Chapter 12, Admiralty, 25 March 1936
It was still light, and it was beautiful. The sun was low and bright, almost a summer’s sun for this early Spring day, casting long shadows across the rooms, the parade outside, and across one man’s cluttered desk. The man wore his smartest suit, although he felt more comfortable with his jacket and collar off, working with his charts and plans. Next to him, a champagne flute, freshly liberated from the reception below, bubbled away happily.
The man was Sir Arthur Johns, the Director of Naval Construction, known ubiquitously as ‘DNC’. He was a measured man, and gazed out of the window in quiet contemplation. Below him, in the Admiralty Board Room, the delegates were celebrating the signing of a treaty that had a direct impact upon DNC’s work; it was rare, Johns thought ruefully, for international treaties to specify, very precisely, how senior civil servants did their jobs, but this one, like its predecessors, quite clearly did. Johns had enjoyed the exchange of information that had resulted from the London Treaty deliberations; the French and the Americans (particularly, he thought to himself, the Americans) had similar problems to the British; he had especially enjoyed, in the ‘off duty’ moments, understanding the American approach to their North Carolina class; a ship with similar aims (and, he realised, constraints) to the gift that he hoped to bestow upon the Royal Navy. The British version of the North Carolinas, as much as it could be compared, lay before him on his desk.
These ships had suffered a complicated genesis, and as Johns’ latest creation the project wasn’t safe yet. Only a month ago the design had been four hundred and fifty tons over the limits, and Johns and his team had despaired of delivering the dozen fourteen-inch guns demanded by the Admiralty. It was demoralising for the team, who like the Americans were designing a ship in accordance with a treaty that might be ignored. And if it was, as everyone believed, ignored, by Italy or Japan, then the infamous (and now ratified in international law) ‘escalator clause’ would be enacted. And the view from elsewhere in the building, to Johns' quiet fury, seemed to be that if that meant that Britain was committing to fourteen inchers while someone else was building sixteen or (heaven forbid) bigger? Well, ‘too bad’. Johns closed his eyes, and turned to the busy, but clean calm of the plans. The latest torment from the Admiralty Board, following the tonnage debacle, had been their desire to increase the armour and anti-torpedo protection. This would, Johns had conceded, improve the immunity zone against 16-inch fire. But two guns had to be dropped from the main armament and the freeboard reduced. Dropping two guns had meant that the simplicity of three quad mountings had now become two quad mountings and one double mounting.
Sitting back, the DNC was amazed that he had got the project even this far. He sat back, greedily (and completely uncharacteristically) grabbed the champagne flute, and silently toasted these new battleships.
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Not far away, in another room at the Admiralty, Viscount Monsell, First Lord of the Admiralty, looked up from his writing; he too had not long escaped the reception and was jotting a quick note to the Admiral commanding the Home Fleet with a long promised report on the proceedings. Monsell was a former Naval officer and had an unquenchable, if perhaps overregulated, enthusiasm for this job that he loved, providing political leadership to the greatest Navy, in his view the greatest fighting force, that the world had ever seen. He was not a bigoted man, nor a rabid nationalist, but the fighting traditions of the Royal Navy, coupled with an ambitious programme to provide superb warships, must, he argued, be preserved. Rarely among politicians, he felt a sense of wardship, of being a custodian, of the centuries of history until it was time to pass on that privilege. The Naval officers and civil servants working in the Admiralty were aware of this, and were loyal to him because of it despite a slightly introverted nature and an irritating peevishness.
He responded to a knock at the door of his office. “Yes, Mogridge, is it the delegates?”
“No no, First Lord, but the Foreign Secretary is here.”
Monsell, who had been engrossed in rereading the treaty provisions, smiled to his aide. “Show him in, and is the First Sea Lord back yet?”
“Yes M’Lord.”
“Show him up, as well. And Mogridge?”
“Sir?”
“We are doing the right thing, aren’t we?”
Mogridge looked down, thoughtfully, at his shoes. “I think so, Sir.”
There was a short pause before Eden was escorted in, closely followed by the First Sea Lord, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Ernle Chatfield, stiffly formal in full uniform. There was a polite knock at the door and Mogridge entered, bearing a bottle and three glasses that he had ‘liberated’ from the reception. It was almost completely dark now; Mogridge had considered cheekily bringing a fourth glass for himself, knowing that Monsell just wouldn’t think of asking him to join them (he also knew that Monsell was so reserved that he wouldn’t argue the point), but decided that Chatfield’s disdainful nature would ruin the conviviality anyway.
“Admiral, Anthony,” Monsell said when they had all grabbed a glass of champagne, “to the treaty”. They raised their glasses in salute to the agreement. “Thank you, both of you, for your work on this agreement,” he said softly, before reflectively asking them, “have we done the right thing?”
Eden stroked his moustache, “you know, Bolton, my thoughts. Baldwin told us to avoid an arms race and we have done that. We have done well with the limitations and guns.”
Chatfield raised an eyebrow, Monsell offered a weak smile before replying to Eden. “Some quarters are furious with us for insisting on fourteen-inch guns, they think that we are underestimating the threat. But,” he said, doubt in his voice, “at least we’ve kept the cost of the Admiral’s new battleships down,” he said.
“I will never understand,” Chatfield said, rather grandly, “how a sleight of hand that makes the Americans and French think us idealistic rather than parsimonious can be a good thing.”
Monsell looked as if he was going to reply, but stopped himself; Eden responded instead. “And that, if I may, ah, First Sea Lord, is why you are a first-rate Admiral but a naïve politician. It is better that Article Four looks inspired by principle rather than weakness.” Eden smiled shyly, conscious that his lesson in politics appeared patronising to this seasoned veteran of Jutland.
Monsell unfurled a series of papers, and beckoned Eden and Chatfield to look at them. Holding the corners with the bottle and the glasses, they looked down at the naval plans.
“Hot off the press, or DNC’s office anyway. The new battleships”, Monsell said, a childish enthusiasm in his voice. “Part of the new programme, to be laid in the next five years. This is why this agreement is so important. She is
designed to get the maximum effect while complying with the provisions.”
“Can your chaps keep her within the tonnage limits,” Eden asked gently, recalling an earlier mention from Cabinet. He was tired, and the Rhineland saga had deprived him of the capacity that he had been using to support the Naval discussions.
Monsell nodded, blankly. “The architects tell me that they can. She is an acceptable blend of firepower, armour and speed.”
“If,” Chatfield said wryly, “everyone complies with the agreements. If they don’t,” he said with a sour look at Eden, “then Article Four will bite us in more ways than one.”
“The reversion clause?”
“Of course,” Chatfield said elegantly, almost suavely, enjoying the reversal of fortunes. “If one of the parties doesn’t ratify, the other powers can go back to frankly God knows what. But we’ve sank money, and all of that industrial preparation into this existing design.” He tapped the plans on Monsell’s desk. “Another power setting the treaty aside could go for bigger. Which leaves us with Nelson, Rodney, and, well, First Lord, whatever we can salvage from these”. He tapped the charts again to reinforce his rather brutal commentary.
Eden looked, intrigued, to Monsell. “Can they be retrofitted, to take bigger guns?”
Chatfield and Monsell both shook their heads. “Not without major refits,” Monsell said sadly. “The turrets, the weapons hoists, the magazines…”
“Virtually a rebuild,” Chatfield said in his drawl. He looked at Monsell, “of course, there is also the factor of the dockyards.”
“The dockyards?”
Monsell nodded. “None of our Royal dockyards, at least at home, can take anything over forty thousand tons. Perhaps, with minor investment, forty-three thousand tons.”
Chatfield, next to him, nodded. “That’s what DNC has said. So all rests on the agreement.”
Eden looked, horrified, at the First Lord. “That’s quite the gamble, Bolton!”
Monsell looked sadly at Eden. “What else could we do, Anthony. Baldwin doesn’t have the inclination to help, but anyway we cannot get money for the Navy without the Cabinet, and Chamberlain resists all but measured expenditure. So, we rely on international agreements to limit the world to that which
we can afford. All the while…”
“We can grandstand as the proponents of peace and promote restraint of arms,” Eden said, the simplicity of the British position and the victory obtained through guile and manoeuvring not sitting entirely comfortably.
Monsell had his hands in his pockets, in a staged show of insouciance. The fact that he kept pulling them out, moving them around as if wondering what to do with them before returning them to his pockets destroyed this display of indifference. “I just worry,” he said softly, Eden smirking as the thought that Monsell had said all that he needed to with those three words, before waiting for more, “that we will end up like the French”
“I don’t follow, First Lord,” Chatfield said primly, showing a hint of distaste at the thought of being compared to the French.
Monsell sighed. “They fought hopelessly for as much as they could get at Washington and couldn’t even reach those low limits. We have to keep our primacy.”
Chatfield nodded, relieved that he had a minister who wanted to defend the Royal Navy’s position. “Yes, First Lord,” he drawled.
Eden also nodded, “I will do what I can to make the Foreign Office need for strong maritime forces clear.”
Monsell looked peevishly at Eden. “You would do that, truly?”
Eden was irritated that Monsell had questioned him but, typically, was graceful enough not to show it. “Of course. Neville has agreed to continue with the rearmament.”
“Is it Chamberlain’s decision, frankly?” That was Chatfield, keen to contribute and unable to resist adding some gossip. “All the talk is of some new minister.”
Eden rolled his eyes. “The Prime Minister,” he said, petulantly, “has yet to decide on
that. Ah!” This last comment was to two new arrivals, Sir Robert Craigie, a Foreign Office diplomat, and Captain Tom Phillips, Director of Plans at the Admiralty.
“Well that’s everyone heading out,” Phillips said in a no-nonsense way. Next to him Craigie offered an almost shy (almost Edenesque) smile.
“Sir Robert?” That was Eden, detecting the other man’s hesitancy.
“I wonder, Foreign Secretary, if this is not the time to consider talks with those nations not involved in these talks.”
“What do you mean,” that was Monsell. “Do you want to reengage with the nations that have pulled out of this agreement, or include lesser naval powers.”
Next to Craigie, Eden was irritated to see Phillips silently mouth ‘the Russians’. He was pleased to sense Monsell tighten in anger but Eden couldn’t let it drop. “You have a point, Captain?”
Phillips shook his head and avoided Eden’s gaze. Craigie was not perturbed or dissuaded. “He thinks, Foreign Secretary, that I am too worried about the Russians. But Stalin has the intent to increase their strength. An early engagement, perhaps agreed tonnages, could work.”
Eden, for whom dealing with the Soviet Union was not a priority, pulled a sour face, but Monsell looked thoughtful. “Any others?”
“The second-rate powers. The Norther Europeans, the Dutch.”
Eden smiled, “perhaps, Sir Robert, you could look at it for us, and report back?”
Craigie, suitably empowered, nodded. Mogridge returned and with a single nod signalled that the that the delegate had actually gone. All sighed with relief.
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GAME NOTES
This was a hard update to write as I have crammed it with game stuff, but not much really happens. Easy stuff first, the UK completes its research into Depth Charge throwers, despite them being a (largely) WW1 tech. I have obfuscated by using it to symbolise Chamberlain’s continued funding for the RN’s (already quite mature) destroyer programme. So, at anti-submarine warfare, the RN continues to invest. Done. This was also completed around the same (ish) time as the London Treaty event (rarely, for HOI4, an event taking place around the right time!) and my beginning to research the 1936 capital hull. I deliberately waited until I have spent my Political Power on making Camell Laird the favoured in-game Naval designer to favour an Atlantic approach.
The London Treaty is the child / grandchild of the more famous (infamous?) Washington Treaty. By 1936 the maritime balance via a treaty policy was very mature, and the British, Americans, French, Germans (through the 1935 pact with the British) and, to an increasingly fraying extent, the Italians and Japanese were fully involved. The 1936 London Treaty was prevented from further limiting how many ships a nation could build by Japan’s absence, but did limit the maximum size of the signatories' ships, and the maximum calibre of the guns which they could carry. Capital ships were restricted to 35,000 tons and, as we have seen, a calibre of 14-inch (356 mm) guns. Here comes, however, the ‘sting’. The infamous ‘escalator clause’ (which HOI4 does replicate) was put in at largely American urging in case the signatories to the earlier agreements (Japan, kid, I’m looking at you) refused to adhere to this new limit. This provision allowed the signatory countries of this new agreement (Britain, USA, France) to raise the limit from 14-inch guns to 16-inch if Japan or Italy still refused to sign after 1 April 1937. Spoiler alert, they weren't keen. Further provisions were that submarines were limited to 2,000 tons, light cruisers were restricted to 8,000 tons, and aircraft carriers were restricted to 23,000 tons. There were, also, limits to the calibre of armaments that these ships could sport.
And now to the personalities involved. I have tried to give a rare spotlight on Monsell, a man largely forgotten by history (in light of the chaos to come) but whom I find myself liking. The personality fell from the attached (NPG) photo, he just looks like a worrier. Everything that I have read (and there isn’t, actually, that much) suggests that he was a conscientious, if uninspiring type and I have tried to fit that into this narrative. Of course, historically he was moved on not long after the events of this chapter, but I think that he deserves some credit for the Treaty (for getting the thing signed, anyway) and for getting the KGVs to the build stage. Eden, of course, we have already met, but this chapter highlights
@stnylan 's point that he had a very unwieldy portfolio in early ’36 – he’s everywhere! Mogridge is fictional, but Chatfield and Johns are of course real. Little is known about this ‘DNC’, so I have been lazy and invested into him stereotypical engineer traits (I think!). I actually think he was quite good at his job, and gave the RN a range of platforms for the looming conflict, although some serious inbuilt issues would be manifested as the ships were built and used. In reality the KGVs were his last project, and he handed over to Sir Stanley Goodall shortly after the 1936 Naval Estimates.
Chatfield is real, and again I may have strayed from history; in this case I have probably made him more interesting (or certainly more cavalier) than he really was. In a world of pretty dull civil servants, I wanted a touch of dash, or character. A compromise, hopefully not one too far!
And at its heart this is a chapter all about compromise, whether it is right to comply, or simply wrong. All battleships (arguably all warships, hell, arguably all ships) are a compromise, in capital ships of the era it is a balance between speed, weapons, and armour (simply put, I concede that there is more besides); Washington and its successor treaties introduced and then gleefully tightened an additional factor in ship design: tonnage. DNC and his foreign counterparts now had to juggle the factors prevalent in getting a good capital ship amidst pretty tight tonnage limits (not to mention the other key external of the interwar era, cost). The result, for Britain, is what would (later) become (in the real world, anyway) the oft-maligned King George Vs, the only new battleship class that the RN completed in time for the Second World War. These ships were criticised for their shortcomings while being developed, and have often been since portrayed as the least of that war’s newish generation of battleships. Winston Churchill, particularly, was loud in his complaints about their relatively small calibre of main armament. Did he have a point? Probably, although how much those shortcomings really mattered is a question for debate. But at least on paper, the KGVs' 14-inch guns, firing a 1590 lb shell, made them among the least powerfully armed new battleships of the day. The construction, as we shall see going forward, was far from trouble free. However, I have some sympathy with the argument in rebuttal that to write them off does them an injustice. Of the five built one, HMS Prince of Wales, was of course famously lost, but the surviving ships could be argued to have done (perhaps inelegantly) what was required of them. I therefore think that my view is that the design was not perfect, but they were better than history has sometimes credited. For a ship built with eye watering constraints (the Treaties, cost and engineering limitations), they were, in my view, perhaps as good a design as you were going to get. It is my view that the question that often isn’t asked is whether the British should have persevered as hard as they did in getting this 1936 agreement.
There are a couple of other little hints, there were attempts to engage with the Northern European regional powers, as well as the Russians, and these will be explored idc. I also couldn’t resist, given what eventually happened, having Chatfield be the one to hint about the looming ‘Minister of Defence Cooperation’. Which is precisely where we’re heading next…
@Captured Joe : The thing is, he was…
@DensleyBlair : Thank you! I did vaguely remember the ‘Heil Boothby’ comment, although in truth I was aping KGVI, who wondered, when Ribbentwerp met him, whether he should shout ‘Heil George’!
@TheButterflyComposer : Y’know I have to agree. I used to hate the BCF of earlier iterations of HOI and genuinely hoped that we had avoided it.
@El Pip : I have to confess (a lot of confessing, this evening!) that we’re going on a little mission around the world a bit before we get back to Eddie.
@stnylan : A very well judged comment, as ever. You’re right, and it was in typing this update (and planning another) that I realised just how busy he was. With a poor ‘supporting cast’, particularly in early ’36, he was spread very, very thin.
@TheButterflyComposer : There’s a great line in ‘To Play the King’ where Dobbs (rightly) assess that the Upper Classes survive by absorbing just enough fresh blood (and preferably bringing with it a ton of cash) to keep the whole thing going.
@Cromwell : I hear you, Sir, and have a plan to include MacDonald in an upcoming update.
@DensleyBlair : A view still held, widely, on the left I believe.
@Specialist290 : I agree, actually. He won a skirmish while losing the overall concern.