EOWR8
Rebellion Breaks Out
For all that Romanos I of Lithuania had been a mediocre ruler before and after his dramatic change of heart in the Year of Our Lord 936, the principles of politics before the development of a mature bureaucracy weren't that hard even for him to master.
It had to be simple, if simply for the fact many, if not most, of its participants were illiterate: expand the power of the ruling family, the ruler first, then especially the power of the designated successor. This overall principle, which would last for some three thousand years, would enter an even more bloody phase at different times in different regions, which would last around four to five hundred years.
Though this particular phase of politics was on the decline in 10th century China, it was unfortunately now in full swing in Lithuania - the phase where the delicate balance between nobles and the king could violently swing one way or the other, due to the development of rudimentary bureaucracy. Nobles could gain power to stay the hand of the king - but they must be part of his court and government to access that power. Royal power can make and break any noble house - but it needs the assent and cooperation of the nobles as a whole.
At this phase, the ruler has, to use very broad strokes, two choices: expand the power of all adult males of the ruling family, and bear with the bloody internecine struggles that result from multiple sons contesting the succession; or to limit the power of the ruling family to avoid the tragedy of fathers and sons and brothers killing each other and end up with the whole family getting executed by a successful usurper.
Now, one may ask: Why not empower only the crown prince? If none of his brothers believe they could stand to inherit by the sheer power he wields, wouldn't all this trouble be solved?
Why yes, it would. A little extra trouble being the old king would be solved alongside as a problem.
So true to the tides of the age he brought about, Romanos made landed lords out of all his sons, his brother, his brother-nephew, and an extra pair of nephews. With this move, his house had unchallenged power throughout Lithuania. But to maintain power, he needed to move more pieces.
On his deathbed, he designated his brother Gimbutas as the primary regent for his young son, hoping his brother would last just long enough for his son to grow up. The regent was over 50 years old now, and as an active combatant, there was always a risk of him dying untimely.
(The unlanded son of Gimbutas stands to inherit his counties in the duchy of Lithuania. I was a good uncle as Romanos.)
Next, with his eldest daughter married to the Basilius of the Roman Empire, the house of Romanos had one trump card even if internecine struggles spiral out of control and the house finds itself greatly weakened: the alliance of the most powerful Orthodox ruler in the world.
Finally, Romanos let the richest man in his realm tutor his son. Grand Mayor Mantvydas was honored by the suggestion, and the question whether he was aware he was another piece played by Romanos to maintain a delicate balance of power within his realm ... did not really cross the old and ailing king's mind.
Naturally, like any system of power which hinges on the stability of personal relationships, the entire tapestry weaved by Romanos was first unknit by a minor event.
Little Kestutis raised a stick to beat his tutor, since as a child, he has no concept of "should"s and "should not"s, such as "you should not beat up your tutor with a stick". A man who flew to the top of newborn Lithuanian feudal society with few setbacks after the process was said and done - and none before that - the Grand Mayor did not take the child-king's insult lightly. The resulting altercation blossomed into a full-blown rivalry between man and boy, vassal and liege.
Which soon blossomed into an act with further consequences. For all his posturing, High Chief Piotr of Pruthenia, not of the house of Romanos, simply did not have the power to take on a united Lithuania even if her king was still a child. Now, lucky circumstances ruptured the delicate balance of power, which was Romanos' legacy, and had pushed the richest man in the realm into his embrace, a fact which greatly bolstered his power, and he did not hesitate to make use of it.
Of course, the king's remaining regents were still very confident in their ability to put down a rebellion joined only by Pruthenia and Gotland. Despite Princess Pajauta being married to the most powerful ruler in the Christian world, that power was allied to Vilnius, which meant funnily the claimant having her claim pushed was actually allied to the defending title-holder.
And thus war began, unfortunately - perhaps, fortunately - the first of many challenges that would cross Kestutis' life.
Not too long after the outbreak of the civil war, foreign news coursed into Vilnius as it was something that aught be celebrated across Christendom - the Umayyad infidels that pushed into Aquitaine had been overwhelmed by Papist forces, the flower of them all being King Eadred of England. The gains he made in this land were given to a Liudolfinger, which meant the royal house of Germany now enveloped the kingdom of France from the east and south.
The problem was all that had little to do with Lithuania.
Another threat looms on the horizon, breathing down the neck of the king's new regency council: a High Chief from among Lithuania's hated Norse foes. The sooner they could wrap up this rebellion and rebuild, the better their chances of defeating the monstrous host Norse war-summons could build up. The news coming from up north was almost as troubling as those coming from the west, where the royal host was clashing with the rebels.
Now, "new regency council", you said. Why would the boy king Kestutis need a new regency council, when they already had the old, diplomatic, reliable Gimbutas at their helm. Surely he could knit together the vassals still loyal to Vilnius, as the temporary nexus of royal power Romanos hoped he could be, as the leading member of House Palemonos alive? Surely he would remain the bedrock of the balance of power set up by the late King of Lithuania?
Would he?
NO