Chapter 80, Fort Belvedere, 9 February 1937
The impasse had to end; Lloyd George might be Prime Minister in name but he wasn’t remotely active in the role. Neville Chamberlain, wounded, perhaps fatally, by the ‘dark arts’ being practised in his name, had seemed, eventually, to bow to the irresistible pressure from his party. The Tories had spent the days since arranging matters, as best they could. But one impediment remained.
Which is why a conversation was had between the factions and that conversation led to this; a deputation now waited, like errant schoolboys, in the small hallway of Fort Belvedere. Somewhere jazz music played, and the men looked around the King’s retreat, what his father had called a ‘toytown villa’.
A flunky, this one a private employee rather than the Palace staff, offered a warm smile and beckoned the men to follow. And so, in a small drawing room of the King’s ‘inner sanctum’, five men stood before their King.
“Bertie,” the King said, with a warmness that hinted at the former bonds between them. “And you’ve broad the regimental moustaches.”
“D-David,” the Duke of York said nervously. “We’ve come to talk things through with you. You know Mr Eden, as well as Mr Stanley from the Conservatives,” both men offered perfect bows, “you know Mr Attlee from the Labour Party,” Attlee, once a military man, both surprised and impressed the King with his bearing, “as well as Lord Halifax, who has been supporting me.” Like an oil derrick, Halifax’s head lowered and raised slowly.
“Supporting you,” the King said scornfully. “They’ve got you where they want you, brother,” he said in gentle rebuke.
“Ddddddavid, you need to listen to what these mmmmen have to say.”
The King leaned back in his armchair, a bitter smile on his face. “Out with it,” he said angrily.
“Sir, the Conservative Party won the election, but as you know,” Stanley said rather ponderously, he was nervous, “has…”
“…had to deal with naughty Neville,” the King barked, chuckling naughtily. Clement Attlee wore a look of very stern disapproval; the King felt very small under it and stopped laughing. “Go on,” he looked away as he said this.
“We have met with Mr Attlee here,” Stanley paused to point, rather ridiculously, at Clement Attlee, who was stood next to him, “and given the challenges that we all of us face, we will form a National Government.”
For the first time the King looked Stanley rather than through him. “The same Mr Attlee who called for the Metropolitan Police to arrest Mr Chamberlain?”
“Neville won’t be the leader,” Halifax, by far the oldest man in the meeting, said heavily. “And will not, therefore, be Pwime Minister.”
“So, which of you gets to kiss my hand,” the King asked this with such levity that for the first time it dawned on the politicians that he was almost certainly intoxicated.
“I do,” Anthony Eden said, finally. “The Conservative Party has asked me to lead it, and Clement here has agreed to stand with us.”
“Stand?”
“Stand, Sir, ah, united.”
“United? United by what?”
The Duke of York looked almost tearful. “To deal with you, brother.”
“So, this is it, is it? I must ask you, Mr Eden?”
“You must, Sir,” Eden said with conviction. Next to him, Attlee, Halifax and Stanley nodded in agreement.
“Careful there, Mr Attlee,” the King revealing that he had lost none of his venom, “they’ll do to you what they did to Macdonald. I give your government a month. I am told, by those still loyal, that I must not fight this, any more. As my support ebbs away,” he looked sadly at his shoes, “poor Wallis.” He finally rose, and looked at Eden. “As your Sovereign it now falls upon me to ask you to form a Government in my name.”
“Yes, Your Majesty,” Eden said. He noticed the King had not offered his hand.
“I haven’t changed my views,” the King said. He waved them away.
====
It would now be time for the hard bit, were they doing this for real. Attlee and Arthur Greenwood sat around the table with Eden, who was flanked by Margesson and Stanley.
“Gentlemen,” Eden began. “A few moments ago, Clement here and Oliver were at the Palace where they witnessed His Majesty invite me to form a government. I said yes and that is, ah, why we are here. Let us be clear,” he looked at Attlee sharply, “the Conservative Party could form a government on its own, but to ensure that this impasse with His Majesty can, ah, be resolved, it is necessary to join forces.”
“To the point, Prime Minister,” Attlee said snappily.
"If we are to make the threat of combined, ah, Parliamentary disapproval an, ah, tangible one, I would like to present a draft Cabinet to His Majesty within the week. To ah, make him believe that we are in earnest about this.”
“Even though we’re not,” Attlee snapped. “Not the coalition bit, anyway.”
“Therefore,” Eden said brightly, “you will get, ah, Deputy PM,” Eden said pointing a finger at Attlee, “and a reasonable domestic brief. Oliver here will be my Chancellor, and I need not remind you that we will look to ourselves to fill the Home and Foreign Departments.”
Arthur Greenwood smiled genially at all of this, but look curious. “Who gets them”?
“We’ve agreed to offer the Home Department to Euan Wallace. He had a sparkling campaign.”
“And has previously been a junior minister at the Home Department,” Stanley added.
“And is a Chamberlainite,” Attlee said wryly. Seeing Margesson and Eden’s hostility he closed his eyes. “Fine, fine.”
“Kingsley Wood will be Foreign Secretary,” Eden said with apparent weariness. “And I’ve decided to make Viscount Halifax Secretary of State for India. Zetland was…”
“…too close to the old policies,” Margesson said in interjection, cutting across Eden in case he said more than he should.
“So,” Attlee said, sucking on his pencil as he looked at his notes. “What do we get?”
“We are, ah, proposing,” Eden said, sweetening whatever he was going to say with a smile, “to tell the King that we’ve agreed to give you, Clement, a domestic portfolio, perhaps built around the Board of Trade, or Labour,” Eden drew back, to see what Attlee did in response.
“A ha,” Attlee said in mumble. “That’s it?”
“And perhaps you, Arthur, would take Transport or Health.”
“Health, I think,” said Greenwood, suddenly looking sheepishly at Attlee.
Attlee stared at Eden. “That all?”
“We would, given your renunciation of disarmament,” Eden said carefully, “also be prepared to offer one of you the War Office or Air Ministry.”
“Uh huh.” Attlee was giving nothing away.
Margesson suddenly jutted forward. “Three varied Cabinet posts is a strong haul for you.”
Attlee looked very discomforted. “I agree, but I want one more thing.” There was an impish air which Eden found irritating and Margesson evidently infuriating.
“Out with it,” Stanley muttered.
“Tell the King that we want the Duchy of Lancaster.”
Eden rolled his eyes, so Stanley took up the point. “For what purpose?”
“To abolish it,” Greenwood muttered, just too loudly.
“To reform it,” Attlee said sternly. “If we’re in on this, then the King might yield he if could be made to believe that our members will demand constitutional change.” He paused, not because he was finished, but because Margesson suddenly shifted.
“Meaning what?”
“Meaning Mr Margesson, that we cannot have this country dragged to the precipice like it was this winter. Parliamentary authority collapsed last year, and if I was in Government I would look at reining in the Royal Prerogative.”
As Prime Minister Anthony Eden was the custodian of much of that prerogative power and looked uncomfortably around his colleagues. “Yes, ah, but…”
“…done,” Margesson said suddenly. “But we tell the King that this thing reports to the Prime Minister.”
“It reports,” Attlee said seriously, “to the Cabinet.”
Margesson rolled his eyes, and then turned to Eden and Stanley to wink stealthily. Eden, catching the gesture, looked baffled. “Who, ah, who, would be the holder of this position.”
“Stafford Cripps,” Attlee snapped, earning a groan from Stanley. “He is very committed to this work.”
“Fine,” Eden said, clearly irritated by something. “You can have Trade, Health and Duchy of Lancaster. You can have a junior Dominions or Colonial ministry, and one of War or Air.”
“Fine,” Attlee snapped. No one knew the etiquette so there was an awkward moment of ‘should we’, ‘shouldn’t we’ shake hands, which became an almost oriental series of half bows.
The Conservatives, after their Labour coalition partners had left, collapsed on the leather chairs in the Downing Street study. “That went better than expected,” Stanley offered.
“I am irked by, ah, one thing,” Eden said, looking at Margesson.
“You want to know why I said yes to Cripps?”
“Rather,” Eden said languidly.
“Because this entire meeting was a pretence to compel the King to fall in line,” he was ticking off answers with his fingers, “they will now have to convene an emergency conference to approve the offer, and then have a vote, and thirdly, even if we were to enter into this National Government we can kill Cripps’ work easily,” Margesson said brutally.
Stanley nodded agreement. “The Labour Conference gives us time to go back the King and compel the abdication.”
“Unless,” Margesson replied, “the King relents first.”
“The point, Gentlemen,” Eden said, assuming an air of authority, “is that the King cannot ignore us. We may at last put this tawdry crisis behind us.”
“So,” that was Stanley, “what now?”
Eden looked confused so Margesson stepped in. “The civil servants write up the minutes, and the message leaks out that we’re pretty much agreed on Cabinet nominations, and are starting to work on policies.”
“And that gets to the King?”
“Yes Stanley, that gets to the King. He realises we’re serious…”
“…seriously pretending, more like,” Stanley quipped.
“And that doesn’t matter,” Margesson said quickly. “As long as the King falls for the trap.”
Anthony Eden was sat, very quietly, scribbling in his journal. “I need to have a think,” he said, rising without ceremony and walking to his private study.
====
GAME NOTES
The last throws of the reign of King Edward VIII, Eden becomes Prime Minister, and something we’ve talked about a few times, a National Government, is mooted, but as a threat not an intention.
Dealing with the National Government bit first, and this is, as I’ve said, a threat; Eden in 1937 is not May in 2017 or Cameron in 2010. He has a majority that, weirdly for a British PM, is going to increase rather than decrease. There are Tory MPs sitting as King Edward supporting rebels who will either be ignored, welcomed back or encouraged to stand down to trigger a byelection. All of these options will, I suspect, be considered, for each MP on a case-by-case basis. With Eden’s majority likely to increase rather decrease, as errant Tories are either welcomed back to the fold or are eventually replaced at byelections by other candidates, the need for Attlee diminishes. This is why Margesson is vital, to reassure the Tory MPs that all is well, and to give Eden his backbone and to have quiet chats in the tearooms and bars.
And what about Labour? Attlee has just campaigned on a manifesto that’s probably a weird mix of the OTL ’35 and ’45 policies, likely to have watered down the pacificist nonsense but still cleaving to the left on almost everything else. The concept of an Anthony Eden, Conservative-dominated Government signing off on nationalisation and some of the more anti-capitalist motions is a hugely remote one: the Tory backbenchers wouldn’t stand for it, let alone working with a Cripps that has called for the House of Lords to be abolished and the Monarchy dramatically curtailed. I think that constitutional reform is both the significant POD for Labour, and an asset that it brings to the negotiations. The leak of the record of discussions will seep through to the King, who will now be pressured by all to abdicate before Cripps can rip apart the Monarchy. But, this is still a threat, a huge game of bluff, and bluffs can of course be called.
Eden prevails as the Tory leader, and I have quite deliberately obfuscated as to why and how; in truth I couldn’t face Kingsley Wood as PM and I think that Oliver Stanley is still slightly suspect in the eyes of some of the senior leadership; critically, as @El Pip and @TheButterflyComposer have rightly identified, it’s not yet ‘his time’ and the best that he could for would be a move ‘further up the bed’ after this shake up. In mitigation for my wimping out of having to write about Kingsley Wood I do think that in these circumstances (Chamberlain’s defenestration, the Conservatives desperate for a unifying, charismatic leader) Eden is the anointed one; Kingsley Wood is a/the leading Chamberlainite, the two have worked closely together in the past. This closeness ensures, I think, that he is ruled out by the grandees but is rewarded with a senior Cabinet post, in the hope that this elevation will reassure Chamberlain’s supporters. I’m floating Stanley as Chancellor and Kingsley Wood at the Foreign Office, I believe that Eden would want ‘his man’ (or at least someone more closely aligned to his way of thinking) in Number 11 with Kingsley Wood leading a department where Eden (as a recent incumbent) will wield formidable influence and will likely want to retain a degree of control. Whether they are in positions that will allow them to shine is something we’ll see going forward.
It's a great point @TheButterflyComposer and one that I had more assumed than actively considered (this has now been remedied and will be looked at). The Palace bureaucracy has effectively ceased to exist.
Possibly - there is still some time before the shooting starts...
Halifax is still more of a grandee than a front rank politician; much of his appeal in OTL May 1940 came from his familiarity with Cabinet and with the Chamberlain way of doing business. Put bluntly, he was almost a Chamberlain clone. In this TL he is much more of a 'party elder'.
The problem is that the unwritten compact between Crown and Parliament is that the King wields the power, but executes it rather than exercises it. This is why the King is behaving so dangerously, he has exploited a lot of the unwritten conventions to get his way / keep his throne. As has been pointed out, there may be a reckoning on this coming up.
Chamberlain, when he recovers from the shock of his dramatic ousting, will require a great deal of handling.
You're right - a problem with one of the institutions is manageable, a collapse of both is, well, rather bad (and rare).
This is also true @Director - Chamberlain will not be keen to be consigned to history as the man who came within a whisker of power only for his own naughtiness to be his undoing. How the backbenchers, many of whom have just won their seats based on Chamberlain's policies (and to a limited extent, personal appeal), respond to this crisis will be critical.
Oh my dear @El Pip - I completely agree, and it is mad. If he had handled foreign affairs with half of the ruthlessness shown domestically he might be remembered far more favourably.
I will try and bring in some other characters (I've hinted at a young(er) Profumo, for example). Some of the ex-rebels may end up with other sinecures etc. There are always visits, governorships and chairman roles to fill.
Not exactly names to conjure with, though neither is it as bad as it could be. Eden is the 'classic' choice and there is much to recommend him, even if he has not had the best of crises. Being the victim of Nev's dirty tricks may get him sympathy but that is not the same as support. It feels a tad early for Stanley, I can see him having a big role in the future government (if nothing else due to so many historic figures being unavailable) but I'm not sure about the top job just yet. This leaves Kingsley Wood and I find myself rooting for him just because it would be a bit different, looking at what he did a the GPO and at Health/Housing there is the potential for something a bit more radical and I do wonder what he would do with the top job.
Of course it may well be someone else (Margesson for PM, you know it makes sense!) so I await your final choice with interest.
So I did seriously consider Kingsley Wood but for the reasons above weaseled out of it. I also think that the troika of him, Eden and Stanley (supported by a couple of others, I'm mulling some of the other Cabinet positions) will be fascinating to watch.
This will be looked at, but in short you're right - Margesson is far too effective where he is.
Thank you - I tried to focus on the basics of military life rather than grand encirclements and high strategy (which is rather lacking at this stage of the SCW). As for Attlee, he has a truly difficult position here as he is, in effect, supporting the Conservatives to do the right thing and get rid of the King.
It'll be a halfway house, at first, certainly the old guard will be hollowed out. It's much the same, actually, in the domestic Civil Service.
Fruity Metcalf? And a real OTL character, not one from the pages of P.G. Wodehouse?
He was the sort of character that could only exist in 1930s England. He was also, OTL, Edward's best man at the wedding to Simpson.
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