to arms: those based in Sweden would gather to Haukr, who was in Uppland to deal with the peasant revolt. The rest would be allocated to the Royal Levy armies already deployed in the Jarldom of Yaroslavl.
Eilif’s calls went out on 15 October – most has responded by 22 October. All accepted except for the three who were judged likely to decline; even Jarl Björn of Hälsingland agreed to fight. Virdyan also called his vassals: all but two responded in the affirmative, with Chiefs Erziya of Kostroma and Vechkas of Sursdalar both earning Eilif’s gratitude by declining. Good men, he thought to himself. I must remember that when it comes time to settle things after Virdyan is beaten. He hoped.
By 1 November, the battle lines between the two great forces were drawn. It would be a war where allies played a significant part for both sides; Eilif in particular.
The treason of Virdyan had created a vacancy in the ranks of Eilif’s commanders. The most qualified warrior in the realm available to accept the post was none other than former High Chief of Mordva Kinyak Cheremisid, a political refugee in Eilif’s court these days and a man with many claims to his name (literally). He was given command of the small force in Sursdalar and would play quite an active part in the coming campaign.
And just two days later, Virdyan had a very ‘convenient’ inheritance in the recently unruly Bolghar. Young Chief Kardaz had died ‘under suspicious circumstances’! And Virdyan just happened to be the heir. There was no proof of the culprit, but strong suspicion.
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November 913
Life beyond the borders of Garðariki also went on, of course. On 17 November, the long-running attempt by Ugra to subjugate Noregr was defeated. King Olafr II was finally at peace – which generally pleased Eilif too. He wanted the Germanic realms to be as strong as possible, against all heathens, infidels and heretics.
“There is only a very small chance it may take a turn for the worse, My King,” said Jarl Rikulfr, his Court Physician, reassuringly [a 5% chance only – all I have to do is trust in the RNG. ]
]Naturally, the worst befell and Eilif was soon going from bad to worse. His life hung by a thread. Jarl Buðli was called in to run the realm as the Fylkir writhed in bed, fevered and delirious. The last thing he asked for – possibly a dying wish – was to push through a change to the realm’s laws while he was still alive. Only Buðli was advised this was impossible, due to the current state of civil war.
Worried about the turn Eilif had taken, Jarl Rikulfr presented him with the traditional Physician’s ‘Three Card Trick’. Eilif, in a moment of semi-lucid consciousness, chose the middle card. He was no coward and realised something probably needed to be done, but didn’t want his face carved off to live the rest of his life in a mask. He’d heard the horror stories.
With plenty of vassal levies now gathered around Haukr in Sweden, on 30 November the 700-odd royal levies then in Finland were sent back east to eventually reinforce what would no doubt be an extended campaign against Virdyan and his allies. Haukr himself began marching towards the rebels with three times their numbers.
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December 913
Young Jarl Grimr II of Lithuania had only recently come of age and had not been married. It therefore came as something of a shock when, just the day after his forces were assigned to Sölvi for operations in his demesne, Buðli received the news of his sudden death from pneumonia! With no child of his own to inherit, the title fell to his older sister Edla – Garðariki’s first female Jarl-level ruler and now High Chieftess of Lithuania. And an unconverted heretic of the Old Germanic faith.
And with Eilif incapacitated still, Chief Vladimir of Vyazma, a Slavic direct vassal of Eilif’s who also controlled Roslavl and lived on Virdyan’s border and fiercely disliked his King, joined the independence faction on 9 December. Another potential troublemaker who may have to be dealt with in due course.
Much better news came on 14 December with the fall of Virdyan’s stronghold of Yaroslavl – yielding an enormous number of prisoners (women and children). Sixteen people, most from Virdyan’s own family, were soon either in prison or under guard in the nursery at Nygarðr!
“Well, good luck to him, but I have other things to worry about,” said a healthy but thinner-looking Fylkir Eilif to his Chancellor on hearing the news. “More particularly, how is Haukr doing against that rebel scum in Járnberaland?”
“They closed with them some days ago, I am informed, My King,” said Grimr, before randomly clipping one of his aides over the ear and shouting an incoherent insult at him, then turning back to Eilif calmly, as if nothing had happened. “They have the situation well in hand. The rebels will be feeding the crows soon enough. Hel will indeed welcome their company.” The last was said with a wild and rather disturbing gleam to his eye.
‘Son of Hel’ indeed, thought Eilif to himself, keeping a perfectly straight face. Then aloud: “Excellent news, Grimr. Let me know when the scum are defeated.”
“With pleasure, My King.”
“They closed with them some days ago, I am informed, My King,” said Grimr, before randomly clipping one of his aides over the ear and shouting an incoherent insult at him, then turning back to Eilif calmly, as if nothing had happened. “They have the situation well in hand. The rebels will be feeding the crows soon enough. Hel will indeed welcome their company.” The last was said with a wild and rather disturbing gleam to his eye.
‘Son of Hel’ indeed, thought Eilif to himself, keeping a perfectly straight face. Then aloud: “Excellent news, Grimr. Let me know when the scum are defeated.”
“With pleasure, My King.”
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January 914
The new year brought with it new promise. The first inkling this year may prove better than the last came with news of a resounding victory in Járnberaland against the peasant rebels.
But Eilif’s illness, combined with the trials of the last year and his recent spiritual studies, had left him washed out and unable to fully motivate himself. After barely a month ‘back in harness’, he decided what he really needed was some time away to pray and meditate. He could have ignored the warning signs, but his wife and Seeress Queen Ingrid counselled him to take heed of the Gods when they spoke to him and not risk his long-term health. He went into seclusion and Buðli once again took over as regent.
Meanwhile, the skirmishing in Galich Mersky had continued since 14 January – but on 29 January the enemy’s central (and only) division broke, Kinyak and Gandalfr pursuing them from the field. Then two days later the siege of Moskva was won, with almost 1,200 defenders dead or surrendered and 114 men left as garrison. Sverker (commanding the main army of over 3,200 men, a majority – well over two-thirds – made up of vassal levies) with Marshal Vihavald immediately started marching his troops via Tver and Uglich to Yaroslavl, where Virdyan was by now approaching from Radstofa, south-east of his occupied capital.
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February 914
On 7 February the last Yaroslavian troops fled from the battlefield in Galich Mersky, where 95 had been killed for 35 Garðarikian soldiers slain; the enemy siege was broken. Kinyak then began fording the Volga south to Sursdalar, where 300 enemy soldiers (another of Virdyan’s vassals) were passing through on their way to joining their Jarl in Yaroslavl. Buðli’s levy troops, assigned to support him, were still trailing behind, trying to catch him up.
By 19 February, Virdyan had been back in Yaroslavl for a few days already and had received local levy reinforcements to give him over 2,300 men, while the other contingent of 300 allies was in Radstofa and approaching Yaroslavl. The small Royal garrison (111 men) left in Virdyan’s capital should be able to last about another four weeks – unless they were assaulted first.
Back in Nygarðr, Eilif was given a sudden message that a seat was vacant on the Council.
“No one has died that I’ve been advised about – what is going on? Whose position is vacant?”
“It is Spymaster Tihomir, My King,” said Sumarliði, after one of Tihomir’s operatives had entered the State Chamber and whispered something in his ear. “He apparently collapsed whilst at his work in Constantinople and lies comatose and incapable. It is not expected that he will recover to fulfil his duties again.”
“I see – that is a pity. I had no time for the man himself, I’m afraid, but he was one of those rare things: a useful and reasonably loyal Slovensky!” Sumarliði handed him a list of possible replacements from within the realm.
“Well,” continued the Fylkir, working through the list. “Vladimir is part of the independence faction, and a barely loyal Slav, even if he is a capable schemer. Hakon has potential, though is a glory hound. But my nephew Jarl Buðli – he is capable enough and completely loyal. And I did feel bad removing him from the Council previously. Being possessed by demons is no disqualification for the role. But it can be a dangerous job – can we keep him safe enough, as heir to the realm?”
“We have had our spymasters report safely from Constantinople since the founding of the realm, My King,” the Steward observed. “And of the roles available to a Spymaster, there is only a small chance of discovery in this one. Similar to a sabotage mission but more useful to us. Whereas scheming or building a spy network have an increased chance of the incumbent getting attacked by a Brute Squad.”
“Inform Buðli he is restored to Council as our new Spymaster and he should begin packing for Constantinople. Perhaps he’ll be safer there than in this nest of vipers, plotters, infidels and heretics.
“It is Spymaster Tihomir, My King,” said Sumarliði, after one of Tihomir’s operatives had entered the State Chamber and whispered something in his ear. “He apparently collapsed whilst at his work in Constantinople and lies comatose and incapable. It is not expected that he will recover to fulfil his duties again.”
“I see – that is a pity. I had no time for the man himself, I’m afraid, but he was one of those rare things: a useful and reasonably loyal Slovensky!” Sumarliði handed him a list of possible replacements from within the realm.
“Well,” continued the Fylkir, working through the list. “Vladimir is part of the independence faction, and a barely loyal Slav, even if he is a capable schemer. Hakon has potential, though is a glory hound. But my nephew Jarl Buðli – he is capable enough and completely loyal. And I did feel bad removing him from the Council previously. Being possessed by demons is no disqualification for the role. But it can be a dangerous job – can we keep him safe enough, as heir to the realm?”
“We have had our spymasters report safely from Constantinople since the founding of the realm, My King,” the Steward observed. “And of the roles available to a Spymaster, there is only a small chance of discovery in this one. Similar to a sabotage mission but more useful to us. Whereas scheming or building a spy network have an increased chance of the incumbent getting attacked by a Brute Squad.”
“Inform Buðli he is restored to Council as our new Spymaster and he should begin packing for Constantinople. Perhaps he’ll be safer there than in this nest of vipers, plotters, infidels and heretics.
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March-April 914
The Battle of Yaroslavl began on 1 March 914. It pitted Haukr, supported by Sverker on his right and Vihavald on the left wing, with 3,282 men; against a Yaroslavian army of 2,638 men, personally commanded by the formidable Jarl Virdyan himself. The raw numbers were close enough to cause some worry – battles had been lost before at seemingly better odds – but Haukr (having returned by fast horse relay from Sweden to take command in time for the battle) had the Royal Guard with him, with its hundreds of well-trained Huskarls and pikemen to give him extra melee hitting power. His main weakness was on the right, which was under-manned: the vassal levies had all crowded into the centre, refusing to fight on the flank. The two sides were roughly even in light infantry and archers.
By 16 March, the central and right divisions had clashed in melee – where the Guard should excel. But Virdyan had managed to narrow his front there, putting up a staunch resistance. Sverker’s weak right flank (on the left as you look at it on the map) was badly outnumbered and in danger of breaking. However, Vihavald’s charge was taking a heavy toll on the enemy's right. It was that flank where the Yaroslavians first broke, on 19 March. Instead of pursuing, Vihavald struck Virdyan’s division in the flank – a highly effective manoeuvre.
This caused Virdyan’s tough defence to break on 21 March, Haukr now leading his large central division to hit the almost undamaged enemy left in an attempt to rescue the beleaguered Sverker. It worked quickly, the final enemy resistance ending on 23 March – the retreat and pursuit became general. By the time it ended on 1 April, a tough but convincing victory had been won for Garðariki.
“Husband, that retreat to consult with the Gods must have done wonders. I didn’t want to say anything until I was sure: I am with child!”
Eilif was surprised and delighted – they made an offering to Freya in thanks. The year was definitely improving as it went along.
By then Kinyak was in Sursdalar – and with most of Buðli’s levies having caught him up, he had 1,800 troops to hand. More than enough to begin an effective siege of the tribal stronghold.
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With Virdyan beaten at Yaroslavl on 1 April and in a panicked rout – but still far from defeated in the overall rebellion – Eilif sent Haukr to Radstofa next, where he would head off a rebel company making for it and perhaps finish a siege there before Virdyan could rally his fleeing army and return. He reached there on 11 April and started his siege-works, with the expert assistance of Sverker to speed things along. Virdyan was in another part of the county fleeing south by then.
It was at this time that news reached Eilif that Virdyan was now (for some reason the Fylkir could not fathom) being styled ‘the Wise.’ Doesn’t look so smart to me, he noted in his private journal. He’ll look even less so rotting in my oubliette when I get a-hold of him!
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May 914
The routine of the siege camp in Radstofa was broken on 5 May with word that a small Yaroslavian company had slipped into Yaroslavl and was attempting to oust the unlucky garrison there. Marshal Vihavald was detached with the Guard and one of Eilif’s own levy companies (around 670 men in total) to deal with the 250 enemy troops reported to be there.
Virdyan managed to rally his troops in Kolomna (south of Moskva) on 9 May and soon started heading over the Oka River to Moskva with around 1,650 men. He would be picking up reinforcements at a rate of about 130 per month as he marched north, due in Moskva on 27 May. Haukr’s siege in Radstofa was progressing well and he saw no need to interrupt it, especially as he had the first contingent (around 720 men) sent back earlier from Finland now just a few provinces away in Torzhok. They would join him before he attacked Virdyan again, making up (in numbers, anyway, if not skill and training) for the Guard units he had sent back to Yaroslavl.
The second battle at Yaroslavl began on 14 May, each side fielding just the one central division. While casualties on both sides remained light in the initial skirmish stage, it was clear Vihavald’s Guardsmen would crush the enemy once they could come to grips in melee. But the action would remain a drawn-out cat-and-mouse struggle for some weeks.
The skirmish in Yaroslavl still dragged on when Haukr won the siege at Radstofa on 26 May and headed south to Pereyeslavl Zalessky, where he would rendezvous with the reinforcing contingent now in Tver. Virdyan had just arrived in Moskva and lay siege to it. While in the south, Sölvi was once again trying to close with the elusive Yaroslavian company of almost 300 men that was back in Roslavl again. Frustratingly [and despite many attempts to cancel the attachment and re-assign them – this has happened before, but this was an extreme example] the large Lithuanian vassal levy that was meant to have joined them had marched all the way over to Bolghar – taking attrition on the way there, as they would on the way back. Kinyak was well advanced in his siege of Sursdalar.
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June 914
On 1 June the skirmish in Yaroslavl turned into a melee – and the effect on the enemy was pretty devastating, their morale plummeting. They broke after a few more days, with the pursuit over and victory coming on the 13th: 59 enemy had been killed for only nine Guardsmen lost. The Guard headed back south to rejoin Haukr’s main force, which was by then concentrating in Pereyeslavl Zalessky, just north of Virdyan’s army besieging Moskva.
While that was happening, on 6 June Sölvi finished his river crossing and had finally closed with the enemy in Roslavl, who this time chose to stand and fight, using the major river as a defensive obstacle. Garðariki had 552 men, the Yaroslavians 229. After 18 days of fighting, Sölvi emerged victorious on 24 June, losing only 11 men in killing 66 of the enemy and sending them to flight. He then marched east to Bryansk, which only had a small garrison he would be able to besiege, while he waited for Edla of Lithuania’s levies to join him from their ‘scenic detour’ in the east.
On 21 June, most of Haukr’s reinforcements (except for the Guard, which was still in Yaroslavl) had arrived and, with over 3,000 troops now ready, he marched south to confront Virdyan in Moskva.
As they closed in for the second major battle of the civil war, word came that Barsbek of Chernigov had concluded an alliance with Itil. For however long it lasted, it would prove an added complication for any future plans against him (in addition to Pagan Pact membership). Of interest, his war with Hungary still dragged on – and he seemed to have lost some ground, with it being only marginally in his favour.
As 29 June dawned in Moskva, warm and balmy, two armies faced each other in open country. Haukr, accompanied again by Sverker and Vihavald and with over 3,000 troops under his banners, confronted Virdyan, with around 1,600 men. The Guard by then was in Radstofa and on a forced march south, in case the fighting wore on and they were needed. Indeed, they would be. The fight proved tougher than the initial odds may have indicated. Once more, Sverker found himself outnumbered, while the other two divisions had the numbers in their favour.
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July 914
By 9 July, Sverker’s flank was failing badly: they were in melee and the enemy had managed to narrow their flank, making it even tougher to hold on. The other two divisions were still skirmishing, but Haukr had the clear advantage over Virdyan’s division in the centre, as did Vihavald on the Garðarikian left. The Guard was now in Pereyeslavl Zalessky and closing on Moskva, while Kinyak had begun his siege of Nizhny Novgorod. The Lithuanian levies were also on their way back from their fruitless trip to Bolghar.
The Yaroslavians were still hanging on doggedly by 20 July, when the Guard arrived to reinforce Haukr’s central division. The next day, they turned to join Vihavald in the vicious hand to hand fighting. This proved to be the turning point, with the last enemy flank breaking on 23 July after a very brave and honourable resistance. The final casualty count in Moskva was known on 31 July: a clear but hard-fought win looked to have broken the back of Virdyan’s revolt, but his demesne was large and he was not yet close to conceding.
“Paint on, good man, even if you are too young to recall my father’s face in life. I am sure your work will last down through the centuries. Sumarliði, give him the coin at once!”
And on 30 July, the upgraded weaponsmith facilities were completed in Holmgarðr. For now, Eilif would hold back on any more new construction (for prestige or gold) until he was clearer on what may follow the war with Virdyan, which looked like it was well on the way to being won in the field – but would take some time yet to complete.
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August-September 914
Having beaten the forces of Virdyan and his vassals repeatedly in the field, the routine of the war swung more fully to the laborious and time-consuming business of siege. This routine was relieved in mid-August by the birth of yet another child to Eilif – Gorm Rurikid; his seventh child, but his first with Beata.
Ch99 Q1: Rikulfr’s Ambition. Should Eilif be more worried than he seems to be? Rikulfr is his Physician, after all …
Haukr finished his siege of Mozhaysk – where he had marched after the victory over Virdyan in Moskva at the end of July – on 12 September. He moved next to Kolomna to reduce that stronghold, which he was doing by the end of the month. As he arrived there, Kinyak had finished his work in Nizhny Novgorod and now marched to do the same to Gorodez.
After a range of battles and sieges over the last year, Eilif’s forces stood in a strong position. Sieges continued at Bryansk, Kolomna and Pereyeslavl Zalessky, while Gorodez would soon be added to the list. And wherever Virdyan’s stragglers may turn up again, the Fylkir was confident at least one of his larger forces would be able to deal with him easily enough.
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Questions
Ch99 Q1: Rikulfr’s Ambition. Should Eilif be more worried than he seems to be? Rikulfr is his Physician, after all …
Ch99 Q2: General Advice and Suggestions. Noting that the next year or so of the campaign has been fought through and there will be some meaty ‘what next’ questions raised then, as usual any helpful observation, advice, reader questions or general comments are warmly welcomed.
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This humor never fails to chuckle me
Phew, I was worried it was typho or something
At least we can marry her to a good reformed Norse guy, right?
Much celebrating the recovery from illness, I say
He's definitely not firing any blanks!
I hope after this Hungarian war he takes a few duchy or two from the Polish so we can take them all in one war.
I don't think so, but if he has the cancer and might be on his way to the other world you can already search for a replacement and call to your court just to keep him ready
Going strong, keep it up
Looking forward to the second part of this installment!
Keep picking the safe bet options for treatments and he should be ok. Or at least, the physician wont kill him. Given his age and hidden health mod, he could be fine or completely past it and just waiting for death.
Eilif shouldn't eat anything coming from these unbelievers. Surely they are the cause for his food poisoning! Virdyan after all has all but proven how far he is willing to go for his plans - plans which are crumbling to dust along with his army.
I've got a theory as to how Virdyan managed to pick up his epithet - he truly showed that he's blessed with plenty of wisdom and creativity judging from his different addresses to the Fylkir.
With the few men Hildur has found for his invasion, he'll be back quickly. Might as well not have bothered. Or was it Hildur's involvement in Eilif's wars which left him in such a weakened state? Then he is to be commended for putting the Fylkirate first.
Edla as new Chieftess can only cause trouble. On a positive note though, if she's the only unreformed Germanic vassal, Eilif can revoke her titles without any objections, so that means even more titles to redistribute to his loyal followers.
Speaking of which, if you desire to reward the two vassals of Virdyan who haven't joined the rebellion, you should first revoke two duchies (which you can for him being a traitor), grant them to the two, demand their conversion and only after they agreed (they need +35 opinion for that, or you'd be better off not granting them the duchies) go on a revoking spree with the remaining Suomenuskos.
I've got a theory as to how Virdyan managed to pick up his epithet - he truly showed that he's blessed with plenty of wisdom and creativity judging from his different addresses to the Fylkir
.With the few men Hildur has found for his invasion, he'll be back quickly. Might as well not have bothered. Or was it Hildur's involvement in Eilif's wars which left him in such a weakened state? Then he is to be commended for putting the Fylkirate first.
Edla as new Chieftess can only cause trouble. On a positive note though, if she's the only unreformed Germanic vassal, Eilif can revoke her titles without any objections, so that means even more titles to redistribute to his loyal followers.
Speaking of which, if you desire to reward the two vassals of Virdyan who haven't joined the rebellion, you should first revoke two duchies (which you can for him being a traitor), grant them to the two, demand their conversion and only after they agreed (they need +35 opinion for that, or you'd be better off not granting them the duchies) go on a revoking spree with the remaining Suomenuskos.
Nah. Rikulfr may just be more likely to expand within the kingdom's de jure borders, but Eilif shouldn't worry about him any more than his other vassals.
