The Iron Khan – 1369-1388
The Khazars were among the most consequential people of the Medieval Middle East. In the early twelfth century the Turkic Jewish nation had migrated from their homeland north of the Caspian, outcompeted by fiercer Cuman rivals, to the Sea’s southern shore – settling in a crescent of territory from Tabriz and Baku in the west to Tabaristan in the east. Their invasion brought the Seljuk empire to the verge of collapse – seeing it withdraw from Syria and Mesopotamia and in doing so facilitate the rebirth of Assyria. Ultimately, however, the Turks recovered and eventually reconquered the short-lived Khazar Khanate. Nonetheless, while their polity did not survive, their demographic reconfiguration of northern Persia changed the region permanently.
Under Seljuk rule, the Turks looked to the northern Khazar lands as their most reliable military mustering grounds – allowing a Khazar warrior caste influence right across the Iranian world. It is notable that during this period Khazar society divided, with the western lands around Baku and Tabriz remaining bastions of Judaism, while the tribes in Tabaristan and especially Gilan drifted towards the Sunni Islam of their Turkish masters. After the collapse of the Seljuk empire in the aftermath of the Black Plague, Khazars eagerly joined the squabbling factions fighting for supremacy across Iran – serving every manner of warlord, Emir and Satarap yet failing to join together to create an independent homeland of their own.
The Khazar role in post-Seljuk Persia was disrupted by the Mongols’ brutal conquest of the Caucuses in the mid-fourteenth century. Following the sacred will of their high god Tengri, the Mongols inflicted a systematic slaughter in their conquest of Azerbaijan – massacring the population of Baku and ejecting Khazars from many of the prime grazing sites in the area. The Mongols’ actions drove tens of thousands of Jewish Khazars to flee eastward into Tabaristan, where they fought with and put to the sword many of their ethnic kin who had converted to Islam, and in doing so abandoned the way of the Torah. These Jewish Zealots would continue their conquests far beyond Tabaristan, invading Khorosan and expanding their reach as far north as the rich trading city of Khiva. This was the Zandid empire, the greatest Jewish Kingdom since the fall of the Temple.
While the Zandids were an imposing power in their own right, history would remember them more for the enemies they made than their own feats. One of these was a young Sunni Muslim Khazar named Timur. Hailing from Tabaristan, he had seen his family slaughtered as a teenage boy and fled south, into Persia to escape the Jewish horde. There, he fought as a bandit and mercenary at the services of the feuding fiefs of the region. In 1362 he seized control of the city of Rayy for himself and soon became a beacon for the Sunni faithful throughout Iran. By the fourteenth century Sunni Islam was in a sorry state. Most of the Middle East had fallen to the Christians – from Egypt to the Levant and Mesopotamia. In Persia, the Jewish Zandids ran rampant while Zoroastrianism was still widespread and a powerful political force. More concerning, a heretical Islamic movement known as Zikrism had swept through the country – upturning the authority of the Sunni elite and capturing the hearts of millions. Timur presented himself as the restorer of Islam and Iranian civilisation and the liberator of the Muslim Khazars.
In 1362 he invaded the Zandid empire, triggering a mass revolt of the Muslims of Tabaristan against Jewish rule. The next six years were consumed by an existential struggle. At his lowest point, Timur fled into the desert with a few dozen retainers – surviving for days in the scorching sun, with little water and being forced to drink the blood of their horses to survive before being rescued by a friendly caravan of Turks. Yet, once he had gained the upper hand, Timur showed no mercy – massacring entire Jewish tribes, and targetting cities for complete destruction if they refused to turn themselves over to him. By 1368, the Zandids were no more and Persia had a new power.
The Jewish Khanate was only the beginning. From the dawn of the 1370s, Timur embarked on a blistering set of expeditions across Persia – south towards the Isfahan, Shiraz and the Gulf, west to liberate Mongol-ruled Baku and north into central Asia. During this orgy of expansion, the Iron Khan marched against the Assyrian exclave in Tabriz in 1376. The region, although largely populated by Khazars, Persians and Kurds, was dominated by a Cuman warrior class and been the centre of their powerbase in Assyria for decades. As the Timurids entered the territory, the Cuman Khan sent a plea for aid to Nineveh. However, at the time King Niv III was focussed on affairs in the Levant. Indeed, with much of his court was inherently suspicious of the Cumans, and there were those in the capital who believed the loss of Tabriz would strengthen rather than weaken the realm by reducing their influence. With no aid forthcoming, the Cumans of Tabriz duly abandoned their loyalties to Assyria, and accepted Timur as their master.
While the mid-fourteenth century saw the reunification of Persia under Timurid leadership, the Byzantines similarly moved beyond a long period of internal division and conflict. The unending religious struggle between the Paulician reformers and the traditionalists of Old Orthodoxy was finally ended by emperor Leo IX. A Paulician, he not only crushed his internal enemies but for the first time in generations extended Byzantium’s borders outwards. In the north he destroyed the Bulgarian Khanate, that had united Cuman dominions on the Danube and in Anatolia, extending the northern frontier beyond even the great river itself, while also waging successful campaigns in southern Italy – a region that had been slowly slipping out of the Greek world.
Not all were satisfied with this restoration. In Byzantine Syria, ironically one of the greatest hotbeds of popular Paulicianism but one in which the nobility were implacably hostile to the new religious regime, the general Michael Kantakouzenos rebelled and took most of the province with him in 1375. It was this crisis that absorbed Assyrian attention while Timur’s armies swept through Persia and seized Tabriz. In the following years, the Assyrians, eager to further cement their domination of the Levant, acted as fierce guardians of Kantakouzenos against Constantinople’s desires to restore its control – ultimately absorbing his domains into the Kingdom of Syria in 1380 in exchange for wealth, religious guarantees and influence in the north western portion of the Assyrian realm.
By the late fourteenth century, the culture of the heartland of the Assyrian realm in Mesopotamia was in the midst of drastic transformation around three key features: the expansion of the use of the Syriac language, an even broader growth in the Church of the East and finally, and most interestingly, the emergence of a shared cultural identity across the diverse peoples of the region that appealed beyond language, ethnicity and sect.
First among these factions, onward march of the ethno-linguistic core of the empire – the Assyrians. When Saint Ta’mhas established the embers of an Assyrian state, his people were a small minority in Mesopotamia, and an even more marginal force across the wider Middle East. Yet in the following centuries, the revival of their culture and status of Syriac as the prestige language of a mighty Kingdom led to a complete reversal of hundreds of years of Arabisation. By the late fourteenth century, Assyrian was the majority language and ethnic identity of the peoples of northern Mesopotamia from Palmyra and Edessa in the west to Irbil in the east. Its influence had extended southwards as well. Indeed, Syriac had overtaken Arabic as the most spoken language in Baghdad – albeit with the city remaining polyglot den of a dozen major languages at least. Further south, Arabic had remained dominant, although the minority Syraic speaking-community had grown. In the more recently acquired, and legally distinct, Levantine Kingdoms of Syria and Philistia, Syriac was a notably weaker force – with scarcely any cultural imprint in the Holy Land, but a rather strong influence in Syria, particularly in the major cities.
The second string to the land’s cultural transformation was religion. In the western territories, the Church of the East had made a weaker imprint. In Syria, the areas east of the Euphrates had been heavily Assyrianised, bringing with it a strong Nestorian character while the Church had also had some success in the area around Damascus. Yet it remained a more marginal force – far outweighed by the power of Catholicism in Philistia and the strength of a scattering of other, mostly Greek-rite, Christian denominations in Syria. The situation was very different in Mesopotamia. There, the Church was assuming an increasingly dominant, and unifying, position. The growing Assyrian-speaking communities were naturally solidly Nestorian, yet the Church had achieved great success in expanding its appeal beyond its ethnic core. From the thirteenth century Basra had emerged as the heart of an Arabic Nestorian tradition, distinct from the Syriac-speaking core to the north that helped to drive the Church’s missionary efforts yet further. Similarly, the Kurds had been drawn towards the Church in very large numbers – with only those tribes who lived closer to the Zagros Mountain range maintaining their Islamic roots. By the 1380s, Islam – divided between sizeable Shia, Sunni and Zikri communities within Mesopotamia – was a fading force, attracting a majority of the population only in a band of territory between Baghdad and Basra.
Building upon the foundations of the growing prestige and weight of Syriac culture and Nestorian religion, a blended culture was emerging in Mesopotamia that unified Assyrians, Arabs and Jews into the core of a Mesopotamian identity.
Away from the sphere of culture, to the relief of the Middle Eastern world, the rapacious conqueror Timur turned his gaze away from the Near East following the consolidation of his power in Persia in the 1360s and 1370s. Instead, he moved east – extending his power over Afghanistan and then into the teeming lands of northern India. His victories had done much to reinvigorate the Sunni world, and solidify the authority of the Sulayman Sunni Caliph in Mecca – whose empire was spread across Arabia, Oman and Upper Egypt. As the 1380s worse on, the Caliph became consumed with the dream of using the Khazar warlord’s military power to smash down the Christian empires of the Middle East and restore Islam’s supremacy over the old lands of the Rashidun Caliphs. Coaxing Timur to move away from his warring in the rich lands of India, the Caliph formed a pact with him to join together in a holy Jihad to destroy the Assyrian empire. In 1388, Assyria found itself caught in a Jihadi pincer between Timur in the east and the Muslim Arabs in the south that threatened its very existence.