-
We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
nice to see the side action capturing your attention..
I trust India is marching on well too
Heretic
I trust India is marching on well too
Heretic
india??
how do you get to play as India? I can't find india anywhere in my HOI. I'm playing v 1.06 and the new CORE
how do you get to play as India? I can't find india anywhere in my HOI. I'm playing v 1.06 and the new CORE
Britain can release it, though it has no ministers or leader. Ic an't wait for more of this stuff.
Bloody excellent naval update! There's nothing better than hearing about a good old fashioned capture at sea!
Part IV
The name, 'the Rebellion of 1936', is wildly inaccurate for a conflict that would be more appropriately titled the Spanish Civil War. Adopted by Spanish communists at the conclusion of the war to give the impression of a weak base for their fascist opponents, the name gained worldwide popular fame with the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939. In fact, the fascists possessed a great deal of support among all classes and people of the Spanish Republic. Had it not been for the rapid reaction of loyalist elements of the Spanish military, the republic would have been in a difficult position. An ironic situation, given the treatment that same military suffered at the hands of their former anarchist and communist comrades after the war.
Professor James Hardwick, Yale University, 1972
With the fall of Barcelona, the rebels were isolated in southern Spain and in minor islands and colonies throughout the empire. The scattered garrisons would undoubtably surrender if their comrades in the motherland were defeated. The southern rebels, however, showed no signs of imminent collapse. Government forces at the front line did report a larger than normal number of deserters but nothing more substantial. Wearily, General Miaja realized that another offensive would be needed to end the raging civil war. With the capture of Burgos on August 2nd, several divisions began the long march south. Government victories at Valladolid and Barcelona a few weeks later permitted Miaja to move the bulk of his army to the last rebel strongholds. The units were to congregate in Cartagena. Once assembled, they would march on Granada and, finally, the current capital of the Junta de Defensa Nacional, Sevilla.
The rebels, however, had their own plans. In order to boost diminishing morale, the rebels concentrated their forces and attacked the government-held province of Cartagena. The attack commenced in the middle of August, with three rebel divisions engaging a single division of anarchist and communist paramilitary units, the only active unit between the rebels and Madrid. The rebel junta supported the offensive with several dozen aircraft. The small biplanes proved ineffective against the government units, even though they lacked any air support. Still, the militia broke after only a few days of light skirmishing, retreating to Albacete in disorder. Any hope the rebels held for a march to Madrid, though, died quickly as Miaja's veterans from the north arrived just days later, with ample air and artillery protection.
The rebels settled onto the defensive. With their right flank was anchored on the Guadalaquivir River, the most likely location for a government offensive lay at Cartagena. The logical military decision would have been for the rebels to have mobilized the majority of their strength in Cartagena and await the blow that was sure to come before winter. The rebels, however, decided on a gamble: another offensive. Anarchist bands, supported by a regular army battalion, had managed to seize the rebel city of Cordoba early in the war, at the end of July. The city was strongly sympathetic to the rebel cause and the government garrison, a regular division, was only able to maintain cursory control over the region. Shifting two divisions from Cartagena to Sevilla, the rebel junta prepared to retake the city before the government could launch its own offensive.
Before the rebels could strike, General Sebastian Pozas and his division arrived in Valencia, after a rapid march from Barcelona. Aerial recon soon revealed the light rebel garrison in Cartagena. The general asked Jose Miaja for permission to attack. Miaja had feared that a strong rebel garrison in Cartagena would make a government offensive an impossibility until spring, yet, he hesitated about permitting the attack. Pozas would need to make a river crossing in the face of enemy resistance, something that would guarentee heavy casualties. To Miaja's criticism, General Pozas briefly replied, "it's smaller than the last body of water." General Jose Miaja approved the offensive the next day, August 29th, provided that a second regular division based in Albacete also participate.
It took several days for the division to assemble sufficient boats for the river assault at a central location. General Pozas also wanted aircraft and artillery to pound rebel positions in antipation of the attack. The bombardment, however, was inaccurate and only served to warn the enemy of the impending offensive. The rebels heavily reinforced the river bank with machine guns and light artillery. Reserve infantry units waited less than a kilometer behind the water's edge, prepared to plug any holes that appeared in the rebel defenses. The general's staff repeated warned him of the enemy preparation, yet, the man refused to cancel the assault. On the night of September 10th, the first wave of government infantry launched themselves across the river.
The first wave, composed of one hundred small boats and barges carrying 800 men and a dozen machine guns, came under fire less than a third of the way across the river. The new rebel 81-mm mortars proved especially effective against the small craft, with the rebel heavy artillery too inaccurate to achieve any significant results. The fact that the assault occurred at night made it impossible for General Pozas' artillery and aircraft to respond. Only half of the vessels managed to cross the river and discharge their passengers, returning to get the second wave. Meanwhile, rebel guns turned on the battered government soldiers, inflicting severe losses on their enemy. The arrival of the second wave a half-hour later did nothing but add to the casualty figures. The same was true for the third and fourth waves. As dawn approached, the fifth wave crossed the river with the last twenty boats and General Pozas. The soldiers managed to manhandle a light artillery piece onboard one of the craft and unloaded it on the river bank. Artillery from the other side of the river now opened fire to support the government troops along with aircraft from nearby air bases. The oversized 150-man company pushed forward with its artillery piece, establishing a perimeter nearly 100 yards inland. Survivors of the other waves joined the company and the foothold held. Over the next several days, General Pozas continued to reinforce his beachead, while continuing to take heavy casualties. The rebels also brought in more units and artillery, attempting to crush the now regiment-sized unit.
On September 13th, the government division from Albacete came into action, finally revealing the reason for General Pozas intractable demands for an assault. With most of the rebel units concentrated on the attack from Valencia, the new force rapidly outflanked the rebel division. To prevent the rebels from readjusting their defensive lines, General Pozas ordered a general attack, which forced the rebels to commit all of their reserves against his division by the river. By the 16th, the Albacete division severed the rebel supply lines and made contact with the rebel main body. The rebels collapsed under the attack and the last remnants of the division surrendered on September 20th. With a massive hole in the rebel defensive line, the Albacete division, under the personal command of General Jose Miaja, advanced towards undefended Almeria, while Sebastian Pozas' division refitted in Cartagena. Almeria fell in early October, but lengthening supply lines, growing rebel resistance, and heavy casualties during the Battle of Cartagena, forced the loyalist units to halt their offensive until spring.
Over the winter, the rebels valiantly tried to re-establish their defensive lines. Supply shortages and near-famine conditions, however, greatly hindered their efforts. The government tried to negociate with the rebels for a peaceful surrender, but fascist and communist extremists wrecked any hope of a settlement. Often, these ideological paramilitary groups intentionally violated cease fire agreements. Soviet agents working with the Spanish government nearly forced General Miaja to resign after he forcefully urged the government to enter into negotiations to end the bloodshed. The military quickly learned the lesson: shut up and win the war.
On March 15th, 1937, two loyalist divisions in Almeria launched an attack on rebel Malaga. The three rebel divisions inflicted heavy losses on the government regulars. When the offensive began to falter, General Miaja reinforced them with three more divisions, including the single loyalist armored division. The Soviet-built T-26, though small and slow, smashed through rebel defenses unprepared for armored warfare. Loyalist aircraft joined in the attack but, once more, proved ineffective and inaccurate. On April 2nd, the surviving rebels retreated to Sevilla. General Miaja wanted to move on to the rebel capital immediately before the survivors from Malaga could reorganize. Madrid, however, was concerned about the general's long defensive lines and ordered him to seize Granada first. Miaja order five divisions from Almeria, Cartagena, and Albacete to attack simultaneously against the three rebel divisions in the region. The offensive commenced on April 11th. The rebels, perhaps realizing that the end was near, put up only light resistance. Many soldiers simply deserted and walked home. Others retreated in disorder to Sevilla while only a small minority actually stood and fought. By April 15th, the city was in loyalist hands.
General Miaja did not wait for Madrid' permission to launch the attack on Sevilla. On April 14th, even as fighting continued to rage in Granada, five loyalist divisions in Malaga engaged rebel units in Sevilla. Two of the divisions were still in poor condition after the attack on Malaga the previous month but Jose Miaja still sent them on the offensive, hoping to end the war before survivors from Granada could establish themsevles in Sevilla. Throughout the 14th, the loyalist units faced stiff resistance from the rebels and suffered far heavier losses. Miaja contemplated a withdrawal when news arrived of the fall of Granada. Rebels began to surrender in large numbers and, instead of retreating, the government general pressed the attack. Two days later, Sevilla, and all of mainland Spain, was in government hands. The war was over.
Part IV: The Rebellion of 1936 (cont'd)
September 1936 - April 1937
The name, 'the Rebellion of 1936', is wildly inaccurate for a conflict that would be more appropriately titled the Spanish Civil War. Adopted by Spanish communists at the conclusion of the war to give the impression of a weak base for their fascist opponents, the name gained worldwide popular fame with the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939. In fact, the fascists possessed a great deal of support among all classes and people of the Spanish Republic. Had it not been for the rapid reaction of loyalist elements of the Spanish military, the republic would have been in a difficult position. An ironic situation, given the treatment that same military suffered at the hands of their former anarchist and communist comrades after the war.
Professor James Hardwick, Yale University, 1972
-------------------------------------
With the fall of Barcelona, the rebels were isolated in southern Spain and in minor islands and colonies throughout the empire. The scattered garrisons would undoubtably surrender if their comrades in the motherland were defeated. The southern rebels, however, showed no signs of imminent collapse. Government forces at the front line did report a larger than normal number of deserters but nothing more substantial. Wearily, General Miaja realized that another offensive would be needed to end the raging civil war. With the capture of Burgos on August 2nd, several divisions began the long march south. Government victories at Valladolid and Barcelona a few weeks later permitted Miaja to move the bulk of his army to the last rebel strongholds. The units were to congregate in Cartagena. Once assembled, they would march on Granada and, finally, the current capital of the Junta de Defensa Nacional, Sevilla.
The rebels, however, had their own plans. In order to boost diminishing morale, the rebels concentrated their forces and attacked the government-held province of Cartagena. The attack commenced in the middle of August, with three rebel divisions engaging a single division of anarchist and communist paramilitary units, the only active unit between the rebels and Madrid. The rebel junta supported the offensive with several dozen aircraft. The small biplanes proved ineffective against the government units, even though they lacked any air support. Still, the militia broke after only a few days of light skirmishing, retreating to Albacete in disorder. Any hope the rebels held for a march to Madrid, though, died quickly as Miaja's veterans from the north arrived just days later, with ample air and artillery protection.
The rebels settled onto the defensive. With their right flank was anchored on the Guadalaquivir River, the most likely location for a government offensive lay at Cartagena. The logical military decision would have been for the rebels to have mobilized the majority of their strength in Cartagena and await the blow that was sure to come before winter. The rebels, however, decided on a gamble: another offensive. Anarchist bands, supported by a regular army battalion, had managed to seize the rebel city of Cordoba early in the war, at the end of July. The city was strongly sympathetic to the rebel cause and the government garrison, a regular division, was only able to maintain cursory control over the region. Shifting two divisions from Cartagena to Sevilla, the rebel junta prepared to retake the city before the government could launch its own offensive.
Before the rebels could strike, General Sebastian Pozas and his division arrived in Valencia, after a rapid march from Barcelona. Aerial recon soon revealed the light rebel garrison in Cartagena. The general asked Jose Miaja for permission to attack. Miaja had feared that a strong rebel garrison in Cartagena would make a government offensive an impossibility until spring, yet, he hesitated about permitting the attack. Pozas would need to make a river crossing in the face of enemy resistance, something that would guarentee heavy casualties. To Miaja's criticism, General Pozas briefly replied, "it's smaller than the last body of water." General Jose Miaja approved the offensive the next day, August 29th, provided that a second regular division based in Albacete also participate.
The government pre-emptive attack
It took several days for the division to assemble sufficient boats for the river assault at a central location. General Pozas also wanted aircraft and artillery to pound rebel positions in antipation of the attack. The bombardment, however, was inaccurate and only served to warn the enemy of the impending offensive. The rebels heavily reinforced the river bank with machine guns and light artillery. Reserve infantry units waited less than a kilometer behind the water's edge, prepared to plug any holes that appeared in the rebel defenses. The general's staff repeated warned him of the enemy preparation, yet, the man refused to cancel the assault. On the night of September 10th, the first wave of government infantry launched themselves across the river.
The first wave, composed of one hundred small boats and barges carrying 800 men and a dozen machine guns, came under fire less than a third of the way across the river. The new rebel 81-mm mortars proved especially effective against the small craft, with the rebel heavy artillery too inaccurate to achieve any significant results. The fact that the assault occurred at night made it impossible for General Pozas' artillery and aircraft to respond. Only half of the vessels managed to cross the river and discharge their passengers, returning to get the second wave. Meanwhile, rebel guns turned on the battered government soldiers, inflicting severe losses on their enemy. The arrival of the second wave a half-hour later did nothing but add to the casualty figures. The same was true for the third and fourth waves. As dawn approached, the fifth wave crossed the river with the last twenty boats and General Pozas. The soldiers managed to manhandle a light artillery piece onboard one of the craft and unloaded it on the river bank. Artillery from the other side of the river now opened fire to support the government troops along with aircraft from nearby air bases. The oversized 150-man company pushed forward with its artillery piece, establishing a perimeter nearly 100 yards inland. Survivors of the other waves joined the company and the foothold held. Over the next several days, General Pozas continued to reinforce his beachead, while continuing to take heavy casualties. The rebels also brought in more units and artillery, attempting to crush the now regiment-sized unit.
On September 13th, the government division from Albacete came into action, finally revealing the reason for General Pozas intractable demands for an assault. With most of the rebel units concentrated on the attack from Valencia, the new force rapidly outflanked the rebel division. To prevent the rebels from readjusting their defensive lines, General Pozas ordered a general attack, which forced the rebels to commit all of their reserves against his division by the river. By the 16th, the Albacete division severed the rebel supply lines and made contact with the rebel main body. The rebels collapsed under the attack and the last remnants of the division surrendered on September 20th. With a massive hole in the rebel defensive line, the Albacete division, under the personal command of General Jose Miaja, advanced towards undefended Almeria, while Sebastian Pozas' division refitted in Cartagena. Almeria fell in early October, but lengthening supply lines, growing rebel resistance, and heavy casualties during the Battle of Cartagena, forced the loyalist units to halt their offensive until spring.
General Sebastian Pozas on Time Magazine
Over the winter, the rebels valiantly tried to re-establish their defensive lines. Supply shortages and near-famine conditions, however, greatly hindered their efforts. The government tried to negociate with the rebels for a peaceful surrender, but fascist and communist extremists wrecked any hope of a settlement. Often, these ideological paramilitary groups intentionally violated cease fire agreements. Soviet agents working with the Spanish government nearly forced General Miaja to resign after he forcefully urged the government to enter into negotiations to end the bloodshed. The military quickly learned the lesson: shut up and win the war.
On March 15th, 1937, two loyalist divisions in Almeria launched an attack on rebel Malaga. The three rebel divisions inflicted heavy losses on the government regulars. When the offensive began to falter, General Miaja reinforced them with three more divisions, including the single loyalist armored division. The Soviet-built T-26, though small and slow, smashed through rebel defenses unprepared for armored warfare. Loyalist aircraft joined in the attack but, once more, proved ineffective and inaccurate. On April 2nd, the surviving rebels retreated to Sevilla. General Miaja wanted to move on to the rebel capital immediately before the survivors from Malaga could reorganize. Madrid, however, was concerned about the general's long defensive lines and ordered him to seize Granada first. Miaja order five divisions from Almeria, Cartagena, and Albacete to attack simultaneously against the three rebel divisions in the region. The offensive commenced on April 11th. The rebels, perhaps realizing that the end was near, put up only light resistance. Many soldiers simply deserted and walked home. Others retreated in disorder to Sevilla while only a small minority actually stood and fought. By April 15th, the city was in loyalist hands.
General Miaja did not wait for Madrid' permission to launch the attack on Sevilla. On April 14th, even as fighting continued to rage in Granada, five loyalist divisions in Malaga engaged rebel units in Sevilla. Two of the divisions were still in poor condition after the attack on Malaga the previous month but Jose Miaja still sent them on the offensive, hoping to end the war before survivors from Granada could establish themsevles in Sevilla. Throughout the 14th, the loyalist units faced stiff resistance from the rebels and suffered far heavier losses. Miaja contemplated a withdrawal when news arrived of the fall of Granada. Rebels began to surrender in large numbers and, instead of retreating, the government general pressed the attack. Two days later, Sevilla, and all of mainland Spain, was in government hands. The war was over.
Thanks for the replies everyone, glad you're enjoying it. For the next update, the Indian naval building plan is revealed, along with the plan for the army and the air force.
Acesand8s1003 said:
Hurray! Naval plans! Who needs anything else other then a strong navy anyway?
Part V
"She's going to rule the seas."
Comments made by Ram Dass Katari,
Minister of the Navy, upon seeing the
designs for HMIS Vikrant in April 1937
Despite the chaos that resulted from the attempted assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian government continued its program of expanding its major shipyards. Unlike most other government projects, which found themselves without any funding during the period, the maritime technological and industrial expansion program continued unabated. The Indian National Army made its disgust known over this decision, especially since its soldiers were fighting and dying with too few reinforcements and antiquated weaponry. One divisional commander, Bernard Montgomery, even resigned in the middle of the crisis over what he saw as the mismanagement of government funds. The loss of the popular commander severely hindered efforts to suppress the rebellion. The entire funding incident left bad blood between the two services that continues to the present day.
By the middle of 1937, however, the rebellion had been suppressed and the shipyard expansion program had been completed. The debate that had ended inconclusively over a year earlier now returned as Rajendra Prasad and the Indian government turned to the issue of rearmament. The positions of the different factions had changed little during the recess. Most Indians still called for a navy of light warships and a primarily infantry-based army that could better defend India. British officers on loan pushed for a military that would be able to assist the empire in the event of war, which meant capital ships for the navy and motorized infantry and tanks for the army. Such a military would be much smaller than that planned by Indian officers. The officers of the Royal Indian Air Force simply sat quietly, knowing that it would become a subsidy of whichever branch won the bulk of the government's funding.
On June 18th, 1937, after delaying as long as possible, the major officers and civilian leaders of the armed forces gathered together in Delhi to witness the unveiling of the rearmament plan. When the Minister of the Navy, Ram Dass Katari, walked to the center of the room to announce the plan, an audible groan came from the army officers, who knew the plan would almost certainly favor the Royal Indian Navy. The minister's introduction confirmed the impression. Stating that India's destiny rested on international commerce, he described her need for a navy to defend that commerce. With her long border, a defense of the frontier by the army would be too expensive to maintain while leaving India's source of wealth open to enemy attack. Thus, India would place its hopes on a navy.
The proposed armament plan was called the New Standard Program. At its heart, lay three massive capital ships: two battleships and an aircraft carrier. The battleships, the Taragiri and Vindhyagiri, displaced 40,000 tons with a length of nearly 230 meters and a beam of about 30 meters. They were to be capable of 30 knots at full steam and were to be armed with ten 14-inch guns in two triple and a quadruple turret. The naval ministry had debated equipping them with 15-inch guns, which would significantly increase their firepower. The cost, however, would be prohibitive. India possessed a numer of 14-inch coastal guns that could be disassembled and used on the Taragiri-class battleships, while the 15-inch guns would have to be constructed from scratch. Even so, with a crew of 1500 men, they were the equal of any vessel in the region.
To complement the two battleships, the Royal Indian Navy would feature a fleet carrier. This carrier, HMIS Vikrant, would carry between 60 and 80 aircraft. She would be capable of 30 knots, enabling her to keep up with the battleline. The vessel would displace 20,000 tons. Her length and beam would measure 240 and 28 meters respectively. The Vikrant was envisioned for two roles. First, she would be a scouting unit for the battlewagons, a necesity given the large area to be covered by the RIN and its small size. Secondly, Ram Dass Katari intended for her to be a testing platform for his new and radical ideas on carrier warfare. Her air group would be composed largely of torpedo planes intended to destroy enemy fleets. The idea had firm support from the ranking officer of the Royal Indian Air Force, Frederick Bowhill.
In regards to cost, the Vikrant would be much cheaper than either of the battleships. The air group would slightly increase her pricetag, but not significantly. Recently, in the United Kingdom, Gloster had produced a prototype fighter, the F.5/34. The aircraft was to be a long range fighter to replace the Gloster Gladiator. The Royal Air Force, however, decided on another design, the Hawker Hurricane. Having already spent money on research and development, as well as a pair of prototypes, Gloster was desparate to find a buyer. The Royal Indian Air Force and the Royal Indian Fleet Air Arm could purchase the fighter quite cheaply. Since Gloster had several factories in India, the money would even stay in the Indian economy; it was an ideal situation. Ram Dass Katari's torpedo planes would be more expensive but the overall cost for the air groups would be much less than anticipated.
The New Standard Program also planned the construction of several lighter warships for screening purposes. Three light cruisers, as yet unnamed and undesigned, would support the battleline. The vessels were to be capable of 30 knots and would be armed with at least eight 6-inch guns but no other details were available. Construction on these warships wouldn't begin until 1938 at the earliest. Furthermore, the fleet would have the support of no less than 20 destroyers, displacing 1500 tons and equipped with five 4.5-inch guns. As with the light cruisers, construction wouldn't commence for at least a year. Altogether, the New Standard Program anticipated the completion of a fleet of twenty destroyers, three cruisers, an aircraft carrier, and two battleships by the middle of 1940.
Had the presentation ended there, the room would have erupted in riot. The navy was clearly one intended for operations in either the Mediterranean or the South China Sea; in other words, intended for the defense of the Commonwealth rather than India. The plan would not leave much if any funding for the army, meaning that India would have nothing but the current two divisions of the Indian National Army for defense. As if in ignorance of the growing anger in the room, Ram Dass Katari calmly removed the presentation card displaying the design of the Vikrant and replaced it with another, reading "New Standard Tentative Program." Intruiged, the shouts of dismay stopped before they could begin.
The New Standard Tentative Program at the time was not as formalized as the New Standard Program, essentially the second phase of that armament plan. It would entail expansion of the army as well as the navy. Unlike the New Standard Program, the heart of the naval portion of the Tentative Program was not the battleship but the carrier. The two Taragiri-class battleships would absorb a disproportionate amount of the Indian economy. Additional battleships would cripple the economy. At best, the New Standard Tentative Program could expect either a small battleship or a battlecruier. Ram Dass Katari called for a force of three Vikrant-class carriers for the new plan, which would function as its striking rather than scouting arm. A number of cruisers and destroyers would also be constructed to support the force, but their numbers would depend on whether or not the New Standard Tentative Program would include a battleship. Either way, this second wave of construction would function as a fleet for the Indian Ocean.
The Tentative Program also included an auxiliary building plan. Construction of this force would probably not begin until 1941 at the earliest and was intended to be a long range Pacific striking group. At its heart would lay the aviation cruiser HMIS Garunda and an as yet undesigned heavy cruiser. Several destroyers, displacing 1500 tons, would support the battle group. The force would accompany what Ram Dass Katari labelled a fast amphibious assault transport. More accurately, it was a passanger liner that France was looking to sell that could be hastily converted with light armor and anti-aircraft guns. The vessel would carry a full division of troops. Together, the task group would sail through the Pacific in the event of war with Japan, attacking convoys and seizing lightly protected islands. Alternatively, it could be used to ferry troops to south east Asia or Australia if needed.
The army would receive a major overhaul with the New Standard Tentative Program. An armored division composed of a new infantry support tank would be assembled. The tank was slow, but heavily armored and deadly against enemy infantry. Future infantry divisions would also receive supporting battalions of these tanks. A number of infantry divisions would be mobilized as well. The final number had not yet been determined, but it would be no less than six and almost certainly much higher. The armored division and two or three of the infantry divisions would be based in Bombay along with the bulk of the New Standard Program vessels, sending a clear signal that they were intended for action in the Mediterranean. The rest of the units would take up positions along the border or in major cities like Calcutta. As with the rest of the New Standard Tentative Program, mobilization would not commence until 1940.
The final element was the Royal Indian Air Force. Unlike its British counterpart, it knew that geography would never permit it to become the dominant service of the Indian military. The Indian border was simple to rough to permit successful aerial interception of an enemy invasion. Still, the RIAF would grow to about 300 aircraft under the new program. Perhaps as a form of compensation to the much ignored service, the RIAF was not forced to adopt Gloster F.5/34 fighters. The RIAF quickly let it be known that it looked for a modified version of the Hawker Hurricane. Armed with 20 mm cannons rather than the .303 machine guns of the standard model, the Indian version would have some ground attack capabilities rather than being solely an interceptor.
When Ram Dass Katari sat down, the room was moderately satisfied. The navy was the clear winner. The army and the air force were were unhappy but relatively content since they had received more than they had anticipated after the unveiling of the Taragiri. Niether Indian nor British officers were completely displeased as the New Standard Programs balanced Commonwealth and Indian interests. The New Standard Programs were certainly ambitious and would take several years to complete yet, when finished, it would make India the dominant player in the region.
Part V: The New Standard Program
June 1937
"She's going to rule the seas."
Comments made by Ram Dass Katari,
Minister of the Navy, upon seeing the
designs for HMIS Vikrant in April 1937
-------------------------------------
Despite the chaos that resulted from the attempted assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian government continued its program of expanding its major shipyards. Unlike most other government projects, which found themselves without any funding during the period, the maritime technological and industrial expansion program continued unabated. The Indian National Army made its disgust known over this decision, especially since its soldiers were fighting and dying with too few reinforcements and antiquated weaponry. One divisional commander, Bernard Montgomery, even resigned in the middle of the crisis over what he saw as the mismanagement of government funds. The loss of the popular commander severely hindered efforts to suppress the rebellion. The entire funding incident left bad blood between the two services that continues to the present day.
By the middle of 1937, however, the rebellion had been suppressed and the shipyard expansion program had been completed. The debate that had ended inconclusively over a year earlier now returned as Rajendra Prasad and the Indian government turned to the issue of rearmament. The positions of the different factions had changed little during the recess. Most Indians still called for a navy of light warships and a primarily infantry-based army that could better defend India. British officers on loan pushed for a military that would be able to assist the empire in the event of war, which meant capital ships for the navy and motorized infantry and tanks for the army. Such a military would be much smaller than that planned by Indian officers. The officers of the Royal Indian Air Force simply sat quietly, knowing that it would become a subsidy of whichever branch won the bulk of the government's funding.
On June 18th, 1937, after delaying as long as possible, the major officers and civilian leaders of the armed forces gathered together in Delhi to witness the unveiling of the rearmament plan. When the Minister of the Navy, Ram Dass Katari, walked to the center of the room to announce the plan, an audible groan came from the army officers, who knew the plan would almost certainly favor the Royal Indian Navy. The minister's introduction confirmed the impression. Stating that India's destiny rested on international commerce, he described her need for a navy to defend that commerce. With her long border, a defense of the frontier by the army would be too expensive to maintain while leaving India's source of wealth open to enemy attack. Thus, India would place its hopes on a navy.
The proposed armament plan was called the New Standard Program. At its heart, lay three massive capital ships: two battleships and an aircraft carrier. The battleships, the Taragiri and Vindhyagiri, displaced 40,000 tons with a length of nearly 230 meters and a beam of about 30 meters. They were to be capable of 30 knots at full steam and were to be armed with ten 14-inch guns in two triple and a quadruple turret. The naval ministry had debated equipping them with 15-inch guns, which would significantly increase their firepower. The cost, however, would be prohibitive. India possessed a numer of 14-inch coastal guns that could be disassembled and used on the Taragiri-class battleships, while the 15-inch guns would have to be constructed from scratch. Even so, with a crew of 1500 men, they were the equal of any vessel in the region.
Line Drawing of the Taragiri-class Battleship
To complement the two battleships, the Royal Indian Navy would feature a fleet carrier. This carrier, HMIS Vikrant, would carry between 60 and 80 aircraft. She would be capable of 30 knots, enabling her to keep up with the battleline. The vessel would displace 20,000 tons. Her length and beam would measure 240 and 28 meters respectively. The Vikrant was envisioned for two roles. First, she would be a scouting unit for the battlewagons, a necesity given the large area to be covered by the RIN and its small size. Secondly, Ram Dass Katari intended for her to be a testing platform for his new and radical ideas on carrier warfare. Her air group would be composed largely of torpedo planes intended to destroy enemy fleets. The idea had firm support from the ranking officer of the Royal Indian Air Force, Frederick Bowhill.
Line Drawing of the Vikrant-class Carrier
In regards to cost, the Vikrant would be much cheaper than either of the battleships. The air group would slightly increase her pricetag, but not significantly. Recently, in the United Kingdom, Gloster had produced a prototype fighter, the F.5/34. The aircraft was to be a long range fighter to replace the Gloster Gladiator. The Royal Air Force, however, decided on another design, the Hawker Hurricane. Having already spent money on research and development, as well as a pair of prototypes, Gloster was desparate to find a buyer. The Royal Indian Air Force and the Royal Indian Fleet Air Arm could purchase the fighter quite cheaply. Since Gloster had several factories in India, the money would even stay in the Indian economy; it was an ideal situation. Ram Dass Katari's torpedo planes would be more expensive but the overall cost for the air groups would be much less than anticipated.
Conceptual Drawing of a Gloster F.5/34 Fighter
The New Standard Program also planned the construction of several lighter warships for screening purposes. Three light cruisers, as yet unnamed and undesigned, would support the battleline. The vessels were to be capable of 30 knots and would be armed with at least eight 6-inch guns but no other details were available. Construction on these warships wouldn't begin until 1938 at the earliest. Furthermore, the fleet would have the support of no less than 20 destroyers, displacing 1500 tons and equipped with five 4.5-inch guns. As with the light cruisers, construction wouldn't commence for at least a year. Altogether, the New Standard Program anticipated the completion of a fleet of twenty destroyers, three cruisers, an aircraft carrier, and two battleships by the middle of 1940.
Had the presentation ended there, the room would have erupted in riot. The navy was clearly one intended for operations in either the Mediterranean or the South China Sea; in other words, intended for the defense of the Commonwealth rather than India. The plan would not leave much if any funding for the army, meaning that India would have nothing but the current two divisions of the Indian National Army for defense. As if in ignorance of the growing anger in the room, Ram Dass Katari calmly removed the presentation card displaying the design of the Vikrant and replaced it with another, reading "New Standard Tentative Program." Intruiged, the shouts of dismay stopped before they could begin.
The New Standard Tentative Program at the time was not as formalized as the New Standard Program, essentially the second phase of that armament plan. It would entail expansion of the army as well as the navy. Unlike the New Standard Program, the heart of the naval portion of the Tentative Program was not the battleship but the carrier. The two Taragiri-class battleships would absorb a disproportionate amount of the Indian economy. Additional battleships would cripple the economy. At best, the New Standard Tentative Program could expect either a small battleship or a battlecruier. Ram Dass Katari called for a force of three Vikrant-class carriers for the new plan, which would function as its striking rather than scouting arm. A number of cruisers and destroyers would also be constructed to support the force, but their numbers would depend on whether or not the New Standard Tentative Program would include a battleship. Either way, this second wave of construction would function as a fleet for the Indian Ocean.
The Tentative Program also included an auxiliary building plan. Construction of this force would probably not begin until 1941 at the earliest and was intended to be a long range Pacific striking group. At its heart would lay the aviation cruiser HMIS Garunda and an as yet undesigned heavy cruiser. Several destroyers, displacing 1500 tons, would support the battle group. The force would accompany what Ram Dass Katari labelled a fast amphibious assault transport. More accurately, it was a passanger liner that France was looking to sell that could be hastily converted with light armor and anti-aircraft guns. The vessel would carry a full division of troops. Together, the task group would sail through the Pacific in the event of war with Japan, attacking convoys and seizing lightly protected islands. Alternatively, it could be used to ferry troops to south east Asia or Australia if needed.
The army would receive a major overhaul with the New Standard Tentative Program. An armored division composed of a new infantry support tank would be assembled. The tank was slow, but heavily armored and deadly against enemy infantry. Future infantry divisions would also receive supporting battalions of these tanks. A number of infantry divisions would be mobilized as well. The final number had not yet been determined, but it would be no less than six and almost certainly much higher. The armored division and two or three of the infantry divisions would be based in Bombay along with the bulk of the New Standard Program vessels, sending a clear signal that they were intended for action in the Mediterranean. The rest of the units would take up positions along the border or in major cities like Calcutta. As with the rest of the New Standard Tentative Program, mobilization would not commence until 1940.
The final element was the Royal Indian Air Force. Unlike its British counterpart, it knew that geography would never permit it to become the dominant service of the Indian military. The Indian border was simple to rough to permit successful aerial interception of an enemy invasion. Still, the RIAF would grow to about 300 aircraft under the new program. Perhaps as a form of compensation to the much ignored service, the RIAF was not forced to adopt Gloster F.5/34 fighters. The RIAF quickly let it be known that it looked for a modified version of the Hawker Hurricane. Armed with 20 mm cannons rather than the .303 machine guns of the standard model, the Indian version would have some ground attack capabilities rather than being solely an interceptor.
When Ram Dass Katari sat down, the room was moderately satisfied. The navy was the clear winner. The army and the air force were were unhappy but relatively content since they had received more than they had anticipated after the unveiling of the Taragiri. Niether Indian nor British officers were completely displeased as the New Standard Programs balanced Commonwealth and Indian interests. The New Standard Programs were certainly ambitious and would take several years to complete yet, when finished, it would make India the dominant player in the region.
Excellent update! Show those ground pounders what the most important service for India is!
There are so many awesome Indian people here at SCAD, I'm just happy to see their nation do well in this AAR.
And, as I said before, Mountbatten any where is good by me.
And, as I said before, Mountbatten any where is good by me.
Bloody good show. I really like your focus on the navy. But if you will basically be only real navy fighting the japanese wont you get steamrolled?
Gandhi must be pissed! His baby country with military ambitions. I think he needs to give the government a good talking-too If you want to give him a fit, name a carrier after him, then have the bomber that delivers a nuke launch from it.
BTW, what do the names of the ships mean, are they Indian people?
Even with that expensive navy though it'll be interesting to see how you can help the commonwealth against the japanese when the time comes. I've not played HoI in a long time, but you're tempting me to dust off my CD and get the latest patches and so forth. But coming up with a long-range armament plan like you did is a skill that's beyond me, I'm afraid, and I never got a hang of HoI. I think I'll stick to CK for now
I'm a bit rusty, but can you 'mobilize' (i.e draft) your population as in Victoria? If so with India's huge population you could field a lot of conscripts!
If you want to give him a fit, name a carrier after him, then have the bomber that delivers a nuke launch from it. BTW, what do the names of the ships mean, are they Indian people?
Even with that expensive navy though it'll be interesting to see how you can help the commonwealth against the japanese when the time comes. I've not played HoI in a long time, but you're tempting me to dust off my CD and get the latest patches and so forth. But coming up with a long-range armament plan like you did is a skill that's beyond me, I'm afraid, and I never got a hang of HoI. I think I'll stick to CK for now
I'm a bit rusty, but can you 'mobilize' (i.e draft) your population as in Victoria? If so with India's huge population you could field a lot of conscripts!