Chapter 8, Wilhelmstrasse, Berlin, 7 March 1936
The British Ambassador had decided to dress as ‘English business’ as possible; that meant, for him, a properly collared shirt with a modest blue stripe, a sober tie with a respectably tight knot, and a well cut, sober suit. Nothing gaudy, just impeccably well set. He could have been a senior civil servant, or even a banker, off to business. There was no fuss to his appearance, nothing showy. He had decided not to wear a wing collar nor a more formal suit for this allegedly unremarkable summons.
The Ambassador was genuinely not sure what this was about. There had been rumours of some form of revisionist activity for some time, specifically a German move against the Rhineland. He knew that, virtually everyone did now. The rumours had been flying around for days and the ‘invasion’ (or, the Ambassador allowed, the ‘reoccupation’) was welcomed by a German populace eagerly believing the Government press. London had sent no instructions, so the Ambassador would listen, and wait.
Arriving at the Foreign Ministry the Ambassador noted that his French counterpart, André François-Poncet, had also just arrived. “André”.
“Sir Eric,” the French Ambassador greeted him with some warmth. Despite the not-so-secret nature of Germany’s possible actions they hadn’t had much of a chance to ‘compare notes’. “You bring instructions from London?” That was typical of the Frenchman; blunt and incisive.
Sir Eric Phipps, His Britannic Majesty’s Ambassador to the German Reich, gave the slightest, an almost imperceptible, shake of the head. The almost whispered 'ah' from François-Poncet showed that he had registered the point. “It is much the same from Paris. I warn, they, what is the English word,” he twirled a finger, looking for the right word.
“Ignore,” Phipps offered wryly.
“Ah! Yes, they ignore. They bury their heads in the, er, “
“Sand,” Phipps said quickly, amused.
“Just so,” François-Poncet replied with equal warmth. “I presume that you will remind them of the violations of the Treaties?”
Phipps nodded. “It’s all we have,” he agreed.
They were interrupted by the arrival of the Italian Ambassador, Baron Attolico. Both the Briton and Frenchman tightened at his arrival; French and British wariness of the Italians after the Ethiopian fiasco were slow to diminish. The Italian offered a vague bow at both of them, they replied and were led by a uniformed flunky into an office.
Typically, Konstantin von Neurath, German Foreign Minister, had chosen to meet them wearing his party uniform; Phipps couldn’t help but roll his eyes at this obvious display of party loyalty above nuanced statecraft. Pointing to three carefully positioned chairs with a precise, almost prissy display, he waited while another flunky breezed by with coffee. Phipps and François-Poncet both politely declined, Attolico greedily grabbed at a cup.
von Neurath began, as Phipps suspected he would have to, proceedings. “Your Excellencies,” he said stuffily, “just after dawn this morning German infantry forces entered the Rhineland. As we sit here German soldiers are on the west bank of the Rhine.” He finished, the opening moves in the dance completed.
Phipps and François-Poncet then engaged in a ‘you first’ manoeuvre which Phipps ended with only mild irritation. “His Britannic Majesty’s Government is grateful for this notification,” Phipps said in as businesslike a manner as he could, “and it is my duty to inform you that I regard such a move as a violation of Articles forty two and forty three of the Treaty of Versailles, and Articles one and two of the Treaty of Locarno. I urge the German Government to reconsider this action and would anticipate further communication between our governments”. Phipps was determined to signal some measure of protest, and the ‘I’ rather than ‘His Britannic Majesty’s Government’ was a message; he was letting von Neurath know, subtly, that he had no formal guidance on this point.
Next to Phipps, François-Poncet shifted uncomfortably. “The French Republic will share the interpretation of international obligation of our British friends,” he said wearily. “This is an unfortunate prov-” he stopped himself from saying ‘provocation’, “gesture”.
von Neurath nodded and turned to Attolico. “What is the position of the Italian Government?” Phipps and François-Poncet followed von Neurath’s gaze to stare at the Italian; the British and French responses were predictable, but the Italian position was a great unknown of this little drama.
“Gentlemen,” Attolico began in a musical, melodic voice, squirming under the gaze of the other three, “I have no instructions from Rome on this matter. Can I ask the size of the force?”
Phipps wondered where Attolico was going was this question. He and François-Poncet exchanged quizzical looks, both wondering if Attolico was trying to shift attention away from his evasive response.
“Nineteen battalions in the operation,” von Neurath said, very carefully, very precisely. “Three battalions on the west bank”. Nineteen battalions, while not a mere token force, was not an Army. Three battalions
was palpably a token force. Phipps, a clever man, suddenly grasped the point, and interjected.
“What is your interpretation of the Locarno element of this?”
The German was prepared for this. “The German Reich was forced to respond to the pact signed between the French and the Soviet Union,” von Neurath said, with some force. “Three battalions are hardly a flagrant violation of the Locarno provisions, and I believe that any reasonable government would agree with us in this assessment,” he concluded.
That was the point. The Germans were claiming that Locarno didn’t apply, as Britain and Italy were only committed to intervening against a ‘flagrant violation’ of the provisions. Phipps felt that the treaty was badly drafted.
When is a violation a flagrant violation, he wondered.
If it comes with an Army corps, looting and pillaging, and a marching band? He forced himself to sit carefully still. Unfortunately, none of the ambassadors seemed particularly keen to say anything. von Neurath stretched the silence until it was painful, before softening with a tight little smile.
“The Versailles settlement was especially strict in its provisions on the Rhineland,” von Neurath said, trying to sound as reasonable as he could. “Where else would a nation state be forbidden from moving troops within its own borders,” he continued, offering outstretched palms in a ’c’mon, let’s be reasonable’ way. “All we want is an equal status with our European friends.” Phipps wasn’t sure, but he could have sworn that there was a vague hint of menace in the way that von Neurath said ‘friends’. “This blatant provocation by France and the Soviet Union should allow us to adopt defensive measures for Germany,” he looked at Phipps and Attolico at this, to the obvious exclusion of François-Poncet. “We would look, if you supported this,” he paused as he considered the appropriate word, “rebalancing of the agreements, to reconsider our participation in the League of Nations”.
The audience was dragging on, Phipps felt, although he noted the point on the League. “Thank you, Herr Foreign Minister,” he said quickly, “I will consult with London and seek further instructions,” he rose from his chair as he said this. François-Poncet and von Neurath also rose, Attolico following them. They all shook hands, and then Phipps and François-Poncet walked to their cars together.
“He’s right, you know,” Phipps said to his French counterpart, “it was a formidable part of the treaties.”
“For sure,” François-Poncet replied, “but that is not the point.”
“I agree with you there. They have explicitly violated two international agreements. And if we do not vigorously oppose them, the tempo of their advance will increase. What will Paris do?”
“Nothing, without Great Britain.”
“Ah”, Phipps breathed heavily. “You may find yourself on a sticky wicket, there. I agree that German militarism will not be placated by mere cooings, but will only be restrained by the knowledge that the Powers who desire peace are also strong enough to enforce it. But London does not, yet, agree”.
Deep in thought, Phipps was parted from François-Poncet and clambered into the Embassy car.
“Your Excellency? The Embassy? Or the residence?”
“The Embassy, thank you. I need to talk to Whitehall”.
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GAME NOTES
So we had the ‘remilitarisation of the Rhineland’ event. Rather than focus on troops walking very slowly across Germany, I though to focus a bit on the diplomatic circuit in Berlin. I based this heavily from my books at home / internet articles on the remilitarisation; I intend to next focus on the Foreign Office and then (British) Cabinet response, this is going to be a little sub-arc to show the world in which our characters live and operate. I apologise for sticking to script a bit, and for focussing so much on one event; I was determined to show this, the first real German challenge to the established order (that could be covered in this AAR) in some detail.
The remilitarisation and diplomatic discussion happened more or less as described here (other references are available…). The Germans used the opportunity presented by the Franco-Soviet agreement to do something that had been mooted for years, and did so in a way that would give the British and Italians a way out of having to respond militarily (‘though I doubt that this would have been even a remote possibility for the British – we’ll explore this in the next two chapters). The remilitarisation is often described as the obvious way in which Hitler could have been checked fairly painlessly. We’ll look at this, but from a German perspective it was a gamble; von Neurath appears to have played a leading part in strengthening German resolve amidst ‘wobbles’ from a number of senior figures. I quite liked writing von Neurath as a character – I decided to portray him as he looks, a prissy, slightly over-precise character who nevertheless has a grasp of his brief (and he did here – he prepared the German justification on the pretext of the Franco-Soviet pact) and make him just a bit irritating. But the gamble, for now, has paid off. None of the Ambassadors can do more (at this stage) than offer a formal protest.
This is a British focussed AAR and so Phipps had to be the central character to this chapter. I find him an odd one – his last comments to François-Poncet are slightly edited versions of his opinions in 1935 and 36 and he is often held to be an ‘anti-appeaser’. I think that this is simplistic – he certainly believed in the League of Nations (at least early on) and was not hostile to making a deal; he just had a much lower threshold than Baldwin and (later on) Chamberlain for what was acceptable, and believed that the Western powers should approach German ‘rebalancing’ from a position of strength. But he has acted as well as could be expected in this chapter, given that London was yet to formulate the British Government’s response. I also may have been too kind to him; the sources appear divided on whether or not he was surprised by the Rhineland move, hence my ‘fudging’ of making it a bit of an open secret.
More on that, next. But hey, two chapters not about Edward VIII, that can only be a good thing…
@DensleyBlair : There will be war: I’m up to 1941 in the game and it’s utter chaos (not helped by the AI almost entirely falling over). To get there though, is, I have found, fascinating.
@stnylan : Thank you, and you’re right, there is a lot going on in early 1936.
@TheButterflyComposer : The point is that no one knows for sure, which I just love.
@Specialist290 : Ah, the Mustang. If the Spitfire is a good representation of the UK, then the Mustang is surely one of the most iconically American aircraft ever produced.
@TheButterflyComposer : True, and superbly put.
@El Pip : So I too weirdly kept having flashbacks to that (wonderful) film, which I think has done Mitchell a lot of good. In truth he was more, well, vinegary and terse.
@Bullfilter : You’re right, of course. What we view as a heroic piece of our history was cutting edge back in ’36.