Can't wait to see the war between the two alien powers. Wonder how it will be covered on Earth and Germany.
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Ah, I see a "furthermore I believe the Ring should be destroyed" attitude developing.
That was some lucky terraforming on Albion! And colonization of Xu Nur is going to be an interesting nut to crack, given its qualities
That was some lucky terraforming on Albion! And colonization of Xu Nur is going to be an interesting nut to crack, given its qualities
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Just finished reading the last post. I liked this a lot, especially the different perspectives.
Seeing as the last post was >2 months ago, is there any hope this will continue?
Seeing as the last post was >2 months ago, is there any hope this will continue?
Apologies for the radio silence. Much of my energy lately has gone into job hunting, so there hasn't been much to spare for writing.
I am working on the next update, with the first draft nearing completion. But I can't say exactly when it will be ready.
I am working on the next update, with the first draft nearing completion. But I can't say exactly when it will be ready.
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Making quality chapters like yours is no easy task, especially with a busy life. We can wait.
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Interlude: Comrades Across the Stars
Interlude: Comrades Across the Stars
February 2160 - Hanoi - Central Committee of the Federation
There was an excited buzz as people filed into the conference room and found their seats. Lê Phạm Thu Thủy couldn’t help but smile. It was rare for good news to come out of the Confederacy, much less truly inspiring news. Sure, the situation wasn’t ideal, and there was little they could do to aid, but it had given the cause a much-needed shot in the arm.
People had celebrated in the streets when the news arrived, the parades in Hanoi and Bangkok had been especially impressive. But it was the reports from abroad that got to Thủy. Fellow travellers in Berlin, Paris, Moscow, Ottawa and more, all carrying red flags in the streets, right in the belly of the beast. The reactionaries in the Confederacy were outraged, but that just warmed her heart that much more.
As most got settled and the idle conversation died down, Traikun Damrongsak closed the door and took up position next to the screen on the far wall. He looked at Thủy.
“Comrade Chairwoman, with your permission, I would like to start the presentation.”
Thủy glanced around the room and, with the exception of Commissioner Khay who was busy pouring a cup of coffee, everyone was looking at her expectantly.
“Go ahead, Comrade Traik.”
Traik sent his presentation to the screen. “I will be covering the aliens closest to us first. I know everyone wants to discuss the Qvefoz but I suspect they would eat all our time if I started there.”
“Traik, my dear comrade, I’m impressed. You’re the first who’s managed to pronounce the name of the species even halfway decent,” Khay said as he poured milk into his coffee. The foreign affairs commissioner's comment got a few polite chuckles.
Traik gave the professional smile of someone who’d dealt with Khay for a long time. “Thank you, Comrade Commissioner. I spent a great deal of time practising that particular tongue twister.”
He shifted before anyone could interrupt him again. “Starting closest to us, counter-spinwards, we have the Aifu Remnant.”
The screen showed a shrivelled up… thing, in some sort of stasis tank. The image quality was quite poor, Thủy suspected the Confederacy had gotten the image through less than honest means, but it was clear the thing was never going to win any galactic beauty contests.
“That’s putting it mildly,” Commissioner for the Army Saom said. “A group of Lilarobius sent a dispatch to Chancellor Dudás, urging her to mobilise the navy and neutralise them. And these were respected members of the Ring Garden, not your average neo-Lavis xenophobe.”
“The local garrison arrested those representatives for violating the Ring Accords,” Traik said. “But yes, I undersold the reaction on the Ring. There have been Ringwide protests, as well as outbreaks of panic among the general population. According to those present on the ground, it hasn’t been this bad since the war.
Confederate assets on the Ring were able to consult the local archives,” Traik continued. “It seems the Aifu were the one that almost destroyed the Ring, back during the previous cycle.”
“I guess that makes a fair bit of sense,” Commissioner for Education Nguyễn said. “Imagine how we would react if the Germans showed up with a carrier on our doorstep.”
“I would like to see them try.”
Traik ignored Commissioner Saom’s comment and tactfully moved on. “However, it seems the Lilarobius inflicted some sort of… counterstrike… on the Aifu during the war. From what we can tell, their immune system is non-existent, forcing them to live in carefully controlled environments aboard space stations. The Ring archives are very sparse on details. We suspect the Lavis Republic, or some predecessor government, destroyed those records.”
“A genocidal government being cagey about its past… Colour me surprised.” Thủy motioned for Traik to continue. “But I understand that the Aifu have found new enemies.”
“That is correct, Comrade Chairwoman.” Traik pressed a button and a new slide appeared.
“Comrades, the Sildor Blessed Union.” Traik gave the image a moment to settle in. “From what we can gather, and to be clear, we do not know a whole lot, the Sildor state and the chief Sildor church are one and the same. We know very little about their doctrine, but from what little we can gather, they seem to have a dominionist or integralist view towards the galaxy.”
“Which the Aifu are feeling right now,” Saom said.
“Are we sure it was the Sildor who started the war?” Khay asked.
“Quite sure,” Traik said. “When asked, they were quite proud of it, calling it a holy crusade to liberate the galaxy.”
“It’s just another imperialist land grab,” Thủy said. “They can wrap it up in as much pretty rhetoric as they want, it doesn’t change facts.”
There were murmurs of agreement from around the table, but nobody followed up on what Thủy had said. Then again, she’d just stated the obvious.
“Any thoughts on their, ahem… appearance?” Nguyễn asked.
“None I can make a definitive statement on, Comrade Commissioner. There are a million different theories, ranging from convergent evolution to displaced Humans. Or maybe we are displaced Sildor. There is no way to tell without sequencing their DNA. If they even have DNA.”
“That’s enough about the Aifu and the Sildor. Get us to the main event, Traik.”
“Of course. I will quickly run through the states involved before getting into the details.”
“We know very little about the Connisthian Hegemony beyond the fact that they seem to value martial ability above all else. From what little they have told us, every Connisthian is a warrior first and foremost.” Traik didn’t wait for questions before moving to the next slide.
Traik's voice was dripping with sarcasm, and several people around the table scoffed.
"Moral? Is that what capitalist war of aggression is called these days?" Nguyễn said.
Traik brought out the next slide, showing a bipedal, fox-like creature. "The Shipping Alliance is quite insistent that the war is not one of conquest, but a war of liberation. In said 'liberated' areas, they've been setting up local councils to administrate the area."
"Puppet governments, nothing more, nothing less," Thủy said.
"Quite so," Traik said. "The Fevarian of the Citizen Confederation of Adanir are on the backfoot, but they seem to be fighting hard. And from what they and others have told us, they are willing to pay a fierce price for freedom.”
A new slide appeared, showing a windswept, dead world. Or so it seemed. Set deep into a far cliffside were rectangular structures, clearly not natural. The next slide appeared, showing a zoomed-in view. It was clearly some sort of bunker or fortification had been built into the cliff.
“The Fevarians discovered nuclear weapons around the same time as Humanity. However, while Humanity used nuclear weapons to settle the issue of unrestrained capitalism versus socialism–” there were a few grumblings at Traik’s choice of words, “–the Fevarians were socially around the French Revolution, still debating the divine right of kings. That particular argument ended in nuclear fire. The Citizen Confederation of Adanir is what emerged from the bunkers.”
“A Robespierre with nuclear weapons,” Commissioner Saom said. “I’m not sure if I should be impressed or terrified.”
“Definitely terrified,” Nguyễn muttered.
“The Adarni’s contact with the Confederacy has so far been rocky, mostly thanks to their antipathy towards the monarchs of the German Kaiserreich and the Chinese Empire. Apparently, there was an Adanir comment about converting the late Kaiser’s tomb into a urinal.” There was a round of laughter around the table. That particular comment hadn’t reached the public.
Traik continued like nothing had happened, but there was the tiniest hint of a smirk on his face. “The Confederacy has decided that the Canadians, Russians and other republican governments will handle negotiations with the Adarni. Which leaves us…”
The main event appeared on screen. “The Qvefoz of the Byrrieck People’s Union is last on our list. And probably not a surprise to anyone in this room.”
That was the understatement of the year. The Byrrieck's existence had done more for the cause than dozens of recessions, global exploitation and millions living on the edge of poverty. Suddenly socialism was no longer something limited to a small country in South East Asia. Suddenly people were… inspired.
“We are again working off very limited information. Much of this comes either from the Byrrieck themselves or their neighbours. This makes the information hard to independently verify. But… from what we’ve been told, one of the major nations on the Qvefoz homeworld had the workers seize control of the government. For us, this would have been somewhere around 1991. This galvanised the working class in other nations. Over the next four years, dozens more revolutions would break out.
There were holdouts, with the last non-socialist state falling four decades later, unable to meet capitalism’s need for infinite growth. But with that obstacle gone, the Byrrieck were able to create a free and just society. From what we can tell they discovered the hyperlanes around the same time as us. Given time, they encountered other nations. Antiquated nations.”
“While the conflict in the galactic north is primarily between the Citizen Confederation of Adanir and the Vetyr Shipping Alliance, they are not the only participants,” Khay said. “The Connisthians are fighting alongside the Shipping Alliance, while the Byrrieck had some sort of defensive agreement with the Adanir. Though, it is not clear what the Connisthians are getting from this.”
“They might have joined just for the sake of fighting,” Nguyễn said. There were some murmurs of agreement. Thủy had to agree that the idea had some merit. But that would have to wait until later.
“With that settled, it is time we discuss our next course of action.”
“Our next course of action, Comrade Chairwoman?” Nguyễn asked.
“Correct. I did not call you all here merely to discuss the aliens’ existence, useful as that may have been.” The meeting room was quiet now, all eyes on her. “Last night, the Chinese ambassador reached out to us on behalf of the Confederacy. The Byrrieck People’s Union have a message for us.”
“For us?” Saom asked.
“Yes, us. The Politburo of the Indochinese Federation.” She stood up. Despite being a head shorter than most of the men in the room, she could still tower when she needed to. “Traik, play the video.”
The room was silent as he brought up the video. Only Commissioner of Foreign Affairs Khay had known this was coming.
The video flickered onto the screen. The visual quality was terrible, a side effect of the limited bandwidth of interstellar communication, but a birdlike creature stood in front of an unknown flag. The audio was slightly better, but overlaid with the robotic Vietnamese of the automatic translation.
“Comrades of the Indochinese Federation,” the Qvefoz said. “We bring you greetings from the Byrrieck People’s Union. I am Speaker Vertchi Zerozo, appointed by the People’s Council to speak on their’s and the People’s behalf. It is an honour to be able to speak to you, and personally, it fills me with joy to find comrades so far from home.”
The room was as quiet as could be. Thủy glanced around. Everyone but Khay was staring at the screen with laser focus. She was sure she and Khay had shown similar focus when Ambassador Shí had presented the video to them.
“As we understand it, your revolutionary struggle is still ongoing. That is unfortunate, but not unexpected. Tyranny and reaction still grip the galaxy. Our own struggle has entered a new phase, with direct confrontation against the most perverse form of capitalism yet seen. We will not falter, but we ask for aid.
Not material aid, mind you. We are at opposite ends of the galaxy. Anything you could send us would arrive years too late No, what we ask for is that you lend your voice to the People.
This conflict, as well as the fanatical Sildor’s imperialist war, has convinced the reactionaries that there is a need for a structured approach to galactic diplomacy. While their motivations are base, their cause is not. The Byrrieck People’s Union will join this galactic council, and use it to champion the People’s cause, no matter their species, or what star burns in their sky.
The Human Confederation of Sol has also announced its intention to join, but as we understand it, the Indochinese Federation has refused representation in the Confederacy. We understand your hesitation. Our dealings with the Confederacy so far have left us wanting. But we urge you to reconsider.
You are among the few who can freely speak up for the People. Across the galaxy, the proletariat toils in bondage while their masters grow fat from their labour. Help us show them that there is another way. A better way. And let us show the masters that they will not stand unopposed.”
Speaker Zerozo stopped speaking for a moment. Thủy had no knowledge of Qvefoz body language, but even she could see that they were collecting themselves.
“The Byrrieck People’s Union will continue the struggle no matter what. We hope that we will not stand alone. May your talons grasp the stars, and your wings shield the People. On behalf of the People’s Council and the People, goodbye.”
The screen went dark. The low hum of the ventilation fan sounded like a helicopter taking off.
“We have to help them. We have to join,” Nguyễn said, still staring at the blank screen.
“And throw our lot in with the Chinese? The Germans?” Saom said.
“Will you throw away your damn pride for a moment? I’m not saying we should let them base their carriers in our ports!”
The Commissioner for the Army ground his teeth while staring daggers at Nguyễn. But despite his outburst, there had been few nods in agreement. That was good news.
“What did we actually gain by refusing to join the Confederacy?” Thủy asked, once again towering despite her height. “A moral victory. Moral victories are important, sure, but those alone will not free the galaxy. You know what’s out there; autocracies, slavers, genocidal fascists and corpo states. Who will stand against them? The Germans, who are busy cosying up to the WBTA? The Russians and the Chinese, who only fought the Lavis Republic when attacked? The Canadians, whose pride means they’re one election away from sliding back into neo-monarchism and fascism?
I say: let it be us who stand against the horrors the galaxy has to offer. I say: let us join the Confederacy, and use their shipyards to build a People’s Navy. And when the time comes, let us spread the teachings of Marx and Engels to the stars.”
The ventilation fan once again sounded like a helicopter. Khay poured another cup of coffee.
“I say we join, if only so that I can annoy Foreign Minister Bergmann in committee meetings.”
That earned him a few chuckles and Thủy smiled. She had them. There would be meetings, debates, all the usual procedural stuff, but in the end, the Indochinese Federation would join the Confederacy. They would make their voice heard. And with hard work and a little bit of luck, the reactionaries would fall.
She sank back into her chair as the debate spread across the table. In the future, some history book would probably say that she’d argued her case and changed the course of the Federation. But in all honesty, Speaker Zerozo had done most of the work for her. She hoped she would get a chance to thank them.
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Interesting galaxy you have there, where even the pacifists delight in waging war amongst themselves. In other news, I see a new red scare coming...
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This is one of my favorite AARs right now, because of how a typical Stellaris game is melded with a post-Kaiserreich Earth still divided into nation-states.
I know it's not the main focus of the AAR, but is there a map of what the nations of Earth look like in 2160, or even just a description of the geopolitical situation on Earth?
In the latest part, I'm guessing that's a unified (and socialist) Indochina? There weren't just Vietnamese names but even Thai names, indicating that syndicalist Indochina must have defeated Siam somehow (don't see that very often considering how strong Siam is in KR) or else peacefully merged with them.
I have lots more to comment on the previous parts, but I'll write them up later.
I know it's not the main focus of the AAR, but is there a map of what the nations of Earth look like in 2160, or even just a description of the geopolitical situation on Earth?
In the latest part, I'm guessing that's a unified (and socialist) Indochina? There weren't just Vietnamese names but even Thai names, indicating that syndicalist Indochina must have defeated Siam somehow (don't see that very often considering how strong Siam is in KR) or else peacefully merged with them.
I have lots more to comment on the previous parts, but I'll write them up later.
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This is one of my favorite AARs right now, because of how a typical Stellaris game is melded with a post-Kaiserreich Earth still divided into nation-states.
I know it's not the main focus of the AAR, but is there a map of what the nations of Earth look like in 2160, or even just a description of the geopolitical situation on Earth?
In the latest part, I'm guessing that's a unified (and socialist) Indochina? There weren't just Vietnamese names but even Thai names, indicating that syndicalist Indochina must have defeated Siam somehow (don't see that very often considering how strong Siam is in KR) or else peacefully merged with them.
I have lots more to comment on the previous parts, but I'll write them up later.
Thank you, I’m glad you like it.
I’ve avoided making any sort of map of Earth as the fuzzy margins gives me a lot of creative freedom when I need it. And creating a map would require me drawing borders in places like the Balkans, and nobody should be forced to do that
I decided to do a broad writeup of the situation on Earth, but thanks to me being unable to do anything halfway, it's taking longer than I'd hoped. I'll post it when it's ready.
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Thank you for your work and great installments! Very excited for the next one as always!
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It's interesting to see this sort of internal diplomacy going on. One imagines that a weaker Earth could be carved up into spheres of influence but things certainly don't seem so dire at this moment
Thanks. It's wild it's been two whole years. Wilder still that I've only covered some 60 odd years
Still working on the geopolitical situation @Black Watch asked about. It sort of... grew, and is now 15 pages long. It should be ready Soon™.
(Never leave me in charge of a creative project. I will feature creep it in a way that will make Star Citizen seem reasonable)
Still working on the geopolitical situation @Black Watch asked about. It sort of... grew, and is now 15 pages long. It should be ready Soon™.
(Never leave me in charge of a creative project. I will feature creep it in a way that will make Star Citizen seem reasonable)
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Addendum: Earth in the Early Space Age
Addendum: Earth in the Early Space Age
The First Weltkrieg has been described as the most monumental event in modern history. Its effects and consequences can still be felt centuries after the fact and many historians (especially European historians) group history into pre- and post-Weltkrieg eras.
There is some debate as to whether the First Lavis War has begun a new era in Human history, or if it is merely a brief anomaly. Only time will tell. Though understanding the post-Weltkrieg world is key to understanding the Great Powers and their motivations as they reach for the stars.
A note on terminology: a non-aligned nation is typically seen as one where there is no permanent Great Power military presence in the country. A non-aligned country can lean towards one or more Great Powers without being considered in that nation’s sphere of influence. However, there are enough exceptions and special circumstances that this is not a hard and fast rule.
Most Western European countries fall firmly aligned with Germany. Spain and Portugal are both constitutional monarchies that, while they didn’t participate in the war against the Syndicalists, were manufacturing weapons for Germany and providing intelligence on French activities. After the war, they would align with Germany, mostly for economic benefits.
Both nations have been remarkably stable since the conclusion of the Second Weltkrieg. Outside of a wave of student protests in the 1960s that prompted democratic reforms, the nations have suffered no major unrest. The population has high trust in the political leadership, and the leadership in turn takes this trust seriously.
This is in stark contrast to France, which is generally seen as the black sheep of Europe, and regarded as prone to radicalism and extremism. The dissolution of the German-installed monarchy and the establishment of the Fourth Republic was a peaceful and orderly affair. The establishment of the Second Directorate was anything but. A group of far-right army officers, disgruntled at what they viewed as weak civilian leadership and high on stories about France under Emperor Napoleon, seized control of the government. As the French military had grown into an advanced and significant force, the coup makers figured they could negotiate with Germany. They were wrong.
Anti-Directory protests often turned violent, usually due to the Directory deliberately escalating the situation. After it became clear that Germany would not negotiate, these protests became a big problem as the troops needed to suppress them were required elsewhere.
Germany and its allies would conduct a fierce air war before sending troops across the French border. The whole affair lasted nine weeks, leading to the alternate name of the “Nine Week Directorate”. The Fifth Republic was established in the aftermath, with significant restraints on the French military. Some of these restraints have been rescinded since then, and France has once again a capable military. However, they struggle with recruiting and public support. Most French citizens would rather advance French interests through peaceful means.
To the north, the Union of Britain was divided into its constituent parts following its surrender, with German-leaning nobility being installed in England and Scotland, which remain to this day, while Wales was made into an independent republic. Michael Collins would continue to hold dictatorial power in Ireland for another two decades after the war. But with the Union defeated and the Exiles in Canada being an ocean away, there were increasing calls for reform. The ageing Collins decided this was as good a time as any to retire, and free elections were held.
Today the British Isles have some of the closest cooperation in Europe, with the free flow of goods and people happening long before that became the norm in Europe. The English has mostly been saddled with the blame of both the crimes of the Union as well as the British Empire before it. This occasionally leads to bitter disagreements, as the English feel like a scapegoat. But otherwise, the islands are peaceful.
The Nordic Union consists of the Kingdoms of Norway, Sweden and Finland. The Union was initially formed as a defensive agreement after the Union of Britain’s invasion of Denmark. The UoB had hoped to open a new front against Germany. This attempt failed, and German troops expelled the invaders in a matter of months. However, the German troops didn’t leave, remaining to garrison the country in order to prevent a new invasion. When the war was over, Denmark was firmly inside the German sphere.
The Nordic Union maintained a state of armed neutrality for years, before joining the St. Petersburg - Beijing pact (later known as the Eurasian Defence Agreement) after long negotiations. The ports of Norway would then house the growing Russian navy, which would prove a constant annoyance to the Kaiserliche Marine.
The Murmansk-class missile cruiser Arkhangelsk departs Haakonsvern naval base in Norway. Easy access to the North Sea was a major victory for the Russian navy. While the Russian navy would never become large enough to directly challenge Germany for naval supremacy in the region, the Russians often found themselves “getting in the way” during German naval exercises.
Iceland, which had gained independence following the invasion of Denmark, would remain largely non-aligned. The island’s strategic position made it important to Canada, Germany and Russia, causing all sides to court the young republic. Following the Syndicalist War, Iceland mostly drifted towards Canada on account of old ties to Britain. These would last until the July Coup and the establishment of the Canadian Republic. At this point Iceland drifted towards the Nordic Union, and thus Russia.
During the Cod Wars, a fishing dispute between Iceland and Scotland, Scottish warships were sent to waters Iceland claimed as their own. This was to “protect” Scottish trawlers in the area from inspection. The conflict escalated over a period of several months, leading to several trawlers being rammed by the modest Icelandic navy. Then, only days after the Scottish Prime Minister authorised the Royal Scottish Navy to “use as much force as it deems necessary”, the Scottish trawlers pulled back to international waters. Years later it was revealed that the Icelandic President had informed Berlin that Iceland was “prepared to enter talks with Russia” if its maritime borders were not respected.
In the end, there would not be any talks with Russia, however, the Russian and Nordic embassies were dramatically expanded and several unofficial listening stations would appear on the island.
In Eastern Europe, the borders remain largely as they were following the Weltkrieg. Efforts to Germanify the region were largely unsuccessful, with Germany easing off its efforts following the Latvian War. However, pockets of ethnic Germans can still be found across the region.
The nations of Eastern Europe exist in a strange geopolitical situation. Most of the countries are closely tied to the German block economically, but few have a permanent military presence, and most nations are under German military protection, but not formally allied with Germany. This is largely a political concession. Germany, in the face of increasing resistance to its military presence following the Second Weltkrieg, chose to abandon military control in favour of maintaining some degree of diplomatic control. The politicians in the region, especially those of Poland and Ukraine, have ruthlessly exploited this; “aligning” themselves towards Russia in order to extract various benefits and favours from Germany.
The one exception to this is Belarus. During the Second Weltkrieg, Belarussian nationalists seized control of the apparatus of state. At this point, Germany was locked in an existential struggle against France and Britain and lacked both the will and manpower to deal with the situation, and instead hoped to intervene after the war. The coup-makers, however, were not content to sit and wait to see if Germany came knocking. Determined to strengthen their nation, they began a vicious hunt for “traitors” and “fifth columnists”. As people fled Belarus, many of the refugees ended up in Moscow and St. Petersburg where they told horror stories to eager journalists. At this point, Russia was still fighting the Empire of Japan. However, as Russian troops pushed into Korea, it was clear that, barring any invasion of the home islands, the fighting in the East was winding down. As such, Russia possessed the troops needed to intervene. The war did not last long, and Belarus spent a few years under Russian occupation before becoming an “independent” client state.
Today, Belarus is a free state, though firmly aligned with Russia. The nation serves as a crossroads of sorts between the Russian and German spheres, and many a spy thriller has been set in Minsk.
The United States of Greater Austria, more commonly known by its nickname, the Danubian Federation, stands out in the German sphere as one of Germany’s near-equals. Austria borders on Great Power status, but its limited geopolitical ambitions mean it is instead considered a regional power. Most of Austria’s foreign policy efforts are spent in the Balkans, trying to maintain order. The results have been mixed. Serbia especially remains a thorny subject.
Propaganda poster promoting Austro-Hungarian unity. The poster has taken on an ironic tone in the Federation, as the poster was widely distributed just months before the civil war broke out. Reinterpretations of the poster is common in the Danubian art scene and frequently finds its way into political cartoons.
(Art by Kaisercat)
Serbia opportunistically declared war on Austria during the civil war, hoping to gain land its leaders considered rightfully Serbian. It badly miscalculated the Austrian military, and by the end of the civil war, was fully occupied by Austrian troops. But when Austrians, Hungarians, Czechs, Poles and other people of the former Austria-Hungary met to negotiate the formation of a new, equal state, the Serbs were left outside. To this day, Serbia is equally split between those who think they would have been better off inside the federation and those who favour independence. However, the Serbs’ opinion does not matter, as the Danubians do not want them.
Africa is often broadly divided into two distinct parts, those that are part of the Central African Federation, and those that used to be a part of the French colonial empire.
Despite the CAF’s rather violent birth, it has largely flourished. While some, mostly European, say that it is thanks to German investment, most Africans reject this view, saying that they have succeeded despite the Germans. Following the end of the African War, many European companies sought to outsource manufacturing to areas with lower costs. The Federation was an easy choice for those companies operating inside the German economic sphere. Over time, large swatches of the federation were industrialised, often with large human and environmental costs. While the scars of colonialism are still clear to see, many colonised people around the world see the Federation as a symbol of being able to rise above that past.
Today, the CAF stands equal with most of Europe when it comes to the standard of living, but the leaders of the Federation often find it difficult to be treated as equals when it comes to geopolitics.
The French Empire’s grip on its African colonies became a vice following the death of the Commune of France. The Metropole was under the rule of a German monarch, which was anathema to Napoléon VI and his ministers. In an attempt to deal with internal instability, the government would crack down on “agitators”. This led to further instability, which led to further crackdowns.
The spiral continued for years, leading to several bush wars across the region. At times regional commanders would coup the local government, ruling “in the Emperor’s name”. The collapse was slow at first, but accelerated with terrifying speed. In 1963, the Emperor boarded a plane to Bérn, before travelling on to Ottawa. Despite claims of “Algérie française” and “Je retournerai”, he would never again set foot on African or French soil, instead dying in exile in Mexico.
Napoleon IV leaving Algeria. The Emperor doggedly insisted that the trip was a temporary exile, and claimed that he would return with Canadian support. Many of those who remained behind believed him.
In the power vacuum that remained, dozens of nations would spring up. Some were dictatorships based around local strongmen. Others were attempts at democratic republics. There were even a few religious theocracies and socialist communes, though the latter would be undermined by Great Power covert operations. The one thing all had in common was that they were poor and underdeveloped. These regions would have the lowest life-expectancy on Earth until the nuclear exchange between Brazil and Argentina.
The sharp difference in living standards is sometimes a subject of debate. In certain Western circles, the Central African Federation’s success is sometimes presented as proof of Germany’s “benevolent colonisation”, typically contrasted with French colonisation. This view is rejected in most postcolonial studies, as well as by most Africans. They maintain that the CAF succeeded in spite of Germany, not because of it.
The Indian subcontinent, like much of the former British Empire, went through a tumultuous period following the First Weltkrieg. While British loyalists were able to maintain at least partial control in the south, a coalition of princes would break away in the northwest, while syndicalists would seize control of the east. All three parties would maintain claims that they were the true Indian state, but all parties lacked the means to make these claims true. These groups maintained an uneasy balance of power for years, only occasionally broken by undeclared border skirmishes. All the parties were waiting for the big one; the war that would settle the fate of India once and for all.
It began shortly after the Commune of France surged across the German border. In those early days, with French and British success in Europe and imminent socialist victory in the American Civil War, it seemed as if the time of the world revolution had arrived. Eager to do their part, the Bharatiya Commune declared war on the Dominion of India. The plan was to knock out the Dominion fast, before Canadian reinforcements could arrive and deal with the Princely States later. At first, this seemed to work, but only because the Princely States were biding their time. They waited, and watched. Keeping a keen eye on the syndicalist supply situation, they waited until the Commune’s supply lines were stretched to the breaking point.
The States’ attack on the Commune came as a massive shock, but was ultimately a strategic failure. The Princes had hoped to utterly collapse their enemy’s supply network. However, they had gained enough ground and maintained enough momentum to tip the conflict in their favour.
The fighting on the subcontinent was some of the worst for the entire Weltkrieg, with only the conflict between the Chinese and Japanese coming close to the amount of casualties. Massive formations of mostly rifle-equipped infantry would face each other with minimal support and often for minimal gains. But slowly, the syndicalists were pushed back.
Soldiers loyal to the Princely States preparing to assault Commune positions. For much of the war, all sides in the conflict lacked the industry needed to create advanced weapons on the scale needed. As such, Human Wave tactics became prevalent across the subcontinent.
When victory had been achieved, the Princes turned their attention south, towards the Dominion. By this point, it was clear that Entente support would not be coming. Canada was busy fighting an existential fight with the Americans, while the French Empire was dealing with the aftermath of the failed Côte d'Azur landings. The Dominion stood alone.
The fighting between the Princely States and the Dominion was as hard as that against the Commune. But through a gradual, attritional war, the Princely States pushed south and in early 1947, the Princes declared victory and a united India, ruled by Indians, was proclaimed.
At first there was a great deal of optimism, both from inside India and the international community. This new, united India was strong enough to defend its interests, and the industrial sector was large enough to become a significant player in the world’s economy. It was also hoped that there could be some reform to the autocratic system, which had been justified as a wartime necessity.
This optimism would be short-lived. It took only a few years before the Princes began turning on each other. Disputes about who was entitled to which pieces of wartime spoils were the first issue to emerge. Then old grudges between neighbours began to bubble to the surface, igniting ethnic and religious tensions. Many princes were all too happy to fan these flames if they thought it would give them some sort of advantage.
The first crack became apparent with the Kerala Uprising in 1956. While the rebellion was quickly put down, the idea of Indian unity was beginning to tarnish. Over the next couple of decades, low-level fighting would be a contestant on the subcontinent. From time to time, this smouldering conflict would explode into a full-on rebellion or miniature civil war. At these times the princes were forced to act. A few would try to reform the system into something more sustainable, but strong personal interests ensured they always failed.
The Kerala Uprising was a reaction to several prominent firms being “redistributed” from pro-British businessmen to “loyal Indians”, most of them prominent allies of various Princes. The uprising was the first clear indication that the Princes were unable to create a united Indian identity.
The exact start date of the Indian Civil War is disputed. Most scholars put it somewhere between 1994 and 1997, with some going as far back as 1989. The war was simultaneously a war of independence, an uprising against perceived (and real) abuses of power and a popular revolt against the Princes. All the Great Powers would be involved to some extent, backing the parties that aligned with their goals by giving equipment and training. By this point, the dream of a united India was shattered, and all parties were just scrambling to gain their share.
A peace agreement would be signed in 2003, formally recognising 18 new states in the region, with a handful more breaking away in the decades that followed. However, this agreement would not bring lasting peace to the region, as India became home to numerous Great Power proxy wars. Locals and human rights activists bemoaned the situation, calling the subcontinent “the world’s largest weapons testing range”.
While the Great Power games in the region have died down following the expansion into space, local rivalries still thrive, and it is not uncommon for tensions to flare up into violence. While the Great Powers try to stop, or at least mitigate these conflicts, there is a limit to what they can or want to do. And with Humanity looking more to the stars, less attention falls on the Indian subcontinent.
South East Asia contains a geopolitical anomaly: the only extant socialist state, the Indochinese Federation. Born in a revolt against the German colonial administration, few expected it to last long. But with German troops needed in Europe to deal with the rising threat of France, the local garrison soon found itself overwhelmed. Even then, most expected the Indochinese Union to be the next member of the Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere. However, the Japanese opportunistic (and ill-advised) invasion of Siberia gave the Union a second reprieve.
The revolutionary government took this chance and embarked on a program of “Self-Strengthening”, preparing for the inevitable invasion. But by the time the dust of the Second Weltkrieg finally settled, there had not been one. The Great Powers were busy dealing with their gains (or in Canada’s case, losses), and there was little public support for a war in a faraway jungle. So the Union was left alone. For a time.
By 1969, the nearby Kingdom of Siam was at a crossroads. Rama VIII, while popular among the people, was not seen as a strong leader. Following the end of the Second Weltkrieg, Siam had slipped into the “Silent War”, a vicious political chess game playing in the halls of power. Various factions within the government constantly competed against one another, deposing this Prime Minister and replacing them with one of their choice. In all such cases, the new Prime Minister would receive the monarch’s blessing.
This constant cloak and dagger continued as the standard of living among the common folk gradually declined. Unrest grew. The then-current Prime Minister, Thanom Kittikachorn and his cabinet concluded this unrest was due to socialist agitation by the Indochinese Union. Reasoning that an external enemy would unite the people, On Kittikachorn request, King Rama VIII declared war on the Union during a speech in 1969. The invasion soon followed.
At first, the war went well, with Siamese troops landing in the south. But the results of the Union’s Self-Strengthening was soon revealed. The initial invasion soon found itself bogged down thanks to guerilla strikes against Siamese supply lines. When the Siamese soldiers were reduced to rationing their ammunition, the regular Indochinese military would pound them relentlessly. The Union would then begin a slow overland campaign, with brutal jungle fighting.
The initial Siamese attack relied on speed and manoeuvre to seize key locations. To that end, extensive use of helicopters was used to ferry troops into position. The doctrine was loosely based on the German Schwerpunktprinzip. However, while the German military prized logistics, the Siamese military treated the subject as an afterthought, with Kittikachorn describing the subject as “record keeping for clerks and mathematicians”.
With the Siamese on the backfoot, the gravity of Kittikachorn’s mistake became clear. Over the years, corruption had been allowed to fester, and the government soon realised that many of the modern weapon systems purchased from the Germans only existed on paper. Slowly, Union troops closed on Bangkok.
Germany, frustrated at the Siamese and dealing with escalating conflicts in Africa, was initially unwilling to help. However, when it became clear that Siam would fall, the Reichstag approved sending equipment to aid in the war effort. But even as equipment was being loaded onto ships, the Chinese government protested. Hoping to expand its sphere of influence, the Chinese government told Kittikachorn that if he rejected the Germans, and instead accepted Chinese aid, they would supply troops as well. The ensuing backroom politicking would consume valuable time, and ultimately proved fatal.
As Indochinese troops closed in on Bangkok, more and more young boys were called to the front, and more and more of them would return maimed or in boxes. The unrest from before the war had only intensified, and a group of young, underground Siamese socialists, inspired by the Union’s victory, decided to take matters into their own hands.
In the dead of night, a group of 200 fighters attacked both the Prime Minister’s mansion and the royal palace. After some brief fighting, the revolutionaries were able to seize control of both the royal family and the government. Kittikachorn and his cabinet were taken outside and executed before the sun rose, but Rama VIII and his family were spared.
When the morning came, the Siamese people woke to find they had a new government. Given the King’s “blessing”, this revolutionary council would abolish the monarchy, declare the Commune of Thailand and call for a ceasefire with the Indochinese Union, all within the first day.
There were scattered attempts by local army commanders to resist, but with Union troops already controlling much of the country, these attempts were not long-lived. The Great Powers, taken as much by surprise as anyone else, scrambled to find a response. Germany was already too committed in Africa to muster anything more than a token force, while China had not been prepared to fight both nations at once. When the Commune of Thailand threatened to use the considerable navy it had inherited from Siam to disrupt global shipping lanes, both Great Powers backed down.
Following the war, the Commune of Thailand would join forces with its former enemy, forming the Indochinese Federation. The Federation is made up of four constituent communes that handle local affairs. It rejects Totalism and runs a democratic system based around trade unions. The Federation also rejects using violence to spread socialism, relying instead on peaceful agitation and education. The results have been limited, but the policy has helped foreign intervention away.
At the end of the Second Weltkrieg, Korea found itself trading one overlord for another. The Japanese had ruled the peninsula with an iron fist since the end of the Korean Empire. The oppression had only intensified as Russian and Chinese troops pushed the Japanese towards the sea. So when the Chinese installed Yi Un as a puppet king and let the Koreans largely govern themselves, it was seen as a marked improvement.
Yi Un in Japanese military dress. Yi’s accent to the throne was an unlikely one. After years of service in the Japanese military, he was captured by Chinese troops as they liberated Korea. Most, including Yi himself, expected that he would be shot as a collaborator. However, Beijing believed that a reborn Korean state needed the legitimacy Yi could bring.
However, Yi was never popular with the people, largely thanks to his association with the Japanese military. His health was also rather poor, spending much of the 1960s in and out of hospital. By the time he finally passed in 1970, the public support for the monarchy was minimal. This, combined with reforms inside China, meant that the monarchy would not survive. The Republic of Korea was proclaimed on the 2nd of May, 1970, one day after Yi’s death.
Korean industry grew rapidly following the war, specialising much more in high-tech manufacturing compared to its northern neighbour. Over time, Korean electronics manufacturing would even challenge German products. But electronics was not the only industry that Korea would dominate.
Following the expulsion of the Japanese there was a flood of Korean books, plays, films and songs appearing all over the nation. The Japanese had suppressed any expression of Korean national identity for decades and with them finally gone many Koreans poured their energy into the arts, eager to express what it meant to be Korean. Over time, Korean films would appear in Chinese cinemas, and as Russia pivoted East they would also find their way into the Russian sphere.
However, it would largely remain in the Sino-Russian sphere until the early nineties. At this point, improving relations between Denmark and the Nordic Federation led to an increase in trade and tourism across the Kattegat. Some of these Danish tourists would bring Korean manhwa and aeni back with them. From there they would spread like wildfire through the underground comics scene.
The contrast between Korean and European comics was often quite stark. While the initial international spread of manhwa was limited to Europe, it soon caught on across the Atlantic as well.
It didn’t take long before these comics spread beyond the underground scene and began edging their way into the mainstream. Comics in the German sphere had for decades been dominated by the bandes dessinées style. While popular, it was largely seen as safe. Korean manhwa’s, on the other hand, often had explicit depictions of sex and violence. Media watchdogs were quick to warn of the danger these comics posed, which only fuelled their popularity.
By the early 2000s Manwha and aeni had fully entered the mainstream. From there it was comparatively easy for Korean pop music and dramas to follow. Today Korean media can be found throughout Human space (and in some cases outside of it), and Busan is mentioned in the same breath as Babelsberg and Hollywood.
The Philippines gained their independence as the United States of America collapsed into civil war. Following a brief but doomed insurrection by syndicalists, the young republic was able to establish a nascent democracy.
However, much like the Indochinese Union, this young and untested nation would soon find itself the target of Japanese imperial ambition. Unlikely to be able to fight off the Japanese conventionally, Philippine politicians were divided on the issue of resistance or joining the Japanese “willingly”.
Fortunately for them, they never had to answer this question, as Japan would challenge Russia and China and in the process lose their empire. After the war, the Philippines would find itself being courted by German, Chinese and Canadian interests. Unwilling to align itself with any single Great Power, the country would become a nexus of various covert action. Manilla would at times be called the “Minsk of the East”, and the locals would often joke that the capital’s population was at least 15% spies.
This would come to a rapid end with the fall of Siam. Filipino politicians were shocked at the speed and efficiency of the coup and worried about what would happen should Hanoi decide to spread socialism by force. Key to the coup’s success had been the Siamese government’s unclear alignment towards one Great Power or the other. So, reluctantly, Manilla decided to pick the devil that they knew. Today, the Philippines is home to both Chinese and Russian bases.
Australasia followed Canada into the Second Weltkrieg, adopting many of the same authoritarian, anti-syndicalist measures. However, unlike Edward VIII’s reign, Eric Campbell was not as fatally undermined by the Entente’s failures during the war. This can largely be attributed to the Australasian homelands being untouched by the war. The Australasian troops sent to Canada had, at least according to propaganda, fought well against the Americans, suffering comparatively few losses. In reality, most of the troops had been relegated to rear-guard duty. The soldiers had trained for combat in tropical climates and were not prepared for fighting in the Canadian winter.
Following the war, Campbell would further entrench his position by extensive usage of the secret police, as well as propaganda. A new enemy was created in the rising influence of China, and Campbell would position himself as the “King’s Shield in the East”, and Australasia was promoted as a “white haven, beset on all sides by barbarity”.
Australasian propaganda posters commonly found in the years following the war. While the majority focused on the imagined threat of China, long-standing anti-German public sentiment was another useful tool.
Campbell’s rule would last for decades, but the end came swiftly. When Edward VIII died, and the July Coup ousted the Canadian monarchy, Australasia suddenly found itself alone. Campbell had increasingly been seen as weak due to his fervent support of the monarchy, and now his last shreds of legitimacy crumbled. James Saleam challenged him for control, and Campbell, who was slowly dying from undisclosed cancer, stepped down, letting Saleam establish the Australasian Republic.
Over time, many commentators would compare the nation to Japan. But while Japan had a steady stream of people fleeing across the Tsushima strait, such occurrences were much rarer coming from Australasia, with the Australasian navy spending most of its time patrolling to prevent just such occurrences. The few times people made it out, it painted a picture of an oppressive regime quelling all decent with extreme force.
Despite these reports, the eyes of the world, and the Great Powers, fell elsewhere. Australasia was far away, and there were more urgent issues all around the world. Australasia would spend almost a century undisturbed.
That isolation came to an end in 2061. For years Australasia had been suffering from extreme weather brought on by climate change. But where other nations had the wealth or international partners to construct mitigating infrastructure, Australasia lacked both, and bore the brunt of nature unprotected. Unrest grew and the government looked weak, so it needed a scapegoat. As usual, it decided to blame it all on the indigenous population. But unlike before, the new President, Oliver Black, decided to push far beyond the norm. The remaining native tribes realised that they had a choice: fight or die.
This had the most profound effect in New Zealand. Already somewhat resentful at being treated as a distant periphery, most New Zeelanders were at best apathetic towards Canberra. So when several Māori groups rose up, many locals joined them. Seizing several cities, the resistance fighters manned TV and radio stations and broadcast an indictment of the Australasian government, along with a plea for help. Meanwhile, the Australasian Navy scrambled to react.
While nothing in the broadcasts surprised intelligence agents or experts on the region, the pleas caught the public’s attention. There were demands around the world for the Great Powers to intervene on New Zealand's behalf. In Berlin, these demands were welcomed with open arms. Germany had long maintained its position as Weltpolizei, but had for the longest time lacked an opportunity to demonstrate its might. It didn’t take long for the Reichstag to approve sending a task force to the region.
This prompted the other Great Powers to get involved, as most of them objected to Germany’s self-declared policing role. At first, the Kaiserliche Marine bristled at the suggestion, but the Chinese Ambassador informed the Chancellor that the Chinese and Russian navies would be present in the region regardless of what Germany had to say about it. After this, a semi-joint command was agreed on to prevent any “friendly” fire incidents. When the Canadian navy also decided to join, the admirals in Kiel despaired but relented.
The ensuing naval battle was one of the most one-sided in history. The Australasian navy was composed of mostly outdated patrol craft, with a handful of missile cruisers and diesel-electric submarines. The task force arrayed against them included five carriers, seven nuclear attack submarines and an escort fleet that would have been more than sufficient on its own. The battle as a whole lasted only 87 minutes, from the first shot fired to the last, and featured absurd scenes where German and Canadian ships were racing each other to sink more enemy ships.
The German missile cruiser SMS Emden caused headlines around the world when she raced her Canadian counterpart, RCS Dauntless, to attack Australasian ships. She would sink two patrol craft and damage a third, which would later be sunk by Dauntless. Emden’s captain, Kathrin Kranefuss, would be officially reprimanded for her recklessness, but in private she was lauded for defending the Kaiserliche Marine’s honour.
Following the battle, the situation in New Zealand was stabilised, with a provisional government established by the resistance groups. With their mission accomplished, most of the Great Powers were content to just maintain a blockade of Australia. Germany, however, had not sufficiently demonstrated its military might and proposed an invasion. The other Great Powers were not as keen on this, as without a navy, Australia would not be a threat to anyone. This only emboldened Germany, who assembled a multinational task force to deal with the Australasian Republic.
Four months after the Battle of the Tasman Sea, German cruise missiles struck military targets on the Australian eastern seaboard. Helicopters and landing crafts would follow. It was about as one-sided as the naval battle, as most major cities on the east coast were in German hands within the first week. The whole campaign was over by week four. In Berlin the politicians celebrated with champagne, congratulating themselves on a job well done. It was the start of Germany’s “fourteen-year ulcer”.
The coalition troops had expected to be met as liberators, as they had been in New Zealand. However, the Australasian Republic had maintained a much tighter grip on the mainland. Generations had lived knowing nothing except what the state told them. This alone would have been a gargantuan mountain for the coalition to deal with, but it worsened the situation by making one fatal mistake.
Following the war, the Australasian military was disbanded, with the regular, low-ranking troops being sent home. However, the military had been one of the few reliable sources of income in the fragile Australasian economy. Already stressed to the breaking point by the war, the economy went into freefall and unemployment spiralled. As thousands of trained, ideologically indoctrinated young men came home, they found no way to support themselves. The anger began to boil, and the anger turned to insurgency.
Germany and its allies had not been prepared for what came after the invasion and floundered. The insurgency was treated as a military threat and was thus a problem to be solved with military force. The ensuing collateral damage further fuelled the spiral of violence, prompting more military force.
Meanwhile, at home, both the public and the politicians were souring on the war. The glory of the early successes had faded, and the bill was due. After less than two years, the main priority was getting out of Australia without losing face. To that end, an Australian Republic was established and democratic elections were held. But the new republic lacked legitimacy, and voter turnout was only once recorded as being in the double digits.
A woman votes during the first free election in Australian history for more than a century. Despite this, few Australians took the opportunity. The reasons were varied. Some feared terrorist attacks on the polling stations. Others saw the democratic parties as mere German puppets. But the most significant was the deep-seated indoctrination telling many Australians that democracy was a path to weakness.
With every ambush, German and allied soldiers returned home maimed or in boxes. The overall casualty figure was low considering some of the wars Germany had been involved in, but every casualty created dozens of new voices calling for Germany and their allies to leave. When Rolf Steinhäusl ran on a campaign that he would withdraw German troops within the year, he received overwhelming support. As Chancellor, he would go through with his plan, despite pleas from Canberra that they were not ready. Thirteen months and two days after being sworn in, the last German troops left Australian soil.
At first, it seemed the Australian Republic would hold, with only sporadic fighting against insurgents. But when Lieutenant General Oliver Hayes was ordered to report to Canberra to face charges of corruption, he brought a couple of divisions along with him. President Jack Harris tried to organise a resistance, but the troops either stayed in their barracks or joined the march on the capital.
In Germany, the public saw scenes of German civilians being loaded onto overcrowded boats in Sydney Harbour. President Harris asked Chancellor Steinhäusl for military assistance, Steinhäusl offered to evacuate Harris and his family. Harris refused. He would be executed nine months later, following an extended show trial.
Former President Harris on trial following the coup. Most of the charges were complete fabrication, but the important part was the public display. General Hayes ordered that the trial be broadcast internationally.
In the Reichstag, Steinhäusl faced criticism, with the opposition blaming him for the events in Australia. When asked if he would resign, he replied that he was more than happy to, and let the opposition order troops to return to the island. Following this, the opposition grew very quiet. Nobody in Germany wanted to return to Australia.
Today, Australia is called the Dark Continent. News are infrequent, mostly coming from refugees trying to flee by boat across the Torres Strait. The Great Powers maintain an unofficial blockade, and the Australian State shows little desire to challenge it.
New Zealand, on the other hand, is doing better, trying to slowly recover from a century of national populism and colonialism. A key aspect of this is blaming the worst excesses on Canberra, who are not present to dispute the New Zealanders’ version of events. While some, especially native groups, have called this cowardly, it has become a key part of social cohesion on the islands.
Politically, New Zealand is in a peculiar position with regards to foreign relations. It has three foreign naval bases, a German one, a Canadian one and a joint Sino-Russian one. While highly unusual, all Great Powers see the strategic need in the region and thus don’t bother each other much for fear of rocking the boat.
The American Republic has been called a dozen nations masquerading as a state. Following the (partial) reunification, Americans have struggled to see themselves as one people, with regional loyalties often cut far deeper than any national ones. This only worsened following the Third Civil War, where federal failure to deal with critical issues led to outbreaks of violence across the nation. While Canadian intervention was able to prevent a total collapse of the union, it cost the near-total dissolution of the federal government. Most Americans' only interaction with the federal government is the postal system. Otherwise, all function of a modern state is handled on a local level.
The lack of unity also extends culturally, and at times takes on an almost ethnic dimension, with grievances between groups in some cases extending back centuries. While the Third and Second Civil Wars are frequently cited as the source of these conflicts, some go all the way back to the First Civil War. Midwesterners are often accused of being tyrannical socialists, while southerners are accused of being neo-confederate national populists.
The most clear example of this is found in the New England Republic, which is a separate country. New Englanders actively distance themselves from other Americans. In their eyes, the New England Republic is a more accurate representation of the values of the original thirteen colonies, while the American Republic has been corrupted by various extreme ideologies over the centuries.
Considering its small size, the NER is an economic powerhouse. While New York would never regain its position as the financial capital of the world, it did survive as a regional centre despite the hardships under socialist occupation. Today the city serves as the nation’s capital and has a vibrant music and arts scene. Many famous bands would start their careers in the NER underground scene.
Cuba has been called the world’s largest aircraft carrier. The nickname dates back to the final days of the Second Weltkrieg, when German bombers would take off from the island to hammer the industry of the Union of Socialist American States. Having gained independence when the United States fell into turmoil, the island nation initially tried to remain neutral. But as the socialists drove south towards the sea, it soon became clear who would win in the struggle. With thousands of American refugees arriving by boat every day, all of them with new horror stories, it became clear that Cuba could not stand alone.
American refugees fleeing to Cuba and other Caribbean countries on overloaded boats. The syndicalist drive to the sea split the American Union State in two. Most historians view this as the turning point of the Second Civil War, where syndicalist victory became inevitable.
Initially, Cuba aligned itself with Canada, being both close and staunchly anti-syndicalist. However, when the final struggle finally arrived, Canada proved woefully inadequate, being reduced to fighting a guerilla war in a matter of weeks.
As the Americans focused on their northern neighbour, Cuba was not under immediate threat of invasion. Air raids, however, were common, and the relatively small Red Navy tried enforcing a blockade on the island. Cuban merchants soon became adept blockade runners, getting vital supplies in. But even so, everyone knew it was only a matter of time. Cuba would have to look elsewhere for help. And reports from Europe told of Germany ending the war with the Union of Britain by using some kind of superweapon.
While the nuclear attack against Chicago effectively decapitated the Union of Socialist American States, there would still be a need for boots on the ground, and Germany needed a staging ground for such an invasion. Cuban leadership was quick to enter talks with the Germans.
Following the war, Cuba became an official ally of Germany, leasing the naval base at Guantanamo Bay and building several military airports. For a while Cuba would also unofficially host several medium-range ballistic missiles carrying nuclear warheads. This caused no end of consternation in Canada, who knew about the missiles, but were afraid of publicising it due to increased domestic unrest. The missiles would be removed following the July Coup, when a secret deal was struck between Germany and the new Canadian Republic. By this point the missiles were obsolete and had been replaced by missiles that could reach Canada from Germany itself.
German medium-range ballistic missiles in Cuba. The missiles were described as “the worst kept secret in geopolitics''. When the Russian journalist Ignatkovich Vasil Borisovich wrote an expose on the missiles, he got much of his information by asking Cuban taxi drivers. Despite this, the Canadian government suppressed all reporting on the subject. Most Canadians didn’t learn about them until after the July Coup.
Culturally, Cuba has become something of a mixing pot. During the Second American Civil War, thousands of American refugees ended up in Cuba. While many would return home following the war, a sizable portion stayed. These ‘Americanos’ have become somewhat infamous for not assimilating, while also having very strong opinions on how the Cuban government runs things.
But they are not the only group found on the island. Due to its geopolitical situation, Cuba is seen as something of a gateway between Europe and the Americas. People seeking to live and work in Europe will often target Cuba first to ‘get the foot in the door’. From there it is considerably easier to get a visa to work in Western Europe.
Though Cuba also receives its fair share of people from Europe as well. The island is a popular destination for tourists, exchange students and people looking to retire somewhere warm. The island has been called an honorary member of the Europäischer Wirtschaftsbund, and not always jokingly.
Cuba’s position became much more precarious following “El Error”. The nuclear devastation of South America naturally caused a humanitarian disaster in its wake, and those who could flee did so. Many of them ended up in Cuba, and would over time settle in Europe. But in the long term there would be a steady influx of refugees who could reach Cuba, but not be able to continue on to Europe. Over time, these people would form an exploited underclass, often coming into conflict with the locals.
Following the nuclear exchange, South America fell under the supranational organisation of the South American Reconstruction Mandate. This SARM had very little formal authority, but as both the Argentinian and Brazilian governments were gone and the surviving governments were dealing with the largest crisis in their nation’s history, it quickly became the de facto authority in the region.
In the early years, the SARM focused on direct relief and reestablishing core infrastructure like clean water and sanitation, while also trying to clean up as much radiation as possible. Many South Americans, especially those living in the areas directly affected, were living hand to mouth, dependent on SARM supply convoys. It was during this period that anyone with assets that hadn’t been destroyed, or those with desirable skills, began to emigrate from South America. At first this was welcomed, as it put less strain on the relief efforts. But it soon became clear that South America as a whole was suffering from a massive brain drain.
As the years went on, the relief efforts shifted from providing emergency aid to rebuilding the shattered economy. Generous incentives were given to attract new developments in the region. Modern, almost fully automated factories were built across the continent. But here the SARM made a critical error. In most industrialised nations, national governments levied significant automation taxes to compensate for the loss in employment these factories caused. However, in South America the local governments lacked the clout to introduce similar laws. The SARM, which each year had to do more with less, accepted this and hoped that the initial construction boom would be enough to kickstart the economy. It was not, and after a brief period of improvement, wages stagnated and the economy ground to a halt.
Today, living standards in South America are among the lowest on Earth. Unemployment is at the same level as much of the industrialised world, but without the basic income to sustain it. Crime is omnipresent and most who are able to emigrate do so at the first opportunity, mostly to Central and North America. This has led to tensions, and several countries have limited immigration from South America.
The SARM still exists, though mostly as an advisory board to foster regional cooperation. Most South Americans view the organisation with scepticism if not outright hostility. The governments in the region only view it marginally better. Both groups have a dim view of the future, seeing little improvement coming without drastic change.
The opening of the hyperlanes and expansion into the stars might just be that drastic change. Not just for South America, but for all mankind. But while the galaxy has much to offer, it is not without threat.
- 4
Fascinating history you built here, in some ways slightly better and in others much much worse than what we have today.
What caused the South American nuclear exchange? Is there in Europe any swiss-style neutral country?
What caused the South American nuclear exchange? Is there in Europe any swiss-style neutral country?
Thank you, I've been waiting for this.
Fascinating how the socialist Indochinese Federation not only survived into the 22nd century but even enlarged itself, in a world where all the Great Powers would normally crush any trace of socialism as fast as they could.
If I understand correctly, Germany and Russia never went to war at all, then? Instead, Russia went to war with Japan, right?
Also interesting how Canada manages to still be one of the Great Powers by the 22nd century even after almost losing completely to the socialist Americans. Good thing Germany was there to save them, I suppose.
And wow, I thought Japan in this setting was bad, a larger North Korea, but it turns out this world has a second larger North Korea - Australia.
By the way, the description of what happened to China and Japan seems to be missing from this write-up. For Japan I can guess - after being kicked off the mainland by Russia and China, Japan degenerated into a fanatical North Korea-style state, even though the Home Islands had not been invaded?
Fascinating how the socialist Indochinese Federation not only survived into the 22nd century but even enlarged itself, in a world where all the Great Powers would normally crush any trace of socialism as fast as they could.
If I understand correctly, Germany and Russia never went to war at all, then? Instead, Russia went to war with Japan, right?
Also interesting how Canada manages to still be one of the Great Powers by the 22nd century even after almost losing completely to the socialist Americans. Good thing Germany was there to save them, I suppose.
And wow, I thought Japan in this setting was bad, a larger North Korea, but it turns out this world has a second larger North Korea - Australia.
By the way, the description of what happened to China and Japan seems to be missing from this write-up. For Japan I can guess - after being kicked off the mainland by Russia and China, Japan degenerated into a fanatical North Korea-style state, even though the Home Islands had not been invaded?
- 1
One of the things I really liked about The Crown Atomic was how the world wasn't objectively better or worse than our own history. In that story the Americas were much worse off, while Eastern Europe and Asia avoided some (but not all) the bloodshed that happened in real life. Which led to a lot of fun arguing among the readers. I wanted to try to capture at least some of that.
The South American nuclear exchange was the result of a false positive on an early warning radar. The details are towards the end of Prologue: The Space Race. As to neutrality, not so much really. The Swiss still maintain that they're politically neutral, but they are deeply tied to the German economic system.
Yes, there was no war between Russia and Germany. By the time Russia was done in the East, Germany had dealt with the Commune and the Union of Britain. So the Russian leadership realized that the opportunity had slipped through their fingers. Which is to say that I didn't fancy my chances of victory while playing my Russia game.
Yeah, I decided to leave out a detailed description of the Great Powers and Japan due to them getting a fair bit of attention in the main story. What happened in my Russia game is that after kicking the Japanese off the mainland, there was an event for signing a peace, which I took as I didn't have a navy. A short while later, Hirohito was replaced as head of state by someone else. I've headcanoned that as him being ousted in a coup after losing the war and being replaced by isolationists.
- 1
I can't wait to hear what happens next, the situation on the ring is a real powder keg waiting to blow up. I'll definetly be following this.
Committee Meetings
Committee Meetings
April 2160 - Stettin - Confederation of Sol Assembly Hall - Meeting room 4
Artistic rendition of the first meeting of the Galactic Council. While the image received widespread publication, it is infamous amongst historians. The real meeting was not done in person, and most of the alien species depicted are wildly inaccurate, mostly based on the artist's imagination.
“Very well, the meeting is adjourned for now,” Chairman Sows the Fields said. “We will resume in two beyromes. Let’s all take a moment to refresh and recharge.”
The link cut, but Dudás Viktória waited until the tech confirmed the mike was dead. As soon as she got the thumbs up she pushed herself back in her chair.
“Guahhh..! What the fuck is a beyrome?”
Beside her assistant, Vass Dominik, was typing on his computer. “Not sure, Chancellor, but the converter says two of them is three hours and twelve minutes. I’m sure that’s nice and round to the Pithok.”
Viktória pushed herself out of the chair and stretched her limbs. Her neck cracked with every movement. She looked over to Vice-Chancellor Burian. There were two origami cranes on his desk, folded from pages torn from his notebook. A third stood half finished.
“Petr, this is hell,” she said.
He looked up at her wryly. “What? Don’t you find the subject of intergalactic shipping exciting enough?”
Viktória slumped back in her chair. It was a mistake. She’d spent an eternity in it so far, and she would spend another eternity in another two beyromes. Any moment out of it had to be treasured.
“It is the first pan-galactic meeting. There are two ongoing wars. The threat of war is looming elsewhere. And all the fucking Pithok wants to discuss are the legal norms and rights of merchant shipping.”
“In fairness, they started one of those wars because there are no norms and rights for merchant shipping.”
“Petr, they started the war because they’re a bunch of morons.”
Petr grinned. He enjoyed seeing her suffer. Viktória suspected that was the only reason the meetings hadn’t driven him insane. That and the origami cranes.
“Can you handle the press conference today?” she asked.
“Can I make some snide remarks about our alien hosts?”
“You can. But make them good. I want to see them go viral. Unless Herman Schneider and the rest of the Wochenüberblick crew spend at least four minutes joking about it, I will make you issue a formal apology. To someone.”
“Hah! I’ll think of something spicy.”
Viktória’s stomach grumbled. “You may be on to something there. Want to get something Thai for dinner? I need something spicy to invigorate me.”
Petr got up, gently setting the third origami crane aside. “That sounds excellent. And we can even please the syndies a bit by claiming to just be enjoying the culture of our newest member state.”
She chuckled. “Were you always this cynical?”
“Always, and don’t pretend you didn’t know.”
* * *
The exact point at which the Early Space Age ended, and the Human Interstellar Age began is a matter of some debate. The earliest proposed date is following the Johannes von Gmunden’s first jump to Alpha Centauri, which opened up the stars to Humanity. This view isn’t as popular, as it would take years before Humanity encountered life among the stars.
The second point is following the First Lavis War, and the establishment of the Space Security Administration. While this date is much more popular, most historians see it as a precursor to the establishment of the Sol Confederacy, by far the most popular date to end the Early Space Age.
Everyone, however, agrees that the Interstellar Age was well and truly underway when Humanity joined the Galactic Community.
Incomplete map of the galaxy, showing the approximate position of the various powers. It would take decades before Humanity had a complete map of the galaxy. Most powers, including Humanity, were unwilling to share too much information in a volatile galaxy.
The birth of the Galactic Community was in some ways an act of hypocrisy. While Humanity was introduced to the stakes of interstellar war early on with the Lavis Wars, the Galactic North had been relatively peaceful. While the various stellar nations had their differences and disputes, they were largely resolved peacefully. The Pithok of the Vetyr Shipping Alliance especially prided themselves as being peaceful mediators and worked for mutual understanding, while also promoting their commercial interests.
So when the Sildor Blessed Union invaded the Aifu Remnant in a naked land grab, the Pithok panicked. They scrambled to organise talks between the two parties, but neither side was interested in talking. The Sildor viewed the war as a holy undertaking, while they saw the Pithok as weak, godless merchants. The Aifu, meanwhile, saw them as more meddling aliens. The conflict would be decided through force of arms, not diplomacy.
The Vetyr Shipping Alliance responded to this crisis by strengthening its ties to the Connisthian Hegemony. While the Vetyr were unused to war, the Connisthians were the opposite. The Vetyr Trading Council hoped to use them as a counterweight to Sildor aggression and began supplying them with equipment, including weapons.
However, the Connisthian Hegemony was notoriously belligerent, and while hostile to the Sildor, they were also hostile to several other nations in the region. The Citizen Confederation of Adanir was among them, and the Vetyr trade route went through their territory. The Adanir were unsurprisingly upset at their shipping lanes being used to arm their enemy, and Consul Kismesu Naszadhet ordered the fleet to inspect and seize any Vetyr cargo ship carrying weapons. Within a month, twenty-seven transports were forced to submit to inspection at gunpoint, and fourteen of these ships were seized for transporting war materiel.
This was the start of a cross-species culture clash. To the Citizen Confederation, seizing ships carrying military equipment was a fairly low step on the escalation ladder. To the Vetyr Shipping Alliance, however, it was an act of piracy.
Here the culture clash deepened. To the Vetyr, piracy and commerce raiding were the exclusive purview of criminals and terrorists. As such, the Vetyr Board of Directors believed that the Adanir had a piracy problem, and that claims that the ships had been seized by orders of the Consul was an attempt at saving face. The Board decided to deal with the perceived piracy issue and ordered the Security Fleet to sortie and destroy the pirates. Despite the Consul herself warning the Board that such an action would be met with force, the Board pushed on.
The Security Fleet sortied into Adanir space and soon found itself facing the Citizen’s Fleet. After an extended, if inconclusive, battle, the Vetyr - Adanir Trade War was a reality.
The opening shots of the Vetyr - Adanir Trade War. The Vetyr Security Fleet was larger and slightly more advanced than the Adanir Citizen’s Fleet. However, the Citizen’s Fleet was better trained and prepared for conflict and so inflicted disproportionate losses on the Vetyr. Unfortunately for the Adanir, the Vetyr would learn from the defeat, and learn quickly.
(Art by Sebastian Duran)
The Adanir immediately called on the Byrrieck People’s Union, with whom they had a defensive agreement. Meanwhile, the Connisthians approached the Vetyr, offering to fight on their side. Their exact motivations have never really been clear, but many xenopologists posit that they joined due to their cultural need to prove themselves in battle.
Among the Pithok a sense of despair unfolded. The Shipping Alliance had hoped to prevent future conflict with the Sildor and had instead created a larger conflict on their doorstep, all over a cultural miscommunication[1]. The Peace and Prosperity Commission, a private think tank operating within Vetyr space dedicated to promoting the free flow of trade, released an analysis six months after the outbreak of war. In their view, the conflict was the result of a lack of understanding between the various species of the galaxy. Thus, to prevent future conflicts that would no doubt do tremendous economic damage, they proposed a forum where the various species could talk as equals, find common ground and develop solutions together. A Galactic Community.
The idea was enthusiastically received by the Board of Directors, who began promoting it among the various space-faring nations of the galaxy. While there was some hesitation for an idea promoted by a nation that had just started a major war, it did find support, especially among the Welfon-Boordar Trade Association.
The WBTA was trying to do business in a region of space where tensions were slowly boiling. While the Suramo did not want war, they did understand it much better than the Pithok. And their corporate assets on the Ring could tell them just how devastating sustained orbital bombardment could be.
When the WBTA joined the Vetyr’s project, they brought along its strategic partners in the region, including the Sol Confederacy. This small handful of members gave the project enough legitimacy for it to reach critical mass. More nations joined it until the only nations outside of it were the Citizen Confederation of Adanir, the Byrrieck People’s Union and the Aifu Remnant[2]. The Byrrieck and the Adanir were suspicious of the project, seeing as it had grown out of the Vetyr’s war of aggression. However, seeing that most of the galactic powers had already joined, they joined as well, fearing that not having a seat at the table would mean that terms would be dictated to them.
That only left the Aifu Remnant. The Aifu were another remnant of the previous cycle, forced to live in sterile space stations since the Lilarobius destroyed their immune system. The Remnant had lived like this for millennia, fruitlessly trying to find a cure or some other solution to their sorry state.
When the younger races began expanding, the Aifu knew they had to act to keep themselves safe. Spreading beyond a handful of core systems, they claimed a significant portion of their sector, both to have a solid resource base and to maintain a defensive buffer.
While the Aifu Remnant was as xenophobic as the Lavis Republic had been, it manifested in a markedly different way. While the Lilarobius saw the galaxy as a threat that had to be culled, the Aifu turned inward. If the Aifu had their way, they would be left alone, free to seek a cure without alien interference. The aliens would not be so kind.
The Sildor Blessed Union’s invasion was not unexpected, but it was devastating. The Sildor were superior in numbers, technology and strategy, and the Aifu were methodically pushed back. All their fears about the aliens confirmed, the Aifu were not impressed by the offer to join the Galactic Community. However, when the Adanir and the Byrrieck joined, the Aifu reluctantly conceded that they had more to lose than gain by remaining outside[3].
The reaction on Earth to the greater galactic community was twofold. The first was the existence of the very humanlike Sildor.
Superficially, Humans and Sildor were extraordinarily alike, but there were marked differences underneath the skin, though this wouldn’t be known for decades. The most significant of these was the quadruple heart setup, where four hearts worked in conjunction to pump blood around the body. Unfortunately for the Sildor, all four hearts had to work to sustain life, and heart failure was a common medical issue.
Most xenologists were quick to bring up the subject of convergent evolution and posited that while the Sildor might be superficially similar to Humans, their biology could be significantly different.
This did little to stem the tide of conspiracy theories. Online discourse was flooded by wild theories about the Sildor. This was not helped by most pictures of the Sildor depicting them in formal wear, which included a lot of robes and togas. This gave the impression that the Sildor were significantly more advanced than Humanity[4], which fuelled conspiracy theories about how the Sildor had manipulated human history and were responsible for many ancient buildings.
The second, and more geopolitically significant, effect was the Indochinese Federation joining the Confederacy. While the Federation joining was initially welcomed, privately the various Great Powers expressed a mix of annoyance and concern. These concerns were increased when Chairwoman Lê Phạm Thu Thủy announced the construction of six modern warships.
The Karl Marx was a destroyer based on a modified Ocelot-class design and was joined by five Edelweiss-class corvettes. The task force made the Indochinese Federation the sixth largest space fleet by tonnage (the Nordic Union had more ships, but were all of a smaller design). The ships would spend most of their career on anti-piracy patrols, a duty they pursued with remarkable aggression.
(Art by Ridwan Chandra)
Chancellor of the Confederacy Dudás Viktória, however, did not share these concerns. With the Indochinese Federation’s admission, the Sol Confederacy only lacked the membership of the Empire of Japan and the Australian State[5]. Both of these were generally seen as pariah states and unrepresentative of Humanity, leading Dudás to assert that the Confederacy represented all of Humanity during the first meeting of the Galactic Community.
Said first meeting was an awkward affair. In her memoirs, Dudás described it as “the worst teleconference I’ve ever had to sit through”. Using a network of Russalka phones (and similar devices of alien origin) the participants were able to speak to each other in something that approximated real-time. However, communication lag was still significant, forcing the event to be heavily moderated. This resulted in a very formal and dry first meeting, not helped by the two ongoing wars.
The first issue for discussion was formalising norms for interstellar trade, a subject pushed for by the Vetyr Shipping Alliance and supported by the Welfon-Boordar Trade Association. While many on Earth (and indeed, many around the galaxy) were far more in favour of discussing the two ongoing wars, there was too little consensus to reach any useful conclusion. The subject of trade, however, had already started one conflict and could do so again.
In the end, even the Vetyr and the WBTA were disappointed. The various species had vastly different standards of what was and was not acceptable to do to a merchant ship. Working out some sort of agreement that would (mostly) satisfy everyone would take time, and the parties agreed to form a committee that would examine the issue.
There was wide agreement that something needed to be done to safeguard galactic trade, but exactly what and how things needed to be done would take years to iron out. The Aifu would delay any agreement by years due to frequent flip-flopping on what would be acceptable to them.
And so ended the first meeting of the Galactic Community. Not with a grand proclamation to a bright new future, but with an agreement to establish a committee that would examine the framework for future interstellar trade. Following the conclusion, Dudás was clear about her disappointment. It was hoped that the Galactic Community would at least offer a platform to resolve disputes before they escalated to violence.
Hopes were not high.
[1] - To this day, the Vetyr Shipping Alliance denies any responsibility for the conflict, maintaining it was a simple misunderstanding that grew out of control. The Board of Directors also maintain that the Shipping Alliance were not the aggressor, but rather claims that the Citizen Confederation was at fault for opening fire on the Security Fleet.
[2] - The Rixi Chroniclers and the Ugarlak Forerunners were invited, but didn’t respond. Most parties involved with the formation of the Galactic Community did not expect them to join. No invitation was issued to the Fjasivlin Void Raiders.
[3] - The Aifu Remnant would on several occasions leave the Galactic Community, only to rejoin a few years (or in some cases, months) later. This was usually in response to domestic pressures. In all cases, the Galactic Community maintained back door channels with the Remnant.
[4] - Studies on Sildor technological capabilities put them on about the same level as Humanity. A few studies even put Humanity slightly ahead on military technologies.
[5] - The Japanese Republic had an observer seat within the Confederacy and was planning to join within the next ten to fifteen years.
- 6
If Japan really does join then the Australian State really will be the odd one out in all of this. I find the Aifu Remnant interesting, I always like the fallen empires and their mysteries.