I disappointed as to how far our beloved Spanish nations (Denmark and Navarra) are, but not too suprised given how poor their trade efficiency is.
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They're really not that far behind. Here is a more quantitative view--average tech level--of the significant countries (>50,000 manpower & 700 income):
1. Etruria 25.8
2. Austria 24.4
3. England 24.2
4. Frankfurt 23.8
4. Denmark 23.8
6. Navarra 23.2
7. Sibir 23.0
8. Norway 22.6
9. Hungary 20.8
10. Byzantium 17.8
11. Vijayanagar 10.8
11. Bihar 10.8
13. Ming 9.2
1. Etruria 25.8
2. Austria 24.4
3. England 24.2
4. Frankfurt 23.8
4. Denmark 23.8
6. Navarra 23.2
7. Sibir 23.0
8. Norway 22.6
9. Hungary 20.8
10. Byzantium 17.8
11. Vijayanagar 10.8
11. Bihar 10.8
13. Ming 9.2
Thanks for that - I've always found the tech level map lacking. It's a bit different when you are in-game and can mouse over different countries to see the levels. But as a snapshot, I think it tends to give a very incomplete picture.
I assigned techs by cultures and in vanilla EU3, Hungary has eastern tech, as does Poland.
CENTRAL EUROPE, 1634-1668
The central conflicts in the heart of Europe that had defined the early part of the 17th century continued through the middle of the century. Much as before, Frankfurt and Hungary strove to continue their relentless expansion while the powers outside the region attempted to stymie them.
The conflict that broke out when King Karoly Szaky of Hungary invaded Poland once more in 1634 was a typical one. Poland’s allies in Saxony and Danzig came to its aid, and soon England and Sweden joined the fray. But even so, Karoly’s grand army, a mixture of conscripted men and those drawn in by the promise of glory on the battlefield, greatly outnumbered the combined forces of all his opponents. It took him less than a year to demolish Poland’s defenses and annex the country, bringing the ancient Kingdom of Poland to an end. He then turned his attention to Danzig and steadily drove them back. England and its allies fought on after the fall of Poland, but in 1640, Danzig was forced to annul its treaties with England and pay reparations. With nowhere to safely land troops on the southern side of the Baltic, the rest were forced to make peace as well by 1641.
King August II von Lenzburg decided to make a move on Saxony in 1639, reasoning that it was weakened by the death of its King and the losing effort to save Poland. Joining him in this aggression were his allies in France and his vassals: Armagnac, Aachen and Bavaria. As had happened several times before when Frankfurt invaded the Empire, the Emperor declared war. Seidyak II Khan von Chelyabinsk of Sibir was able to persuade Prussia, Lithuania and Silesia to stand with him, and his Norwegian allies declared war on Frankfurt as well. Even England decided to meddle further in Central Europe. But while the forces arrayed against Frankfurt were mighty in theory, they were far away and the small Baltic states were too fearful of August II to give them military access. Frankfurt’s army rolled northward into Saxony and southward into Sibir’s Burgundian possessions.
However, the Emperor spent the year courting King Albrecht V Goye of Austria and Navarra. On Christmas day in 1641, he received the most delightful present he could imagine: news that Austria’s troops were on the move against Frankfurt. But the news came too late for Saxony, which was forced to cede Ruppin and Meissen when its last strongholds were unable to last through the winter.
The new entrants to the war posed a grave threat to France. Its new colony in Barbados proved vulnerable to the Navarran navy, and Austrian troops poured northward through the Rhone gap. Deciding that his principal objective had been achieved August II decided to pay off the Austrians once more in 1644, rather than fight a long and bloody battle. King Henri II van Vlaanderen opted to buy his own way out of the conflict entirely the following year with a small payment to the Emperor.
Central Europe in 1645
Seidyak II proved to be a stubborn man, however. For twelve long years he plotted and schemed, trying to drag Austria back into the war or at least find a way to relieve his fortresses in Burgundy. After Seidyak’s death, August II decided to make peace with his son Dagal, as the feudal barons were growing restive over the cost of maintaining the armies occupying Burgundy.
While Frankfurt and Sibir’s war dragged on, King Laszlo V of Hungary attacked Prussia, provoking another alliance against him in the Hungarian war of 1649-1653. But once again, Norway and England proved ineffectual in Central Europe, and the Hungarians were able to extort gold from Prussia, Lithuania and Silesia, and forced Krakow to become their vassals.
Frankfurt and Hungary were not the only aggressors in central Europe during those years. In 1659, King Jean III de Broye of Berry boldly attacked Hamburg, an ally of Hungary and a member of the Holy Roman Empire. Either due to the lingering effects of the long war with Frankfurt or the marriage of Jean III to the sister of King Christoffer Galte’s of Norway, the Emperor did not contest the war. The Berrians gambled that Hungary’s allies—Gelre, Ansbach, Liege and Krakow—were too small to defeat their army and that Hungary would be unable to bring a force into the West.
For a time, this was true, and in 1661, Berry annexed Hamburg. But in 1663, the Austrians and Navarrans decided to intervene once more in central Europe, casting their lot with Hungary. Berry’s position rapidly became untenable both in Europe and in South America. The following year, they conceded defeat, making reparations payments and ceding the province of Bordeaux to Hungary, stripping it of all its seaports except La Rochelle. Though the new lands acquired in the east were valuable, the colonies that played an increasing role in Berry’s economy were now more vulnerable to being cut off.
August II felt that Frankfurt was the natural ruler of all the Teutonic peoples, and pressed onward in 1660 with an assault on Brunswick. After all, one of his distant ancestors had been Duke of Brunswick as well as of Franconia. Emperor Dagla again failed to defend the empire, and Brunswick had only weak states like Meissen and Munster to defend it. The Pope cried out against him and Leinster declared war as well, but as a land-locked nation, it had little to fear from the Irish. August II had crushed Meissen and annexed before the year was even out.
The following year saw more complications, however, as the Doge of Leinster persuaded King Ladislav IV de Sens of Bohemia to join the war effort, who brought in Ryazan, as well. August II countered by calling on his allies in France. Unfortunately, France was more vulnerable to the Irish and its nascent colonies in North America were captured. But Frankfurt’s armies proved too strong for the alliance, and Brunswick was forced to cough up large sums of gold, and carved a new state of Alsace out of Ryazan. Everything was going smoothly, as Frankfurt’s armies occupied Domazlice and Lauenberg and were besieging Mecklenburg by 1663. He wondered if Bohemia’s involvement might be a stroke of luck, enabling him to get access to the sea for the first time.
But by this time, the King Maximilian’s war with Berry was over and the Austrians were determined to maintain the balance of power in Central Europe. Their powerful armies marched through the alpine passes once again, threatening Frankfurt’s heartland. Now that the Austrian’s had joined the fray, the Emperor was eager to show that he could still be a force in the region and declared war, as well. Undaunted, August II continued to press his opponents in the north, extracting an oath of allegiance from Munster and bullying Bohemia into accepting peace.
When the war in the north was won, the brilliant general Eugen Voltz marched southward winning a critical victory at Breisgau and sweeping into Sibir’s Burgundian possessions once more. The untimely death of Maximilian in 1666 and the weak regency council that followed him enabled Frankfurt to escape the war unscathed, despite rising civil unrest.
But August II’s son and successor, Eugen III, was deeply troubled by the established pattern of Austrian intervention every time Frankfurt tried to expand its influence. Clearly, France was too weak an ally. But there was one country, perhaps the most powerful of all the nations in Europe, that had never chosen to involve itself in the affair’s of Europe’s heart. And was Denmark not a natural rival to Austria-Navarra? Pulling back from further warfare for the time being, he devoted himself to consolidating his hold over Meissen and courting young King Christian IV of Denmark.
Central Europe in 1669:
The central conflicts in the heart of Europe that had defined the early part of the 17th century continued through the middle of the century. Much as before, Frankfurt and Hungary strove to continue their relentless expansion while the powers outside the region attempted to stymie them.
The conflict that broke out when King Karoly Szaky of Hungary invaded Poland once more in 1634 was a typical one. Poland’s allies in Saxony and Danzig came to its aid, and soon England and Sweden joined the fray. But even so, Karoly’s grand army, a mixture of conscripted men and those drawn in by the promise of glory on the battlefield, greatly outnumbered the combined forces of all his opponents. It took him less than a year to demolish Poland’s defenses and annex the country, bringing the ancient Kingdom of Poland to an end. He then turned his attention to Danzig and steadily drove them back. England and its allies fought on after the fall of Poland, but in 1640, Danzig was forced to annul its treaties with England and pay reparations. With nowhere to safely land troops on the southern side of the Baltic, the rest were forced to make peace as well by 1641.
King August II von Lenzburg decided to make a move on Saxony in 1639, reasoning that it was weakened by the death of its King and the losing effort to save Poland. Joining him in this aggression were his allies in France and his vassals: Armagnac, Aachen and Bavaria. As had happened several times before when Frankfurt invaded the Empire, the Emperor declared war. Seidyak II Khan von Chelyabinsk of Sibir was able to persuade Prussia, Lithuania and Silesia to stand with him, and his Norwegian allies declared war on Frankfurt as well. Even England decided to meddle further in Central Europe. But while the forces arrayed against Frankfurt were mighty in theory, they were far away and the small Baltic states were too fearful of August II to give them military access. Frankfurt’s army rolled northward into Saxony and southward into Sibir’s Burgundian possessions.
However, the Emperor spent the year courting King Albrecht V Goye of Austria and Navarra. On Christmas day in 1641, he received the most delightful present he could imagine: news that Austria’s troops were on the move against Frankfurt. But the news came too late for Saxony, which was forced to cede Ruppin and Meissen when its last strongholds were unable to last through the winter.
The new entrants to the war posed a grave threat to France. Its new colony in Barbados proved vulnerable to the Navarran navy, and Austrian troops poured northward through the Rhone gap. Deciding that his principal objective had been achieved August II decided to pay off the Austrians once more in 1644, rather than fight a long and bloody battle. King Henri II van Vlaanderen opted to buy his own way out of the conflict entirely the following year with a small payment to the Emperor.
Central Europe in 1645
Seidyak II proved to be a stubborn man, however. For twelve long years he plotted and schemed, trying to drag Austria back into the war or at least find a way to relieve his fortresses in Burgundy. After Seidyak’s death, August II decided to make peace with his son Dagal, as the feudal barons were growing restive over the cost of maintaining the armies occupying Burgundy.
While Frankfurt and Sibir’s war dragged on, King Laszlo V of Hungary attacked Prussia, provoking another alliance against him in the Hungarian war of 1649-1653. But once again, Norway and England proved ineffectual in Central Europe, and the Hungarians were able to extort gold from Prussia, Lithuania and Silesia, and forced Krakow to become their vassals.
Frankfurt and Hungary were not the only aggressors in central Europe during those years. In 1659, King Jean III de Broye of Berry boldly attacked Hamburg, an ally of Hungary and a member of the Holy Roman Empire. Either due to the lingering effects of the long war with Frankfurt or the marriage of Jean III to the sister of King Christoffer Galte’s of Norway, the Emperor did not contest the war. The Berrians gambled that Hungary’s allies—Gelre, Ansbach, Liege and Krakow—were too small to defeat their army and that Hungary would be unable to bring a force into the West.
For a time, this was true, and in 1661, Berry annexed Hamburg. But in 1663, the Austrians and Navarrans decided to intervene once more in central Europe, casting their lot with Hungary. Berry’s position rapidly became untenable both in Europe and in South America. The following year, they conceded defeat, making reparations payments and ceding the province of Bordeaux to Hungary, stripping it of all its seaports except La Rochelle. Though the new lands acquired in the east were valuable, the colonies that played an increasing role in Berry’s economy were now more vulnerable to being cut off.
August II felt that Frankfurt was the natural ruler of all the Teutonic peoples, and pressed onward in 1660 with an assault on Brunswick. After all, one of his distant ancestors had been Duke of Brunswick as well as of Franconia. Emperor Dagla again failed to defend the empire, and Brunswick had only weak states like Meissen and Munster to defend it. The Pope cried out against him and Leinster declared war as well, but as a land-locked nation, it had little to fear from the Irish. August II had crushed Meissen and annexed before the year was even out.
The following year saw more complications, however, as the Doge of Leinster persuaded King Ladislav IV de Sens of Bohemia to join the war effort, who brought in Ryazan, as well. August II countered by calling on his allies in France. Unfortunately, France was more vulnerable to the Irish and its nascent colonies in North America were captured. But Frankfurt’s armies proved too strong for the alliance, and Brunswick was forced to cough up large sums of gold, and carved a new state of Alsace out of Ryazan. Everything was going smoothly, as Frankfurt’s armies occupied Domazlice and Lauenberg and were besieging Mecklenburg by 1663. He wondered if Bohemia’s involvement might be a stroke of luck, enabling him to get access to the sea for the first time.
But by this time, the King Maximilian’s war with Berry was over and the Austrians were determined to maintain the balance of power in Central Europe. Their powerful armies marched through the alpine passes once again, threatening Frankfurt’s heartland. Now that the Austrian’s had joined the fray, the Emperor was eager to show that he could still be a force in the region and declared war, as well. Undaunted, August II continued to press his opponents in the north, extracting an oath of allegiance from Munster and bullying Bohemia into accepting peace.
When the war in the north was won, the brilliant general Eugen Voltz marched southward winning a critical victory at Breisgau and sweeping into Sibir’s Burgundian possessions once more. The untimely death of Maximilian in 1666 and the weak regency council that followed him enabled Frankfurt to escape the war unscathed, despite rising civil unrest.
But August II’s son and successor, Eugen III, was deeply troubled by the established pattern of Austrian intervention every time Frankfurt tried to expand its influence. Clearly, France was too weak an ally. But there was one country, perhaps the most powerful of all the nations in Europe, that had never chosen to involve itself in the affair’s of Europe’s heart. And was Denmark not a natural rival to Austria-Navarra? Pulling back from further warfare for the time being, he devoted himself to consolidating his hold over Meissen and courting young King Christian IV of Denmark.
Central Europe in 1669:
Denmark-Frankfurt vs. Austria-Navarra? Sounds like the setup for a massive war right there....
And it looks like Hungary is more or less unstoppable at this point and will reach the Baltic unless some combination of Norway-Byzantine-Frankfurt-Denmark can be brought into coalition against them.
And it looks like Hungary is more or less unstoppable at this point and will reach the Baltic unless some combination of Norway-Byzantine-Frankfurt-Denmark can be brought into coalition against them.
C'mon, Frankfurt. Keep slowly chewing up the little HRE states and form a proper Germany for me! I believe in you! And what is Hungary's diplomatic relations with the massive Byzantine Empire? I note that they keep pushing north towards the Baltic and tactfully avoiding poking the rather large Byzantine Bear. And hopefully something will happen in France that will allow a decisive reunification by either France proper or Berry so that they can act as a good counterweight to the big powers rising (and risen) around them.
Yes, but then we could just be getting led on, despite what our Foreshadowtron 4000's tell us. And I think Hungary has had the benefit of picking on an alliance chain that is rather ineffectual at actually providing assistance, as they seem to lack the required MA treaties with non-alliance members to be able to bring their troops to bear once the one or two Baltic members are battered by Hungary.
Hungary's relations with the Byzantines as of 1669 are not good (-63), partly because the Byzantines have a very bad reputation (more about that later) and because it's being embargoed by them for some reason. Maybe it violated the Byzantine SOI at some point?
Out of curiousity, who is the dominant power in France? I can see Leinster, Normandy, Berry, France and Foix at the moment currently alive, are any of them allied to each other, who has the larger force/tech/economy and realistically Magritte, do you see any chance at reunification?
The richest (by far) and most technologically advanced is Leinster, but its interest in France is limited. I'm more curious whether it will form Ireland at some point. Berry is the strongest in terms of manpower, has colonies, and is allied with Foix and Normandy...but it's not that much stronger than France and it's culturally Occitain. France is also allied with Normandy and has core everywhere...but I can't see how it would get any of its land back from Berry unless Frankfurt starts throwing its wait around. There's a few small HRE members too (Dauphine, Toulouse), which complicates things as well.
Unless either France or Berry goes into total collapse and begins shedding rebel provinces to the other, I don't see reunification happening in EU3. And I don't suppose there's a reunification path for France in Vicky 2 since it's supposed to start united.
Unless either France or Berry goes into total collapse and begins shedding rebel provinces to the other, I don't see reunification happening in EU3. And I don't suppose there's a reunification path for France in Vicky 2 since it's supposed to start united.
I believe that as long as you use both the save game converter + the eu3 to vic2 converter mod to allow all eu3 nations to be converted over properly then both Spain and France are made as a union, and I think GBR as well if it isn't around. What I'm not sure of is what happens when a union nation exists with a nation that would have been part of the union also exists (forced out by war/revolts). Most commonly seen by me is Scandanavia and Sweden/Norway/Denmark all existing at once, followed by a broken GBR or FRA. I rarely see Spain form in EU3 (or Russia, for that matter).
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Brandenburg, Lauenburg, Mecklenburg, Altmark and Lüneburg. While it owns quite a bit of Germany, most of the needed provinces are clustered in the east and north.
Hopefully Denmark can drive the Austrians out of Navarra. The only disappointment in this is that Denmark is becoming less and less likely to find a colony in the new world
Still loving this AAR. I love that Hingary is still a major power. I look forward to seeing what happens with this land in France means for them.
THE NEW WORLD, 1646-1678.
The Creek were the first tribe to suffer subjugation by the Europeans but they would not be the last. Nations like Berry and Sweden might not be srrong enough to threaten the great powers of Europe, but with their steel weapons and firearms, they could bully the Native American tribes. Worse still for the natives, the European tribes tended to attack in packs.
In 1646, King Jean III of Berry decided he wanted a bigger piece of the New World and declared war on the little tribe of Chimu on the west side of North America. Underestimating the danger posed by the foreigners, the Anquimarca Puma of the Inca tried to intervene on Chimu’s defense. Within two years, Sweden, England, Bohemia, Leinster, Connacht and Etruria had all decided to go to war. By 1651, Valentin de Cherbogne had 13,000 Berrian troops occupying much of the southern part of Inca lands, two regiments from Connacht had played havoc in much of the country, and the English had landed a large invasion force commanded by Nehebiah Frobisher. But most were content to bully gold out of the Inca, or—in the case of Berry—a single province.
Bohemia proved to be the most determined of the European powers in the end. After conquering Chimu in 1649, they continued to maintain the pressure on Anquimarca Puma. Despite the rugged terrain, they fought on until they trapped the remaining Inca soldiers at Pumo. The entire country was subjugated in 1658.
South America in 1660:
Intertribal rivalries and internal turmoil played a significant part in the collapse of the Native American states. In the early 1650’s, the Aztecs were beset by widespread peasant revolts in the north and a Mayan independence movement in the south. The Mayans broke free under the leadership of Kan Boar Quitze Balam in the spring of 1453. By fall, the Aztecs had recaptured the Peten from the Mayans, but the Republic of Leinster took advantage of the conflict, making war on the Aztecs once more. The once mighty Aztecs were reduced to the lands on the high plateau of Mexico and the Peten and lowlands south of the Bay of Campeche.
Meanwhile, the Swedes and Etrurians attacked the fledgling Mayan state and bullied them into large payments of gold in 1654, then joined the attack on the beleaguered Aztecs. Austria and Navarra joined in on the fun soon afterward. Cuitlahuac Totoquihuatzin , High Elder of the Aztecs signed desperate peaces. He ceded the provinces of Yucatan and Zapotec to Leinster in 1658 along with more than 1600 gold bars from his mines near Tenochtitlan. The following year, the Austrians compelled him to free the Zapotec peoples and seized nearly as much gold as Leinster had.
The unfortunate Creek tribe became pawns in a game between the European powers and the stronger Cherokee and Shawnee nations. In 1651, Berry attacked them, and even with the aid of the Cherokee and Shawnee, they were unable to beat back the invaders. They succumbed by the fall of the same year, but Berry continued to press northward against the others. After three years, Berry forced the Shawnee to release its southern provinces as a new Creek nation, led by Mico Malatchi Hothlapoya, who was friendly to Berry’s interests.
In other areas, the native tribes were too poorly organized to put up stiff resistance to the European powers. Powerless to stop the European encroachment on their lands the peoples of the Americas watched as the English laid claim to most of southern South America, while Berry’s colonies expanded throughout the eastern coast and Etruria dominated the northern part of the continent. The Danes, Austrians, Bohemians and French made settlements in the region as well. Castille was a late entrant to the colonizing game, but rapidly took control of much of the northwestern coast of the Gulf of Mexico.
North America in 1660:
In the early years of colonization, the Europeans largely avoided fighting among themselves in the region. Some conflicts that started on the continent inevitably spilled over into the New World, and the French in particular struggled to keep their colonies from falling into the hands of Austria and Navarra. But as the Europeans expanded their influence throughout the region, it was not surprising that conflicts of interest eventually arose.
The first European war to start in the colonies had its roots in the peace treaty signed between the Austrians and the Aztecs, which had freed the Zapotecs from their Aztec oppressors. In 1669, Doge Donnchaid o Braoin of Leinster decided to expand his Central American possessions at the expense of the Zapotecs. Although he knew that in theory the Zapotecs were allied to Austria, Austria and Navarra were in some confusion at the moment owing to the death of King Maximilian while his only son was still in infancy. Donnchaid doubted that the Austrians would go to war over a few primitives halfway around the world. However, the regency council surprised him by honoring the alliance, and even bringing in another ally, powerful Hungary. The Bohemians refused to risk aiding Leinster despite their longstanding alliance, so only Galicia took Leinster’s side. Galicia was soon pacified and forced to surrender large reparations for its foolishness.
But although the war seemed a total mismatch on the surface, Leinster’s glorious navy and superior seamanship made it impossible for the Austrians to land troops in Leinster’s homeland in Ireland or even Brittany. Despite outnumbering Leinster’s navy, they were a good ten years behind in their ship designs and unable to dislodge the Irish fleets in the northern seas. Still, Leinster had only so many ships and a huge swath of the Atlantic to defend, allowing Navarra to occupy Leinster’s colony in Nova Scotia and Austria to capture the mid-Atlantic coast. The only area where many land battles took place was in Central America. Though Leinster made peace with the Zapotecs almost immediately in order to concentrate on the larger threat, neither side was able to gain a clear advantage. The colonies in Chorotega and Mosquito changed hands half a dozen times in the space of a few years. In 1674, the regents of Austria and Navarra decided to end the war effort and Leinster had survived a grave threat, though failing to expand its interests in Central America.
Although it had feared to tangle with Austria in 1669, Bohemia found itself involved in a much larger struggle that spanned the Atlantic. It had begun, simply enough, when Etruria had decided that it wanted to subjugate its old rival, Genoa, who was now very weak and within its sphere of influence. However, Genoa had managed to forge an alliance with Sibir, and declared war on Etruria, as did Norway. More nations joined the struggle as England and Sweden honored their alliance with Etruria, while Sibir brought Bohemia into the fray. Soon nearly all the major catholic countries of Europe were at loggerheads.
Sibir, Norway and Bohemia had a slight advantage in land forces over Etruria and England, but were hopelessly overmatched at sea. This made it difficult for the land-based kingdoms, particularly Sibir, to bring their forces to where they were most needed. What ships they did have were easily destroyed by the vast navies of their opponents. By 1671, Genoa had capitulated to Etruria’s demands and changed sides in the war, and all of Bohemia’s ports and most of Norway’s were blockaded. King Edward IV von Chelyabinsk of England assembled 29,000 men at the English stronghold of Noteborg and moved eastward into Norway, capturing many fortresses in the forests of the east. The English landed a second force at Mecklenburg which seized that Bohemian stronghold, though suffering heavy casualties in the process.
The blockades left Norway and Bohemia unable to maintain contact with their colonies in the West. Etruria occupied Vinland, then landed in Norway’s mid-Atlantic region and destroyed the 14,000 Norwegians stationed there then began subjugating its colonies. Meanwhile, England landed still more troops in the heartland of Bohemia. Sibir—as had been true so often in its history—once again proved incapable of helping its allies in Western Europe.
By the summer of 1674, the Norwegians and Bohemians had had enough. Bohemia ceded the province of Holland and its colony in Maranhao to Etruria, the first time that a colonial possession had been expressly mentioned in a European peace treaty. Bohemia also released the Duchy of Luxembourg as an independent state once again. The English forced Norway to release Novgorod and Nogai, and Etruria remained in possession of most of Norway’s colonies in the North American interior. England and Etruria also received large sums of money in reparations payments.
Sibir was still at war with Etruria and its allies, but over a very limited front. Sibir did occupy the landlocked Swedish province of Polotsk, and bullied the small states of Novgorod and Moldavia into tribute. However, ultimately the war ended in 1678, with Sibir unable to recoup its allies losses, but not suffering any losses itself.
By the late 17th century, Europe had gained control of much of the New World, and it was clear that subsequent wars would often be fought on both sides of the Atlantic. The New World had ceased to be simply a land of new ventures and new starts for Europeans; it was becoming an integral part of Europe. In the coming years, it seemed likely that further expansion could only come at the price of European blood as well as that of the native peoples.
Northern Europe in 1678:
North America in 1678:
South America in 1678:
The Creek were the first tribe to suffer subjugation by the Europeans but they would not be the last. Nations like Berry and Sweden might not be srrong enough to threaten the great powers of Europe, but with their steel weapons and firearms, they could bully the Native American tribes. Worse still for the natives, the European tribes tended to attack in packs.
In 1646, King Jean III of Berry decided he wanted a bigger piece of the New World and declared war on the little tribe of Chimu on the west side of North America. Underestimating the danger posed by the foreigners, the Anquimarca Puma of the Inca tried to intervene on Chimu’s defense. Within two years, Sweden, England, Bohemia, Leinster, Connacht and Etruria had all decided to go to war. By 1651, Valentin de Cherbogne had 13,000 Berrian troops occupying much of the southern part of Inca lands, two regiments from Connacht had played havoc in much of the country, and the English had landed a large invasion force commanded by Nehebiah Frobisher. But most were content to bully gold out of the Inca, or—in the case of Berry—a single province.
Bohemia proved to be the most determined of the European powers in the end. After conquering Chimu in 1649, they continued to maintain the pressure on Anquimarca Puma. Despite the rugged terrain, they fought on until they trapped the remaining Inca soldiers at Pumo. The entire country was subjugated in 1658.
South America in 1660:
Intertribal rivalries and internal turmoil played a significant part in the collapse of the Native American states. In the early 1650’s, the Aztecs were beset by widespread peasant revolts in the north and a Mayan independence movement in the south. The Mayans broke free under the leadership of Kan Boar Quitze Balam in the spring of 1453. By fall, the Aztecs had recaptured the Peten from the Mayans, but the Republic of Leinster took advantage of the conflict, making war on the Aztecs once more. The once mighty Aztecs were reduced to the lands on the high plateau of Mexico and the Peten and lowlands south of the Bay of Campeche.
Meanwhile, the Swedes and Etrurians attacked the fledgling Mayan state and bullied them into large payments of gold in 1654, then joined the attack on the beleaguered Aztecs. Austria and Navarra joined in on the fun soon afterward. Cuitlahuac Totoquihuatzin , High Elder of the Aztecs signed desperate peaces. He ceded the provinces of Yucatan and Zapotec to Leinster in 1658 along with more than 1600 gold bars from his mines near Tenochtitlan. The following year, the Austrians compelled him to free the Zapotec peoples and seized nearly as much gold as Leinster had.
The unfortunate Creek tribe became pawns in a game between the European powers and the stronger Cherokee and Shawnee nations. In 1651, Berry attacked them, and even with the aid of the Cherokee and Shawnee, they were unable to beat back the invaders. They succumbed by the fall of the same year, but Berry continued to press northward against the others. After three years, Berry forced the Shawnee to release its southern provinces as a new Creek nation, led by Mico Malatchi Hothlapoya, who was friendly to Berry’s interests.
In other areas, the native tribes were too poorly organized to put up stiff resistance to the European powers. Powerless to stop the European encroachment on their lands the peoples of the Americas watched as the English laid claim to most of southern South America, while Berry’s colonies expanded throughout the eastern coast and Etruria dominated the northern part of the continent. The Danes, Austrians, Bohemians and French made settlements in the region as well. Castille was a late entrant to the colonizing game, but rapidly took control of much of the northwestern coast of the Gulf of Mexico.
North America in 1660:
In the early years of colonization, the Europeans largely avoided fighting among themselves in the region. Some conflicts that started on the continent inevitably spilled over into the New World, and the French in particular struggled to keep their colonies from falling into the hands of Austria and Navarra. But as the Europeans expanded their influence throughout the region, it was not surprising that conflicts of interest eventually arose.
The first European war to start in the colonies had its roots in the peace treaty signed between the Austrians and the Aztecs, which had freed the Zapotecs from their Aztec oppressors. In 1669, Doge Donnchaid o Braoin of Leinster decided to expand his Central American possessions at the expense of the Zapotecs. Although he knew that in theory the Zapotecs were allied to Austria, Austria and Navarra were in some confusion at the moment owing to the death of King Maximilian while his only son was still in infancy. Donnchaid doubted that the Austrians would go to war over a few primitives halfway around the world. However, the regency council surprised him by honoring the alliance, and even bringing in another ally, powerful Hungary. The Bohemians refused to risk aiding Leinster despite their longstanding alliance, so only Galicia took Leinster’s side. Galicia was soon pacified and forced to surrender large reparations for its foolishness.
But although the war seemed a total mismatch on the surface, Leinster’s glorious navy and superior seamanship made it impossible for the Austrians to land troops in Leinster’s homeland in Ireland or even Brittany. Despite outnumbering Leinster’s navy, they were a good ten years behind in their ship designs and unable to dislodge the Irish fleets in the northern seas. Still, Leinster had only so many ships and a huge swath of the Atlantic to defend, allowing Navarra to occupy Leinster’s colony in Nova Scotia and Austria to capture the mid-Atlantic coast. The only area where many land battles took place was in Central America. Though Leinster made peace with the Zapotecs almost immediately in order to concentrate on the larger threat, neither side was able to gain a clear advantage. The colonies in Chorotega and Mosquito changed hands half a dozen times in the space of a few years. In 1674, the regents of Austria and Navarra decided to end the war effort and Leinster had survived a grave threat, though failing to expand its interests in Central America.
Although it had feared to tangle with Austria in 1669, Bohemia found itself involved in a much larger struggle that spanned the Atlantic. It had begun, simply enough, when Etruria had decided that it wanted to subjugate its old rival, Genoa, who was now very weak and within its sphere of influence. However, Genoa had managed to forge an alliance with Sibir, and declared war on Etruria, as did Norway. More nations joined the struggle as England and Sweden honored their alliance with Etruria, while Sibir brought Bohemia into the fray. Soon nearly all the major catholic countries of Europe were at loggerheads.
Sibir, Norway and Bohemia had a slight advantage in land forces over Etruria and England, but were hopelessly overmatched at sea. This made it difficult for the land-based kingdoms, particularly Sibir, to bring their forces to where they were most needed. What ships they did have were easily destroyed by the vast navies of their opponents. By 1671, Genoa had capitulated to Etruria’s demands and changed sides in the war, and all of Bohemia’s ports and most of Norway’s were blockaded. King Edward IV von Chelyabinsk of England assembled 29,000 men at the English stronghold of Noteborg and moved eastward into Norway, capturing many fortresses in the forests of the east. The English landed a second force at Mecklenburg which seized that Bohemian stronghold, though suffering heavy casualties in the process.
The blockades left Norway and Bohemia unable to maintain contact with their colonies in the West. Etruria occupied Vinland, then landed in Norway’s mid-Atlantic region and destroyed the 14,000 Norwegians stationed there then began subjugating its colonies. Meanwhile, England landed still more troops in the heartland of Bohemia. Sibir—as had been true so often in its history—once again proved incapable of helping its allies in Western Europe.
By the summer of 1674, the Norwegians and Bohemians had had enough. Bohemia ceded the province of Holland and its colony in Maranhao to Etruria, the first time that a colonial possession had been expressly mentioned in a European peace treaty. Bohemia also released the Duchy of Luxembourg as an independent state once again. The English forced Norway to release Novgorod and Nogai, and Etruria remained in possession of most of Norway’s colonies in the North American interior. England and Etruria also received large sums of money in reparations payments.
Sibir was still at war with Etruria and its allies, but over a very limited front. Sibir did occupy the landlocked Swedish province of Polotsk, and bullied the small states of Novgorod and Moldavia into tribute. However, ultimately the war ended in 1678, with Sibir unable to recoup its allies losses, but not suffering any losses itself.
By the late 17th century, Europe had gained control of much of the New World, and it was clear that subsequent wars would often be fought on both sides of the Atlantic. The New World had ceased to be simply a land of new ventures and new starts for Europeans; it was becoming an integral part of Europe. In the coming years, it seemed likely that further expansion could only come at the price of European blood as well as that of the native peoples.
Northern Europe in 1678:
North America in 1678:
South America in 1678:
