Addendum: Earth in the Early Space Age
The First Weltkrieg has been described as the most monumental event in modern history. Its effects and consequences can still be felt centuries after the fact and many historians (especially European historians) group history into pre- and post-Weltkrieg eras.
There is some debate as to whether the First Lavis War has begun a new era in Human history, or if it is merely a brief anomaly. Only time will tell. Though understanding the post-Weltkrieg world is key to understanding the Great Powers and their motivations as they reach for the stars.
A note on terminology: a non-aligned nation is typically seen as one where there is no permanent Great Power military presence in the country. A non-aligned country can lean towards one or more Great Powers without being considered in that nation’s sphere of influence. However, there are enough exceptions and special circumstances that this is not a hard and fast rule.
Most Western European countries fall firmly aligned with Germany. Spain and Portugal are both constitutional monarchies that, while they didn’t participate in the war against the Syndicalists, were manufacturing weapons for Germany and providing intelligence on French activities. After the war, they would align with Germany, mostly for economic benefits.
Both nations have been remarkably stable since the conclusion of the Second Weltkrieg. Outside of a wave of student protests in the 1960s that prompted democratic reforms, the nations have suffered no major unrest. The population has high trust in the political leadership, and the leadership in turn takes this trust seriously.
This is in stark contrast to France, which is generally seen as the black sheep of Europe, and regarded as prone to radicalism and extremism. The dissolution of the German-installed monarchy and the establishment of the Fourth Republic was a peaceful and orderly affair. The establishment of the Second Directorate was anything but. A group of far-right army officers, disgruntled at what they viewed as weak civilian leadership and high on stories about France under Emperor Napoleon, seized control of the government. As the French military had grown into an advanced and significant force, the coup makers figured they could negotiate with Germany. They were wrong.
Anti-Directory protests often turned violent, usually due to the Directory deliberately escalating the situation. After it became clear that Germany would not negotiate, these protests became a big problem as the troops needed to suppress them were required elsewhere.
Germany and its allies would conduct a fierce air war before sending troops across the French border. The whole affair lasted nine weeks, leading to the alternate name of the “Nine Week Directorate”. The Fifth Republic was established in the aftermath, with significant restraints on the French military. Some of these restraints have been rescinded since then, and France has once again a capable military. However, they struggle with recruiting and public support. Most French citizens would rather advance French interests through peaceful means.
To the north, the Union of Britain was divided into its constituent parts following its surrender, with German-leaning nobility being installed in England and Scotland, which remain to this day, while Wales was made into an independent republic. Michael Collins would continue to hold dictatorial power in Ireland for another two decades after the war. But with the Union defeated and the Exiles in Canada being an ocean away, there were increasing calls for reform. The ageing Collins decided this was as good a time as any to retire, and free elections were held.
Today the British Isles have some of the closest cooperation in Europe, with the free flow of goods and people happening long before that became the norm in Europe. The English has mostly been saddled with the blame of both the crimes of the Union as well as the British Empire before it. This occasionally leads to bitter disagreements, as the English feel like a scapegoat. But otherwise, the islands are peaceful.
The Nordic Union consists of the Kingdoms of Norway, Sweden and Finland. The Union was initially formed as a defensive agreement after the Union of Britain’s invasion of Denmark. The UoB had hoped to open a new front against Germany. This attempt failed, and German troops expelled the invaders in a matter of months. However, the German troops didn’t leave, remaining to garrison the country in order to prevent a new invasion. When the war was over, Denmark was firmly inside the German sphere.
The Nordic Union maintained a state of armed neutrality for years, before joining the St. Petersburg - Beijing pact (later known as the Eurasian Defence Agreement) after long negotiations. The ports of Norway would then house the growing Russian navy, which would prove a constant annoyance to the Kaiserliche Marine.
The Murmansk-class missile cruiser Arkhangelsk departs Haakonsvern naval base in Norway. Easy access to the North Sea was a major victory for the Russian navy. While the Russian navy would never become large enough to directly challenge Germany for naval supremacy in the region, the Russians often found themselves “getting in the way” during German naval exercises.
Iceland, which had gained independence following the invasion of Denmark, would remain largely non-aligned. The island’s strategic position made it important to Canada, Germany and Russia, causing all sides to court the young republic. Following the Syndicalist War, Iceland mostly drifted towards Canada on account of old ties to Britain. These would last until the July Coup and the establishment of the Canadian Republic. At this point Iceland drifted towards the Nordic Union, and thus Russia.
During the Cod Wars, a fishing dispute between Iceland and Scotland, Scottish warships were sent to waters Iceland claimed as their own. This was to “protect” Scottish trawlers in the area from inspection. The conflict escalated over a period of several months, leading to several trawlers being rammed by the modest Icelandic navy. Then, only days after the Scottish Prime Minister authorised the Royal Scottish Navy to “use as much force as it deems necessary”, the Scottish trawlers pulled back to international waters. Years later it was revealed that the Icelandic President had informed Berlin that Iceland was “prepared to enter talks with Russia” if its maritime borders were not respected.
In the end, there would not be any talks with Russia, however, the Russian and Nordic embassies were dramatically expanded and several unofficial listening stations would appear on the island.
In Eastern Europe, the borders remain largely as they were following the Weltkrieg. Efforts to Germanify the region were largely unsuccessful, with Germany easing off its efforts following the Latvian War. However, pockets of ethnic Germans can still be found across the region.
The nations of Eastern Europe exist in a strange geopolitical situation. Most of the countries are closely tied to the German block economically, but few have a permanent military presence, and most nations are under German military protection, but not formally allied with Germany. This is largely a political concession. Germany, in the face of increasing resistance to its military presence following the Second Weltkrieg, chose to abandon military control in favour of maintaining some degree of diplomatic control. The politicians in the region, especially those of Poland and Ukraine, have ruthlessly exploited this; “aligning” themselves towards Russia in order to extract various benefits and favours from Germany.
The one exception to this is Belarus. During the Second Weltkrieg, Belarussian nationalists seized control of the apparatus of state. At this point, Germany was locked in an existential struggle against France and Britain and lacked both the will and manpower to deal with the situation, and instead hoped to intervene after the war. The coup-makers, however, were not content to sit and wait to see if Germany came knocking. Determined to strengthen their nation, they began a vicious hunt for “traitors” and “fifth columnists”. As people fled Belarus, many of the refugees ended up in Moscow and St. Petersburg where they told horror stories to eager journalists. At this point, Russia was still fighting the Empire of Japan. However, as Russian troops pushed into Korea, it was clear that, barring any invasion of the home islands, the fighting in the East was winding down. As such, Russia possessed the troops needed to intervene. The war did not last long, and Belarus spent a few years under Russian occupation before becoming an “independent” client state.
Today, Belarus is a free state, though firmly aligned with Russia. The nation serves as a crossroads of sorts between the Russian and German spheres, and many a spy thriller has been set in Minsk.
The United States of Greater Austria, more commonly known by its nickname, the Danubian Federation, stands out in the German sphere as one of Germany’s near-equals. Austria borders on Great Power status, but its limited geopolitical ambitions mean it is instead considered a regional power. Most of Austria’s foreign policy efforts are spent in the Balkans, trying to maintain order. The results have been mixed. Serbia especially remains a thorny subject.
Propaganda poster promoting Austro-Hungarian unity. The poster has taken on an ironic tone in the Federation, as the poster was widely distributed just months before the civil war broke out. Reinterpretations of the poster is common in the Danubian art scene and frequently finds its way into political cartoons.
(Art by
Kaisercat)
Serbia opportunistically declared war on Austria during the civil war, hoping to gain land its leaders considered rightfully Serbian. It badly miscalculated the Austrian military, and by the end of the civil war, was fully occupied by Austrian troops. But when Austrians, Hungarians, Czechs, Poles and other people of the former Austria-Hungary met to negotiate the formation of a new, equal state, the Serbs were left outside. To this day, Serbia is equally split between those who think they would have been better off inside the federation and those who favour independence. However, the Serbs’ opinion does not matter, as the Danubians do not want them.
Africa is often broadly divided into two distinct parts, those that are part of the Central African Federation, and those that used to be a part of the French colonial empire.
Despite the CAF’s rather violent birth, it has largely flourished. While some, mostly European, say that it is thanks to German investment, most Africans reject this view, saying that they have succeeded despite the Germans. Following the end of the African War, many European companies sought to outsource manufacturing to areas with lower costs. The Federation was an easy choice for those companies operating inside the German economic sphere. Over time, large swatches of the federation were industrialised, often with large human and environmental costs. While the scars of colonialism are still clear to see, many colonised people around the world see the Federation as a symbol of being able to rise above that past.
Today, the CAF stands equal with most of Europe when it comes to the standard of living, but the leaders of the Federation often find it difficult to be treated as equals when it comes to geopolitics.
The French Empire’s grip on its African colonies became a vice following the death of the Commune of France. The Metropole was under the rule of a German monarch, which was anathema to Napoléon VI and his ministers. In an attempt to deal with internal instability, the government would crack down on “agitators”. This led to further instability, which led to further crackdowns.
The spiral continued for years, leading to several bush wars across the region. At times regional commanders would coup the local government, ruling “in the Emperor’s name”. The collapse was slow at first, but accelerated with terrifying speed. In 1963, the Emperor boarded a plane to Bérn, before travelling on to Ottawa. Despite claims of “Algérie française” and “Je retournerai”, he would never again set foot on African or French soil, instead dying in exile in Mexico.
Napoleon IV leaving Algeria. The Emperor doggedly insisted that the trip was a temporary exile, and claimed that he would return with Canadian support. Many of those who remained behind believed him.
In the power vacuum that remained, dozens of nations would spring up. Some were dictatorships based around local strongmen. Others were attempts at democratic republics. There were even a few religious theocracies and socialist communes, though the latter would be undermined by Great Power covert operations. The one thing all had in common was that they were poor and underdeveloped. These regions would have the lowest life-expectancy on Earth until the nuclear exchange between Brazil and Argentina.
The sharp difference in living standards is sometimes a subject of debate. In certain Western circles, the Central African Federation’s success is sometimes presented as proof of Germany’s “benevolent colonisation”, typically contrasted with French colonisation. This view is rejected in most postcolonial studies, as well as by most Africans. They maintain that the CAF succeeded in spite of Germany, not because of it.
The Indian subcontinent, like much of the former British Empire, went through a tumultuous period following the First Weltkrieg. While British loyalists were able to maintain at least partial control in the south, a coalition of princes would break away in the northwest, while syndicalists would seize control of the east. All three parties would maintain claims that they were the true Indian state, but all parties lacked the means to make these claims true. These groups maintained an uneasy balance of power for years, only occasionally broken by undeclared border skirmishes. All the parties were waiting for the big one; the war that would settle the fate of India once and for all.
It began shortly after the Commune of France surged across the German border. In those early days, with French and British success in Europe and imminent socialist victory in the American Civil War, it seemed as if the time of the world revolution had arrived. Eager to do their part, the Bharatiya Commune declared war on the Dominion of India. The plan was to knock out the Dominion fast, before Canadian reinforcements could arrive and deal with the Princely States later. At first, this seemed to work, but only because the Princely States were biding their time. They waited, and watched. Keeping a keen eye on the syndicalist supply situation, they waited until the Commune’s supply lines were stretched to the breaking point.
The States’ attack on the Commune came as a massive shock, but was ultimately a strategic failure. The Princes had hoped to utterly collapse their enemy’s supply network. However, they had gained enough ground and maintained enough momentum to tip the conflict in their favour.
The fighting on the subcontinent was some of the worst for the entire Weltkrieg, with only the conflict between the Chinese and Japanese coming close to the amount of casualties. Massive formations of mostly rifle-equipped infantry would face each other with minimal support and often for minimal gains. But slowly, the syndicalists were pushed back.
Soldiers loyal to the Princely States preparing to assault Commune positions. For much of the war, all sides in the conflict lacked the industry needed to create advanced weapons on the scale needed. As such, Human Wave tactics became prevalent across the subcontinent.
When victory had been achieved, the Princes turned their attention south, towards the Dominion. By this point, it was clear that Entente support would not be coming. Canada was busy fighting an existential fight with the Americans, while the French Empire was dealing with the aftermath of the failed Côte d'Azur landings. The Dominion stood alone.
The fighting between the Princely States and the Dominion was as hard as that against the Commune. But through a gradual, attritional war, the Princely States pushed south and in early 1947, the Princes declared victory and a united India, ruled by Indians, was proclaimed.
At first there was a great deal of optimism, both from inside India and the international community. This new, united India was strong enough to defend its interests, and the industrial sector was large enough to become a significant player in the world’s economy. It was also hoped that there could be some reform to the autocratic system, which had been justified as a wartime necessity.
This optimism would be short-lived. It took only a few years before the Princes began turning on each other. Disputes about who was entitled to which pieces of wartime spoils were the first issue to emerge. Then old grudges between neighbours began to bubble to the surface, igniting ethnic and religious tensions. Many princes were all too happy to fan these flames if they thought it would give them some sort of advantage.
The first crack became apparent with the Kerala Uprising in 1956. While the rebellion was quickly put down, the idea of Indian unity was beginning to tarnish. Over the next couple of decades, low-level fighting would be a contestant on the subcontinent. From time to time, this smouldering conflict would explode into a full-on rebellion or miniature civil war. At these times the princes were forced to act. A few would try to reform the system into something more sustainable, but strong personal interests ensured they always failed.
The Kerala Uprising was a reaction to several prominent firms being “redistributed” from pro-British businessmen to “loyal Indians”, most of them prominent allies of various Princes. The uprising was the first clear indication that the Princes were unable to create a united Indian identity.
The exact start date of the Indian Civil War is disputed. Most scholars put it somewhere between 1994 and 1997, with some going as far back as 1989. The war was simultaneously a war of independence, an uprising against perceived (and real) abuses of power and a popular revolt against the Princes. All the Great Powers would be involved to some extent, backing the parties that aligned with their goals by giving equipment and training. By this point, the dream of a united India was shattered, and all parties were just scrambling to gain their share.
A peace agreement would be signed in 2003, formally recognising 18 new states in the region, with a handful more breaking away in the decades that followed. However, this agreement would not bring lasting peace to the region, as India became home to numerous Great Power proxy wars. Locals and human rights activists bemoaned the situation, calling the subcontinent “the world’s largest weapons testing range”.
While the Great Power games in the region have died down following the expansion into space, local rivalries still thrive, and it is not uncommon for tensions to flare up into violence. While the Great Powers try to stop, or at least mitigate these conflicts, there is a limit to what they can or want to do. And with Humanity looking more to the stars, less attention falls on the Indian subcontinent.
South East Asia contains a geopolitical anomaly: the only extant socialist state, the Indochinese Federation. Born in a revolt against the German colonial administration, few expected it to last long. But with German troops needed in Europe to deal with the rising threat of France, the local garrison soon found itself overwhelmed. Even then, most expected the Indochinese Union to be the next member of the Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere. However, the Japanese opportunistic (and ill-advised) invasion of Siberia gave the Union a second reprieve.
The revolutionary government took this chance and embarked on a program of “Self-Strengthening”, preparing for the inevitable invasion. But by the time the dust of the Second Weltkrieg finally settled, there had not been one. The Great Powers were busy dealing with their gains (or in Canada’s case, losses), and there was little public support for a war in a faraway jungle. So the Union was left alone. For a time.
By 1969, the nearby Kingdom of Siam was at a crossroads. Rama VIII, while popular among the people, was not seen as a strong leader. Following the end of the Second Weltkrieg, Siam had slipped into the “Silent War”, a vicious political chess game playing in the halls of power. Various factions within the government constantly competed against one another, deposing this Prime Minister and replacing them with one of their choice. In all such cases, the new Prime Minister would receive the monarch’s blessing.
This constant cloak and dagger continued as the standard of living among the common folk gradually declined. Unrest grew. The then-current Prime Minister, Thanom Kittikachorn and his cabinet concluded this unrest was due to socialist agitation by the Indochinese Union. Reasoning that an external enemy would unite the people, On Kittikachorn request, King Rama VIII declared war on the Union during a speech in 1969. The invasion soon followed.
At first, the war went well, with Siamese troops landing in the south. But the results of the Union’s Self-Strengthening was soon revealed. The initial invasion soon found itself bogged down thanks to guerilla strikes against Siamese supply lines. When the Siamese soldiers were reduced to rationing their ammunition, the regular Indochinese military would pound them relentlessly. The Union would then begin a slow overland campaign, with brutal jungle fighting.
The initial Siamese attack relied on speed and manoeuvre to seize key locations. To that end, extensive use of helicopters was used to ferry troops into position. The doctrine was loosely based on the German Schwerpunktprinzip. However, while the German military prized logistics, the Siamese military treated the subject as an afterthought, with Kittikachorn describing the subject as “record keeping for clerks and mathematicians”.
With the Siamese on the backfoot, the gravity of Kittikachorn’s mistake became clear. Over the years, corruption had been allowed to fester, and the government soon realised that many of the modern weapon systems purchased from the Germans only existed on paper. Slowly, Union troops closed on Bangkok.
Germany, frustrated at the Siamese and dealing with escalating conflicts in Africa, was initially unwilling to help. However, when it became clear that Siam would fall, the Reichstag approved sending equipment to aid in the war effort. But even as equipment was being loaded onto ships, the Chinese government protested. Hoping to expand its sphere of influence, the Chinese government told Kittikachorn that if he rejected the Germans, and instead accepted Chinese aid, they would supply troops as well. The ensuing backroom politicking would consume valuable time, and ultimately proved fatal.
As Indochinese troops closed in on Bangkok, more and more young boys were called to the front, and more and more of them would return maimed or in boxes. The unrest from before the war had only intensified, and a group of young, underground Siamese socialists, inspired by the Union’s victory, decided to take matters into their own hands.
In the dead of night, a group of 200 fighters attacked both the Prime Minister’s mansion and the royal palace. After some brief fighting, the revolutionaries were able to seize control of both the royal family and the government. Kittikachorn and his cabinet were taken outside and executed before the sun rose, but Rama VIII and his family were spared.
When the morning came, the Siamese people woke to find they had a new government. Given the King’s “blessing”, this revolutionary council would abolish the monarchy, declare the Commune of Thailand and call for a ceasefire with the Indochinese Union, all within the first day.
There were scattered attempts by local army commanders to resist, but with Union troops already controlling much of the country, these attempts were not long-lived. The Great Powers, taken as much by surprise as anyone else, scrambled to find a response. Germany was already too committed in Africa to muster anything more than a token force, while China had not been prepared to fight both nations at once. When the Commune of Thailand threatened to use the considerable navy it had inherited from Siam to disrupt global shipping lanes, both Great Powers backed down.
Following the war, the Commune of Thailand would join forces with its former enemy, forming the Indochinese Federation. The Federation is made up of four constituent communes that handle local affairs. It rejects Totalism and runs a democratic system based around trade unions. The Federation also rejects using violence to spread socialism, relying instead on peaceful agitation and education. The results have been limited, but the policy has helped foreign intervention away.
At the end of the Second Weltkrieg, Korea found itself trading one overlord for another. The Japanese had ruled the peninsula with an iron fist since the end of the Korean Empire. The oppression had only intensified as Russian and Chinese troops pushed the Japanese towards the sea. So when the Chinese installed Yi Un as a puppet king and let the Koreans largely govern themselves, it was seen as a marked improvement.
Yi Un in Japanese military dress. Yi’s accent to the throne was an unlikely one. After years of service in the Japanese military, he was captured by Chinese troops as they liberated Korea. Most, including Yi himself, expected that he would be shot as a collaborator. However, Beijing believed that a reborn Korean state needed the legitimacy Yi could bring.
However, Yi was never popular with the people, largely thanks to his association with the Japanese military. His health was also rather poor, spending much of the 1960s in and out of hospital. By the time he finally passed in 1970, the public support for the monarchy was minimal. This, combined with reforms inside China, meant that the monarchy would not survive. The Republic of Korea was proclaimed on the 2nd of May, 1970, one day after Yi’s death.
Korean industry grew rapidly following the war, specialising much more in high-tech manufacturing compared to its northern neighbour. Over time, Korean electronics manufacturing would even challenge German products. But electronics was not the only industry that Korea would dominate.
Following the expulsion of the Japanese there was a flood of Korean books, plays, films and songs appearing all over the nation. The Japanese had suppressed any expression of Korean national identity for decades and with them finally gone many Koreans poured their energy into the arts, eager to express what it meant to be Korean. Over time, Korean films would appear in Chinese cinemas, and as Russia pivoted East they would also find their way into the Russian sphere.
However, it would largely remain in the Sino-Russian sphere until the early nineties. At this point, improving relations between Denmark and the Nordic Federation led to an increase in trade and tourism across the Kattegat. Some of these Danish tourists would bring Korean manhwa and aeni back with them. From there they would spread like wildfire through the underground comics scene.
The contrast between Korean and European comics was often quite stark. While the initial international spread of manhwa was limited to Europe, it soon caught on across the Atlantic as well.
It didn’t take long before these comics spread beyond the underground scene and began edging their way into the mainstream. Comics in the German sphere had for decades been dominated by the bandes dessinées style. While popular, it was largely seen as safe. Korean manhwa’s, on the other hand, often had explicit depictions of sex and violence. Media watchdogs were quick to warn of the danger these comics posed, which only fuelled their popularity.
By the early 2000s Manwha and aeni had fully entered the mainstream. From there it was comparatively easy for Korean pop music and dramas to follow. Today Korean media can be found throughout Human space (and in some cases outside of it), and Busan is mentioned in the same breath as Babelsberg and Hollywood.
The Philippines gained their independence as the United States of America collapsed into civil war. Following a brief but doomed insurrection by syndicalists, the young republic was able to establish a nascent democracy.
However, much like the Indochinese Union, this young and untested nation would soon find itself the target of Japanese imperial ambition. Unlikely to be able to fight off the Japanese conventionally, Philippine politicians were divided on the issue of resistance or joining the Japanese “willingly”.
Fortunately for them, they never had to answer this question, as Japan would challenge Russia and China and in the process lose their empire. After the war, the Philippines would find itself being courted by German, Chinese and Canadian interests. Unwilling to align itself with any single Great Power, the country would become a nexus of various covert action. Manilla would at times be called the “Minsk of the East”, and the locals would often joke that the capital’s population was at least 15% spies.
This would come to a rapid end with the fall of Siam. Filipino politicians were shocked at the speed and efficiency of the coup and worried about what would happen should Hanoi decide to spread socialism by force. Key to the coup’s success had been the Siamese government’s unclear alignment towards one Great Power or the other. So, reluctantly, Manilla decided to pick the devil that they knew. Today, the Philippines is home to both Chinese and Russian bases.
Australasia followed Canada into the Second Weltkrieg, adopting many of the same authoritarian, anti-syndicalist measures. However, unlike Edward VIII’s reign, Eric Campbell was not as fatally undermined by the Entente’s failures during the war. This can largely be attributed to the Australasian homelands being untouched by the war. The Australasian troops sent to Canada had, at least according to propaganda, fought well against the Americans, suffering comparatively few losses. In reality, most of the troops had been relegated to rear-guard duty. The soldiers had trained for combat in tropical climates and were not prepared for fighting in the Canadian winter.
Following the war, Campbell would further entrench his position by extensive usage of the secret police, as well as propaganda. A new enemy was created in the rising influence of China, and Campbell would position himself as the “King’s Shield in the East”, and Australasia was promoted as a “white haven, beset on all sides by barbarity”.
Australasian propaganda posters commonly found in the years following the war. While the majority focused on the imagined threat of China, long-standing anti-German public sentiment was another useful tool.
Campbell’s rule would last for decades, but the end came swiftly. When Edward VIII died, and the July Coup ousted the Canadian monarchy, Australasia suddenly found itself alone. Campbell had increasingly been seen as weak due to his fervent support of the monarchy, and now his last shreds of legitimacy crumbled. James Saleam challenged him for control, and Campbell, who was slowly dying from undisclosed cancer, stepped down, letting Saleam establish the Australasian Republic.
Over time, many commentators would compare the nation to Japan. But while Japan had a steady stream of people fleeing across the Tsushima strait, such occurrences were much rarer coming from Australasia, with the Australasian navy spending most of its time patrolling to prevent just such occurrences. The few times people made it out, it painted a picture of an oppressive regime quelling all decent with extreme force.
Despite these reports, the eyes of the world, and the Great Powers, fell elsewhere. Australasia was far away, and there were more urgent issues all around the world. Australasia would spend almost a century undisturbed.
That isolation came to an end in 2061. For years Australasia had been suffering from extreme weather brought on by climate change. But where other nations had the wealth or international partners to construct mitigating infrastructure, Australasia lacked both, and bore the brunt of nature unprotected. Unrest grew and the government looked weak, so it needed a scapegoat. As usual, it decided to blame it all on the indigenous population. But unlike before, the new President, Oliver Black, decided to push far beyond the norm. The remaining native tribes realised that they had a choice: fight or die.
This had the most profound effect in New Zealand. Already somewhat resentful at being treated as a distant periphery, most New Zeelanders were at best apathetic towards Canberra. So when several Māori groups rose up, many locals joined them. Seizing several cities, the resistance fighters manned TV and radio stations and broadcast an indictment of the Australasian government, along with a plea for help. Meanwhile, the Australasian Navy scrambled to react.
While nothing in the broadcasts surprised intelligence agents or experts on the region, the pleas caught the public’s attention. There were demands around the world for the Great Powers to intervene on New Zealand's behalf. In Berlin, these demands were welcomed with open arms. Germany had long maintained its position as Weltpolizei, but had for the longest time lacked an opportunity to demonstrate its might. It didn’t take long for the Reichstag to approve sending a task force to the region.
This prompted the other Great Powers to get involved, as most of them objected to Germany’s self-declared policing role. At first, the Kaiserliche Marine bristled at the suggestion, but the Chinese Ambassador informed the Chancellor that the Chinese and Russian navies would be present in the region regardless of what Germany had to say about it. After this, a semi-joint command was agreed on to prevent any “friendly” fire incidents. When the Canadian navy also decided to join, the admirals in Kiel despaired but relented.
The ensuing naval battle was one of the most one-sided in history. The Australasian navy was composed of mostly outdated patrol craft, with a handful of missile cruisers and diesel-electric submarines. The task force arrayed against them included five carriers, seven nuclear attack submarines and an escort fleet that would have been more than sufficient on its own. The battle as a whole lasted only 87 minutes, from the first shot fired to the last, and featured absurd scenes where German and Canadian ships were racing each other to sink more enemy ships.
The German missile cruiser SMS Emden caused headlines around the world when she raced her Canadian counterpart, RCS Dauntless, to attack Australasian ships. She would sink two patrol craft and damage a third, which would later be sunk by Dauntless. Emden’s captain, Kathrin Kranefuss, would be officially reprimanded for her recklessness, but in private she was lauded for defending the Kaiserliche Marine’s honour.
Following the battle, the situation in New Zealand was stabilised, with a provisional government established by the resistance groups. With their mission accomplished, most of the Great Powers were content to just maintain a blockade of Australia. Germany, however, had not sufficiently demonstrated its military might and proposed an invasion. The other Great Powers were not as keen on this, as without a navy, Australia would not be a threat to anyone. This only emboldened Germany, who assembled a multinational task force to deal with the Australasian Republic.
Four months after the Battle of the Tasman Sea, German cruise missiles struck military targets on the Australian eastern seaboard. Helicopters and landing crafts would follow. It was about as one-sided as the naval battle, as most major cities on the east coast were in German hands within the first week. The whole campaign was over by week four. In Berlin the politicians celebrated with champagne, congratulating themselves on a job well done. It was the start of Germany’s “fourteen-year ulcer”.
The coalition troops had expected to be met as liberators, as they had been in New Zealand. However, the Australasian Republic had maintained a much tighter grip on the mainland. Generations had lived knowing nothing except what the state told them. This alone would have been a gargantuan mountain for the coalition to deal with, but it worsened the situation by making one fatal mistake.
Following the war, the Australasian military was disbanded, with the regular, low-ranking troops being sent home. However, the military had been one of the few reliable sources of income in the fragile Australasian economy. Already stressed to the breaking point by the war, the economy went into freefall and unemployment spiralled. As thousands of trained, ideologically indoctrinated young men came home, they found no way to support themselves. The anger began to boil, and the anger turned to insurgency.
Germany and its allies had not been prepared for what came after the invasion and floundered. The insurgency was treated as a military threat and was thus a problem to be solved with military force. The ensuing collateral damage further fuelled the spiral of violence, prompting more military force.
Meanwhile, at home, both the public and the politicians were souring on the war. The glory of the early successes had faded, and the bill was due. After less than two years, the main priority was getting out of Australia without losing face. To that end, an Australian Republic was established and democratic elections were held. But the new republic lacked legitimacy, and voter turnout was only once recorded as being in the double digits.
A woman votes during the first free election in Australian history for more than a century. Despite this, few Australians took the opportunity. The reasons were varied. Some feared terrorist attacks on the polling stations. Others saw the democratic parties as mere German puppets. But the most significant was the deep-seated indoctrination telling many Australians that democracy was a path to weakness.
With every ambush, German and allied soldiers returned home maimed or in boxes. The overall casualty figure was low considering some of the wars Germany had been involved in, but every casualty created dozens of new voices calling for Germany and their allies to leave. When Rolf Steinhäusl ran on a campaign that he would withdraw German troops within the year, he received overwhelming support. As Chancellor, he would go through with his plan, despite pleas from Canberra that they were not ready. Thirteen months and two days after being sworn in, the last German troops left Australian soil.
At first, it seemed the Australian Republic would hold, with only sporadic fighting against insurgents. But when Lieutenant General Oliver Hayes was ordered to report to Canberra to face charges of corruption, he brought a couple of divisions along with him. President Jack Harris tried to organise a resistance, but the troops either stayed in their barracks or joined the march on the capital.
In Germany, the public saw scenes of German civilians being loaded onto overcrowded boats in Sydney Harbour. President Harris asked Chancellor Steinhäusl for military assistance, Steinhäusl offered to evacuate Harris and his family. Harris refused. He would be executed nine months later, following an extended show trial.
Former President Harris on trial following the coup. Most of the charges were complete fabrication, but the important part was the public display. General Hayes ordered that the trial be broadcast internationally.
In the Reichstag, Steinhäusl faced criticism, with the opposition blaming him for the events in Australia. When asked if he would resign, he replied that he was more than happy to, and let the opposition order troops to return to the island. Following this, the opposition grew very quiet. Nobody in Germany wanted to return to Australia.
Today, Australia is called the Dark Continent. News are infrequent, mostly coming from refugees trying to flee by boat across the Torres Strait. The Great Powers maintain an unofficial blockade, and the Australian State shows little desire to challenge it.
New Zealand, on the other hand, is doing better, trying to slowly recover from a century of national populism and colonialism. A key aspect of this is blaming the worst excesses on Canberra, who are not present to dispute the New Zealanders’ version of events. While some, especially native groups, have called this cowardly, it has become a key part of social cohesion on the islands.
Politically, New Zealand is in a peculiar position with regards to foreign relations. It has three foreign naval bases, a German one, a Canadian one and a joint Sino-Russian one. While highly unusual, all Great Powers see the strategic need in the region and thus don’t bother each other much for fear of rocking the boat.
The American Republic has been called a dozen nations masquerading as a state. Following the (partial) reunification, Americans have struggled to see themselves as one people, with regional loyalties often cut far deeper than any national ones. This only worsened following the Third Civil War, where federal failure to deal with critical issues led to outbreaks of violence across the nation. While Canadian intervention was able to prevent a total collapse of the union, it cost the near-total dissolution of the federal government. Most Americans' only interaction with the federal government is the postal system. Otherwise, all function of a modern state is handled on a local level.
The lack of unity also extends culturally, and at times takes on an almost ethnic dimension, with grievances between groups in some cases extending back centuries. While the Third and Second Civil Wars are frequently cited as the source of these conflicts, some go all the way back to the First Civil War. Midwesterners are often accused of being tyrannical socialists, while southerners are accused of being neo-confederate national populists.
The most clear example of this is found in the New England Republic, which is a separate country. New Englanders actively distance themselves from other Americans. In their eyes, the New England Republic is a more accurate representation of the values of the original thirteen colonies, while the American Republic has been corrupted by various extreme ideologies over the centuries.
Considering its small size, the NER is an economic powerhouse. While New York would never regain its position as the financial capital of the world, it did survive as a regional centre despite the hardships under socialist occupation. Today the city serves as the nation’s capital and has a vibrant music and arts scene. Many famous bands would start their careers in the NER underground scene.
Cuba has been called the world’s largest aircraft carrier. The nickname dates back to the final days of the Second Weltkrieg, when German bombers would take off from the island to hammer the industry of the Union of Socialist American States. Having gained independence when the United States fell into turmoil, the island nation initially tried to remain neutral. But as the socialists drove south towards the sea, it soon became clear who would win in the struggle. With thousands of American refugees arriving by boat every day, all of them with new horror stories, it became clear that Cuba could not stand alone.
American refugees fleeing to Cuba and other Caribbean countries on overloaded boats. The syndicalist drive to the sea split the American Union State in two. Most historians view this as the turning point of the Second Civil War, where syndicalist victory became inevitable.
Initially, Cuba aligned itself with Canada, being both close and staunchly anti-syndicalist. However, when the final struggle finally arrived, Canada proved woefully inadequate, being reduced to fighting a guerilla war in a matter of weeks.
As the Americans focused on their northern neighbour, Cuba was not under immediate threat of invasion. Air raids, however, were common, and the relatively small Red Navy tried enforcing a blockade on the island. Cuban merchants soon became adept blockade runners, getting vital supplies in. But even so, everyone knew it was only a matter of time. Cuba would have to look elsewhere for help. And reports from Europe told of Germany ending the war with the Union of Britain by using some kind of superweapon.
While the nuclear attack against Chicago effectively decapitated the Union of Socialist American States, there would still be a need for boots on the ground, and Germany needed a staging ground for such an invasion. Cuban leadership was quick to enter talks with the Germans.
Following the war, Cuba became an official ally of Germany, leasing the naval base at Guantanamo Bay and building several military airports. For a while Cuba would also unofficially host several medium-range ballistic missiles carrying nuclear warheads. This caused no end of consternation in Canada, who knew about the missiles, but were afraid of publicising it due to increased domestic unrest. The missiles would be removed following the July Coup, when a secret deal was struck between Germany and the new Canadian Republic. By this point the missiles were obsolete and had been replaced by missiles that could reach Canada from Germany itself.
German medium-range ballistic missiles in Cuba. The missiles were described as “the worst kept secret in geopolitics''. When the Russian journalist Ignatkovich Vasil Borisovich wrote an expose on the missiles, he got much of his information by asking Cuban taxi drivers. Despite this, the Canadian government suppressed all reporting on the subject. Most Canadians didn’t learn about them until after the July Coup.
Culturally, Cuba has become something of a mixing pot. During the Second American Civil War, thousands of American refugees ended up in Cuba. While many would return home following the war, a sizable portion stayed. These ‘Americanos’ have become somewhat infamous for not assimilating, while also having very strong opinions on how the Cuban government runs things.
But they are not the only group found on the island. Due to its geopolitical situation, Cuba is seen as something of a gateway between Europe and the Americas. People seeking to live and work in Europe will often target Cuba first to ‘get the foot in the door’. From there it is considerably easier to get a visa to work in Western Europe.
Though Cuba also receives its fair share of people from Europe as well. The island is a popular destination for tourists, exchange students and people looking to retire somewhere warm. The island has been called an honorary member of the Europäischer Wirtschaftsbund, and not always jokingly.
Cuba’s position became much more precarious following “El Error”. The nuclear devastation of South America naturally caused a humanitarian disaster in its wake, and those who could flee did so. Many of them ended up in Cuba, and would over time settle in Europe. But in the long term there would be a steady influx of refugees who could reach Cuba, but not be able to continue on to Europe. Over time, these people would form an exploited underclass, often coming into conflict with the locals.
Following the nuclear exchange, South America fell under the supranational organisation of the South American Reconstruction Mandate. This SARM had very little formal authority, but as both the Argentinian and Brazilian governments were gone and the surviving governments were dealing with the largest crisis in their nation’s history, it quickly became the de facto authority in the region.
In the early years, the SARM focused on direct relief and reestablishing core infrastructure like clean water and sanitation, while also trying to clean up as much radiation as possible. Many South Americans, especially those living in the areas directly affected, were living hand to mouth, dependent on SARM supply convoys. It was during this period that anyone with assets that hadn’t been destroyed, or those with desirable skills, began to emigrate from South America. At first this was welcomed, as it put less strain on the relief efforts. But it soon became clear that South America as a whole was suffering from a massive brain drain.
As the years went on, the relief efforts shifted from providing emergency aid to rebuilding the shattered economy. Generous incentives were given to attract new developments in the region. Modern, almost fully automated factories were built across the continent. But here the SARM made a critical error. In most industrialised nations, national governments levied significant automation taxes to compensate for the loss in employment these factories caused. However, in South America the local governments lacked the clout to introduce similar laws. The SARM, which each year had to do more with less, accepted this and hoped that the initial construction boom would be enough to kickstart the economy. It was not, and after a brief period of improvement, wages stagnated and the economy ground to a halt.
Today, living standards in South America are among the lowest on Earth. Unemployment is at the same level as much of the industrialised world, but without the basic income to sustain it. Crime is omnipresent and most who are able to emigrate do so at the first opportunity, mostly to Central and North America. This has led to tensions, and several countries have limited immigration from South America.
The SARM still exists, though mostly as an advisory board to foster regional cooperation. Most South Americans view the organisation with scepticism if not outright hostility. The governments in the region only view it marginally better. Both groups have a dim view of the future, seeing little improvement coming without drastic change.
The opening of the hyperlanes and expansion into the stars might just be that drastic change. Not just for South America, but for all mankind. But while the galaxy has much to offer, it is not without threat.
