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Introduction

CnutderGrosse

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Apr 23, 2018
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Introduction
The Normans are one of my favourite peoples in history. Thus, it was only natural that I decided to do my first AAR on them. I had problems at first when I tried to look for a scenario that would be both interesting and unique, removed from the oft beaten to death scenarios already covered endlessly, no matter how willing people are to read them. With some research, I managed to find what I was looking for, an extremely interesting scenario with a great potential for a good storyline, set in a criminally overlooked medieval society, and a fascinating starting character.

Welcome to 'Across the Sundering Seas', the CK2 portion of my AAR following the adventures of Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March, and his heirs, as they attempt to unite the Norman barons of Ireland and Marcher lords of Wales into a rival Norman state to England, to save them from the doom and obscurity that awaited.


Chapter 0: Prologue

A Brief History of Norman Ireland and Wales
In the times between Henry VIII's formalisation of the territories held by Anglo-Norman lords outside England and William I's conquest itself, the lands at the fringes of rule from London, in Wales and Ireland, developed an intriguing, multifaceted society composed of peoples from all across the Angevin realm, coming together to be the shield and sword of their King. They were ruled by barons with the freedoms of a king, prospering on the lands they had conquered from the native rulers.
These marcher societies reached their peak between the end of the 13th Century and the early decades of the 14th Century, and were in the middle of a fascinating ethnogenesis, before they faced disaster and faded into obscurity.

Wales was brought into the Anglo-Norman orbit first. Norman Marcher lords pushed deep into the Welsh borderlands in William I’s reign, overwhelming the Welsh lords of Brycheinog (Brecon), Morgannwg (Glamorgan) and Gwent. A wholesale invasion of Deheubarth (South Wales) followed after the death of its prince, Rhys ap Tewdwr (Reese ap Tudor). The Welsh were put on the backfoot, losing control of the southern coast and the southeast, while being pressured and driven in on all their marchers.

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The principalities of Wales prior to the Norman conquest.

The Anglo-Norman advance into Wales was not monodirectional though, and the Welsh managed to stage a recovery under Reese ap Tudor's grandson, Reese ap Gruffudd (Griffith). His accession in 1155 saw bloody back and forth campaigns against the Norman Marcher lords and other Welsh princes. The Normans were able to exploit such differences among their enemies to push ever deeper into Welsh territory. Any sign of Welsh recovery was met with royal intervention by King Henry II, turning even victories into defeats.

The Welsh princes finally were able to put their differences aside and unite in one large host in 1164, led by Reese and his former rival the Prince of Gwynedd, Owen ap Griffith. Henry II mounted yet another intervention and campaigned into Wales but was defeated by this united host and rain. The castles of the Marcher lords were the next to fall, and by 1170, Reese was in a dominant position, having taken many Marcher lords hostage. The death of Owen saw him being acknowledged as the leader of the Welsh princes.

With no second campaign forthcoming by Henry, the Marcher lords rightly suspected he had lost interest in squandering resources on Wales, having bigger problems in France. Losing greatly in the war with Reese, they began looking for other means of redress. An opportunity soon arrived.

In Ireland, dynastic squabbles had led to the King of Leinster Diarmait mac Murchada (Dermot MacMurrough), an ally of Henry II, being deposed by the High King of Ireland Ruaidri Ua Conchobair (Rory O’Connor). He sought refuge in England and petitioned Henry II to help him regain his throne, in return for swearing fealty to him. The King, seeing a chance to establish a foothold in Ireland, authorised his barons to assist Dermot.

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Henry II permitting Dermot to levy forces among his vassals in return for his fealty.

Many rallied to his cause, seeing gain for themselves which Dermot was happy to provide, promising lordships to all those who helped him. The foremost among them were the Marcher lords who had been dispossessed or hurt by Reese's campaigns. They hoped a campaign in Ireland would redress their losses, and thus prepared their forces. Dermot requested Reese to allow his rivals to depart, something he was reluctant to do at first. He however allowed it upon seeing opportunity to consolidate his own gains and position in their absence.

Thus began the Norman invasion of Ireland, in 1169 and 1170, led by the battle-hardened Marcher lords and their Cambro-Norman soldiery. The Normans used surprise, their superiority in arms and sheer brutality to make early gains, overwhelming the Irish, capturing Leinster and punishing those who had refused to submit to Dermot with impunity.

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The early Norman invasion of Ireland.

Dermot married his daughter Aife (Eva) to the foremost of his Norman backers, Richard Strongbow de Clare, and declared him heir to Leinster, while he himself deigned to become the High King of Ireland with Norman support. The Normans then collected their forces and marched on Dublin and Meath towards the north, taking the former with treachery while sacking and pilfering the latter. High King Rory was enraged and executed Dermot's son, one of his hostages.
One can suspect that this event led to a break between Dermot and his allies, as at first he returned from the front lines of the campaign, dismayed, before suddenly dying. Murder? Maybe. Regardless, Strongbow now claimed Leinster as his, as promised by Dermot. The Irish, who had by now gathered their forces under Rory, were outraged by this and struck back, pushing the Normans back to the coast.

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The Marriage of Strongbow and Aoife (Daniel Maclise, 1854) following the Norman sack of Waterford.

A brutal war was engaged, locked in a stalemate as the Normans responded in kind to the Irish, when Henry II himself landed on the island, afraid of Strongbow setting up an independent Norman kingdom.

This is an interesting point to note, as it provides us with historical context for the goal of this AAR. Henry II would come to greatly suspect and fear the power of his Irish vassals, recognising the danger they posed if they decided to unify against him. The Hautevilles had shown just how resourceful and valiant Norman knights could be among those who could not respond to their tactics. A unified Norman kingdom on the borders of England would put English pre-eminence in the British Isles on a precarious position.

Compounding this problem for Henry, the knights and barons who had participated in the Irish invasion were not the most loyal. They had several grievances against of him, his refusal to follow up his failed campaign against Reese ap Griffith being but one of them. Henry had at first demanded all those who had gone to Ireland to return to England, failing which their lands and titles would be seized. Strongbow refused; he reminded Henry that they had gone to Ireland by his leave, and all their gains were held by them under his authority.

Henry responded with a voyage to Ireland, passing Wales, where he confirmed Reese in all his holdings and made peace with him, seeing him now as a useful check on the Marcher lords. Upon his arrival, his vassals reaffirmed their oaths of fealty and Henry allowed them to hold all the lands they had acquired as fiefs. He himself now assumed control of the invasion, arriving with a significant army. He handed control of it to his vassals, and departed after making further land grants.

While Henry's arrival had managed to create a fragile peace, war soon broke lose after his departure. He would attempt multiple times over his reign to rein in his vassals in Ireland and negotiate a peace with the Gaels. He negotiated the Treaty of Windsor with Rory, and when that collapsed due to Norman aggression, he sent his son John as Lord of Ireland to take control of his vassals and keep them in check. John, however, would fail spectacularly. When the Pope refused Henry's attempts of having John crowned as King of Ireland, Henry finally gave up and resigned himself to dealing with the urgent problems he faced in France.

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Dublin, Waterford, and Wexford and their hinterlands were ruled as Crownlands.

The Anglo-Normans meanwhile continued their advance. They pushed deep and hard into Ireland, overwhelming the native kings and establishing their own lordships. The Irish fought and pushed back, sometimes severely denting the Norman advance, but most fell under the tide. One by one, every kingdom slowly either fell to Norman rule or became a vassal, and the Normans extended their authority from coast to coast. By 1250, most of Ireland had fell to the Normans.

The newly established lords now shifted their focus from conquest to consolidating and developing the empty but rich lands they had acquired. The Normans brought modernity with them, reforming many of Ireland's archaisms. Money was introduced, stone castles were built, and they set about implementing other practices to bring Ireland in with the rest of Europe, and increase the productivity of their virgin lands. Settlers were brought in from England and France, including Englishmen, Welshmen, Bretons, Gascons and others, all of whom intermingled to create a unique culture.

Under the rule of King John, who was determined to correct at least one of the mistakes of his youth, Ireland prospered. Royal charters were issued, protecting townspeople, traders and farmers. Colonisation was sponsored, logging was encouraged, and the new settlers established farmsteads as tenants of their lords, utilising techniques many times more efficient than the Irish used. Efficient land use practices were implemented along with the feudal system to collect the increased produce; harvests only multiplied, assisted by the Medieval Warm Period.

Food fuels growth, and sure enough, the population of the Irish fiefs grew by leaps and bounds. Urbanisation soon progressed rapidly. Walled boroughs were founded where previously none existed. Old decayed towns were modernised, growing massively. Flemish merchants, attracted by royal protection, established trade posts throughout the island, connecting the Norse-Gael towns of Dublin, Waterford, Wexford, Cork and Limerick with the countryside. These cities became bustling trade hubs, expanding rapidly under the new opportunities that abounded as well as the royal protection they now enjoyed. Flemings settled throughout the fiefs, bringing with them their own unique strand to the already flourishing embroidery that was Norman Ireland.

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Norman Ireland at its peak.

The late 13th Century was a golden age for Norman Ireland. In 1297, the first Irish Parliament was called, marking a great achievement for the Irish landholders. In their minds, they had tamed, civilised and developed a savage land, bringing great wealth to the peasant settlers, townsmen and themselves. Ireland had progressed under their rule, their fiefs were among the richest in the Plantagenet realm. The new prosperity, needless to say, did nothing for the native Gaels who were reduced to the fringes of their own lands. This was soon to change, however.

The beginning of the 14th Century saw renewed attacks by the Irish chiefs, who had now started raiding and using guerrilla tactics to counter the superior Norman knights on the field. Normally, the Hiberno-Normans were able to beat them back assisted by the Crown, but this time no such help was forthcoming, with Edward I fully immersed in his Welsh and Scottish affairs.

There had also been a general lack of direction under Henry III and his son, their attention and energies fully committed to facing the baronial revolts in England and attacks on Gascony in France. The Hiberno-Normans, left to fend for their own, fared poorly but still were able to beat back the resurgent Gaels, before facing a bigger threat.

Edward Bruce invaded Ireland seeing the tenuous situation there, rallying the Gaelic lords to his banners. He raided and pillaged the fiefs the Hiberno-Normans had so carefully built, burning down crops and causing great destruction to the newly built heavily settled cities, Dublin chief among them. In the resultant chaos, many Gaelic lords were able to regain their lands back and the Normans were further pushed back into the East.
While Edward was ultimately defeated, the Norman lords and their fiefs had been devastated by war. Famine struck, exacerbated by the general Great European Famine of 1315-17, preventing imports of grain.

The Black Plague was the final nail in the coffin, and the Norman lordships never recovered. Surrounded now by Gaelic chieftains, abandoned by a Crown which was busy stretching its limited resources to war with France, the Hiberno-Normans and the English settlers began embracing Gaelic culture to protect themselves from further aggression. They eschewed the Crown and started adopting native languages, customs and traditions, becoming Gaelicised.
Many in England lamented that the settlers were now “more Irish than the Irish themselves”. New laws were enacted to control the population and prevent them from going over to the Irish. They proved ineffectual, and by the 16th Century, many of the Hiberno-Normans were unrecognisable from the Gaels, while royal authority had shrunk down to just the Pale.
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Ireland by 1450. The remaining Norman lords were more Gaelic at this point.
Meanwhile in Wales, even as the Norman conquests proceeded in Ireland, Reese ap Griffith, the Lord Rhys, as he was later honoured, had managed to reconquer nearly all of South Wales. He managed to use his persona and stature to win the allegiance and loyalty of the Welsh princes; those who he could not win over using diplomacy, he used arms. By 1190, he was virtually Prince of all Wales, though he never claimed the title.
He had made peace with Henry II and had become his ally, travelling with him several times and lending him support in conflicts. He pioneered the adoption of Norman customs and traditions into his court, initiated construction of stone castles in the Norman style, and worked to unite Wales. However, squabbles between his sons meant that following his death, South Wales lost its ascendancy, being reinvaded by Normans who recaptured many of the lands and castles they had lost to Reese.

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Ruins of Carreg Cennen, one of many castles built by the Lord Rhys.

His death however did not mark the end of the new Normanised Wales he had created, united by a single prince. Gwynedd now rose to pre-eminence amongst the Welsh princes, but they carried on many of the practices and customs Reese had started. They continued achieving dominance over the remaining princes, becoming their representative to the English Crown. They adopted Norman customs with a vigour and strove to establish Wales as a power in European affairs.

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Dolwyddelan Castle, built by Lewellyn the Great near his place of birth.

Lewellyn the Great, foremost among them, earned respect in both France and England for his prowess. He enjoyed a healthy correspondence with the Pope and was commended for making his trueborn son by Princess Joan, daughter of King John, his heir and not his eldest, bastard or not, as had been ancient Welsh custom. He encouraged the intermarriage of Welsh and Marcher lords, hoping to win them over. Castle construction increased under his reign as did the gradual unification of Wales.

Gwyneddian ascendancy would however prove ephemeral. The ties that had virtually made Lewellyn Prince of all Wales were not institutionalised but personal, and the conflict among his sons prevented them from reclaiming what they could have as the other princes broke free from Gwynedd's grasp.
His grandson Lewellyn ap Griffith was able to reclaim much of what his grandfather had ruled, but the conflict he created in doing this allowed Edward I to establish himself in Wales, by exploiting differences amongst the Welsh, to an extent that no English king previously had been able to; thus was Lewellyn named The Last.

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The Death of Lewellyn the Last.

Within some forty years of the death of Lewellyn the Great, at one of the peaks of Welsh influence and power, Welsh independence was utterly and thoroughly crushed, never to recover. Lewellyn the Last’s severed head was paraded through the streets of London and crowned in a mockery of the prophecy that one day a Welsh prince would be crowned in London. It was subsequently mounted on the Tower of London.

His brother David survived him by only a few months before being captured. He was hung, drawn and quartered, the first person of prominence to suffer that punishment. His sons were imprisoned for life, dying there, while his daughters were sent to priories. Thus ended the House of Gwynedd.

The Marcher lords enjoyed an ascendancy following Edward’s conquest. These Welsh barons themselves are worthy of particular attention. Most were only minor nobles in William the Conqueror’s service who forged their own dynasties with strength and cold steel, driving out ancient, storied Welsh houses as they mounted their own banners on their manors. Cold, brutal and warlike even by Norman standards, they perennially fought savage, bloody wars with their ancestral enemies, until they had finally crushed them.

The Marcher lords enjoyed a comprehensive range of powers due to the necessities of war, liberties only matched in the Plantagenet realm by their Irish counterparts. They could build their own castles, appoint their own sheriffs, designate boroughs and adjudicate on nearly all matters except high treason, issuing their own punishments, even to the highborn. They made full use of these powers following Edward’s conquest to consolidate their newly acquired lands. New castles were built, space provided for the colonists Edward I sent, and the Welsh were evicted. Bretons, who had been previously trusted by the House of Normandy to rule over their Cornish and Welsh subjects, were again brought in as reliable administrators and lawmen.

This period saw a renaissance of the culture which had developed in the first Welsh earldoms. Pembroke, Glamorgan and others were at the forefront of the new society developing in Wales, their citizens claiming descent from the first Flemish, English, Norman and Breton colonists who had come with their lords in the 11th Century, even as new colonists immigrated into Gwynedd and Powys.

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The divisions of Wales following Edward's conquest.

The Marcher lords themselves soon reached the peak of their powers. Edward I put increasing trust and privileges on them, enfeoffing them with the Welsh lands he had conquered with their support and granting them royal leave to consolidate and develop them, even as he set about doing the same. Thus enriched, they used their newfound influence to rise to prominence and feed their undying ambitions. They soon did so, as many acquired positions in the royal court.
First among them was Roger Mortimer himself. He arose to a position no baron in England ever had before, becoming King in all but name. His downfall was swift and hard just as his rise had been, dying with him was his compatriots’ short-lived ascendancy. Edward III, seeing the threat they posed to his royal person, took measures to curb their influence and bring them under the control of the Crown, measures which were expanded upon by his successors. As English energy, stretched thin by war and Plague, was diverted to the war with France, the Marcher lords and their lordships suffered and declined.

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One of the many paintings showing the arrest of Roger Mortimer and Queen Isabella by a young Edward III and companions.


Thus, we have two extremely interesting societies containing giddying amounts of potential and possibility which both failed to realise and soon faded to nothing. The Marcher lordships and the Irish lordships were at their peak only a few decades removed from each other. Could it have been possible for them to marry their destinies at the peak of their powers? Was there a chance of uniting these numerous rival fiefdoms divided by the sea into the kingdom Henry II had feared? One man came close. Lord of Wigmore and Trim, Earl of March, Lord Justiciar of Wales and Ireland, lover of the Queen and the man who was almost King, Roger Mortimer, chief amongst the Irish and Welsh lords of his time, a man whose ambitions knew no bounds until he was crushed under their weight. What if his ambitions made him look West, to a more direct route to be King? That is the possibility we shall explore.

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The Arms of the House of Mortimer. Get used to seeing them a lot!
 
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Interesting to see the reach and influence that Flanders had at this time. I knew the ties with England were deep through the cloth trade but not that this extended to this kind of interaction with Ireland and Wales. With the startdate of 1306 it actually just misses the Flemish Revolt which effectively ended in 1305 at the Battle of Pevelenberg which restored Dampierre control over the county that had ended with the French invasion in 1297. Anyways, interesting setup nonetheless
 
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Fascinating premise, and a great introduction. I'm looking forward to more on Roger Mortimer. Seems like a greatly important figure of the time, yet not one I've ever heard of.
 
Well that was certainly instructive :). Let's see how that goes.
 
Chapter 1: the Mortimers and Setup
Chapter 1: A (not so) Humble Beginning.


Who were the Mortimers?
When William the Bastard became the Conqueror, he brought with him many lesser nobles, knights and men-at-arms who gathered to the Norman banner from across France. William had built a strong reputation as a skilled commander in his wars as Duke of Normandy allowing him to have his pick of knights and commanders on the outset of his invasion. The lesser nobles who fought for him would be granted lands and castles, founding many of the great houses of England.

The Mortimers were not one of them.

Roger de Mortemer, the progenitor of the dynasty, was a kinsman of William, being his third cousin on the mother’s side. He was not an insignificant landholder, hailing from the prominent de Warenne family who controlled the two castles of Mortemer-sur-Eaulne and Saint Victor-en-Caux in addition to many estates beside. Roger had been a trusted military commander in William's service for quite some time before the Conquest, even having won a famous victory at Mortemer-en-Bray where, together with other Norman magnates, he smashed an invading French army west of the Seine.

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Historic example of the Mortimer coat of arms.

On the east bank, King Henri I, who had been preparing to battle William, fled without fighting, dismayed after hearing of the crushing defeat. For this however, Roger was rewarded thus by his Duke: all his lands and castles were seized by William in his wroth, for Roger had released Ralph de Montdidier, his kinsman by marriage and one of the Conqueror's enemies. Eventually, he was allowed to return to St. Victor while Mortemer-sur-Eaulne was granted to his nephew William de Warenne.

Roger stayed loyal though; it is also now he started using the name Roger de Mortemer, previously going by Roger de Warenne, fitz Ralph de Warenne. This is extremely unique and strange, as he took this name after losing the Mortemer castle.

Changing their name after being disinherited or being granted a new castle was not unheard of in France but the convention used by Roger certainly was.
Most French nobles named themselves using the traditional patronymic (de Warenne) or after their primary manor, the caput; this would have been Saint-Victor in Roger's case. Normans had their own practice derived from the Scandinavian tradition of naming sons after their fathers using the 'son' suffix (Andersen, Johanson; later adopted by the English in Johnson, Williamson), only the Normans used the fitz prefix (seen in modern Fitzharris, Fitzroy, etc.). The fact that Roger opted for none of these but instead a castle he had lost indicated that his name did not derive from a castle.


It came from a battle.


Fittingly all Mortimers thenceforth bore the name of their forefather's famous victory at Mortemer-en-Bray, one he wore as a badge of pride even though it had led to him losing half of his family inheritance. It was for this victory that he became renowned in Normandy, and it was for his military accomplishments that the Conqueror granted him estates in England even though he (most probably as can be gleaned from our sources) never set foot on the island nor participated in the Battle of Hastings.

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Fouillebroc Stream, the eponymous "Morte Mere", Deathwater.

It was in his English lands that his heirs would forge their own legacy, most worthy of the name that their grandsire had taken. Full Normans they were, mixing the valiant bloods of the Northman and the Frank, combining the shrewdness, ferocity and hunger of the former with the discipline, valour and chivalry of the latter.
At the marches of England far from Mortemer they fought and lived, etching their names into history with steel and blood even as Robert Guiscard lord of nothing had done, even as William the Bastard had done.

Each and every one of the Mortimers was a character unto himself, about whom many words could be written. Since we are limited here, I will restrict myself to the biggest character of them all, Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March.

The Man who was nearly King

While there were several Roger Mortimers, when you search for the name the man who appears is Roger fitzEdmund Mortimer, 1st Earl of March, Lord Justiciar of Ireland and Wales, whose career was so grand that it outshines all Mortimers who came before or after him. It began with him underage, as he took full livery of his lands before his maturity in April 1306. He was knighted on 24 (or 22) May 1306 by King Edward Longshanks, alongside the future Edward II.

By his time, the Mortimers had significantly expanded their holdings, owning estates and castles throughout Wales and England. They had fought savage wars with the Welsh, and were only too eager to participate in Longshanks' conquest of Wales. They were rewarded with control of most of the lands in Rhwng Gwy a Hafren, the lands between the Wye and the Severn. They added this to their estates in Herefordshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, Gloucestershire and Pembrokeshire.

To his familial inheritance, Roger added the inheritance of his wife Joan de Geneville, which included the Marcher lordship of Ewiss Lacy, and half of the rich Lordship of Meath, centered on the castle of Trim. These inheritances made Roger one of the largest landholders west of the Dyke.
After being summoned to Parliament and confirmed in his inheritances as the Lord Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, he departed to Ireland where his grandfather-in-law had bequeathed his estates to him and retired.

It was in his years in Ireland that Roger was to prove his mettle. He first used his political skill to obtain special permits for him to tax the lands and castle-town around Trim. Following his initial visit, he made many more such, and built up his power base in Ireland, followed by him invading Westmeath and expelling his wife's relatives, uniting Meath for the first time in decades.
He then spent the rest of his time in Ireland managing his estates and building connections via marriages. This was put to the test when Edward Bruce began his invasion, defeating Roger and forcing him to return to Great Britain. After a year spent licking his wounds, he was appointed Lord Justiciar of Ireland in 1316 and authorised to deal with whatever problems had arisen in Ireland.

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What remains of Trim Castle.
Roger excelled in his new post. He gathered a large army and marched against Edward, campaigning against him vigorously over the the next year, and putting him on the backfoot. He dealt with the Gaelic uprising effectually, taking back many of the lands and castles they had occupied. He reimposed the authority of the Crown on the south which had nearly fallen to chaos and Gaelic occupation, even as he dealt with the famine, helping alleviate the issue with grain imports from Britain.

He had not managed to achieve total victory over Edward Bruce and his Gaelic allies, but they were in an untenable position by the time he was recalled to England in 1318, being crushed completely only a few months after his departure in the Battle of Faughart. Edward Bruce also died in that battle, ending his invasion.

So impressed was the Crown with Roger's service that he was granted a second term as Justiciar of Ireland. Upon his return to Ireland, Roger set to work dealing with the aftermath of the Bruce war. He offered amnesty to all the Gaels who had joined Edward Bruce if they were willing to accept English law. In May 1320, he held a Parliament to discuss how best to tackle the damages caused by war, commissioned a review of the English legislation to see how best they could be applied to Ireland and issued several new statutes regarding order and administrative efficiency.

To quote the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, "When he departed for England in September 1320 the citizens of Dublin, not normally noted for paying compliments, commended his efforts 'in saving and keeping the peace'".
In his two short tenures, Roger had done much to arrest and, in some provinces, even reverse the decline that Norman Ireland was experiencing since the 14th Century began. One can only speculate how much more he could have done, for Ireland at this stage was not lacking for resources or men; it lacked for effective direction and governance, which the crown had failed to provide.

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Ludlow Castle, a favourite of Roger Mortimer among his many manors.

Matters in England now drew Roger's attention. His career in Ireland and reputation as a neutral in the backstabbing politics of the time saw him command a certain amount of respect. Edward II's weak and ineffective rule was causing the realm which Edward I had held together with competence to slowly unravel. While Roger did not involve himself in matters beyond his own holdings at first, he was soon forced to.

In the short time between Roger's first and second tenures, the Despensers, a dynasty of little note before, had arisen to national prominence due to being the latest among the King's favourites. Upon his return to England he found a land deeply divided even in his homeland of the Marches. The Despensers made themselves little liked with their insatiable greed for lands and the King's favour.
The younger Despenser especially was the source of the Marcher lords' discomfiture. He made little effort to hide his territorial ambitions in and around Wales. As his excesses turned dissent into outrage, he manipulated the King into granting him the Lordship of Gower, triggering the Despenser war.

The Marcher lords at first rallied and won early victories but the tide of war soon turned against them, and seeing the outcome, many of Roger's supposed allies deserted him. He was finally captured along with his rebellious uncle (another Roger) and imprisoned in the Tower of London. With his future uncertain, Roger made a life-defining gambit: on the Feast of St. Peter in Chains in 1323, he had his guards drugged. With the help of some friends, he escaped, rowing across the Thames, riding to Dover, sailing to France. There, he was joined by the Queen Isabella, fleeing her husband as well with his son and heir the future Edward III.

Sources here are unclear. Some indicate that Isabella and Roger had already been courting each other for some time; others state that they met and fell in love in France itself. Whatever the case may be, Roger and Isabella soon began to live in open adultery. They made no secret of their relationship, acting as if they were man and wife.

The scandal of this in medieval society cannot be understated, but those who wished to object were powerless. Isabella was a daughter of the King of France while Roger, disgraced as he was, still had powerful friends. His loyalty to Wales was not forgotten nor were his services in Ireland. Isabella on her part was a formidable woman, her life itself being an enigma. Needless to say, both of them got along well.

Even as Roger spent a honeymoon period with Isabella, he was planning his return. In 1326, him and his lover travelled to Hainault where they married the Prince Edward to Philippa of Hainault. Now having the support of the Count of Hainault, Roger and Isabella invaded England with a great Lowlander army. His supporters rallied to his cause, and within a few months, Edward II had been deposed, the Despensers executed and Edward III crowned as King.

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Contemporary depiction of Roger and Isabella leading their armies against Edward II.

For the four years from Edward II's deposition in 1326 to his own execution in 1330, Roger Mortimer would be King in all but name. Adored by Isabella, dominating the young Edward III, the Queen's lover and "kinsman of the King" ruled virtually by decree. He set about at once undoing all that Edward II and the Despensers had done, granting titles and positions at court to those loyal to him while liquidating their supporters.
Having no formal claim to power nor any official position at court, his entire 'reign' at this time was built around relations built by marriages or personal friendship. His relationship with Isabella was the most prominent, but so were the marriages he spent his entire 'reign' arranging. In this manner, he consolidated his rule, such that while many grew disaffected, none dared to oppose him

After securing his power, Roger set on his task of reforming the ailing English governmental apparatus. In this however, he courted the wrath of other nobles, for he did not merely fix the mistakes made by the previous regime but also granted himself an ever increasing amounts of rights and privileges.
He had himself be treated as a member of the royal family, being paid an equal amount to a prince of royal blood. As he worked to settle the many disputes which had arisen in Ireland over the preceding two chaotic decades, he granted many lands to himself.
In Wales, he filled the shoes of his predecessors as he began to secure many of the castles vacated by the Despensers for himself. He had the Queen give him formal ownership of royal castles he already held in rent. Most brazenly, he seized all of the lands that belonged to his uncle Roger Mortimer of Chirk even though the elder Roger had left a son and heir.
To all of this one can add the custodial power he had following the marriages he had arranged and guardianships he held. Following the grant of Lord Justiciar of Wales to him being converted into a life grant by his puppet Parliament, Roger enjoyed a degree of control in Wales and the Marches that none had prior to him or none would after him.

Roger did not limit himself to lands. He repeatedly had different sources of income assigned to him. He gathered a large personal retinue and a rowdy rabble of Welshmen who he used to harass his opponents. He featured prominently in all royal events, often even riding his horse and retinue in front of the King.

Needless to say, opposition to his rule mounted. Few dared to speak up, knowing full well what awaited them. One who did was Henry, Earl of Lancaster, head of the regency council, having been disgusted into action by the humiliating treaties Roger had concluded with the Scots. He resigned his position in protest and tried to stir opposition to Roger's rule, but he had already been outmanoeuvred. His allies had been convinced to stay out of the conflict while Roger himself captured Leicester.
Seeing no other option, Lancaster surrendered, and was forced to flee the country.
Another instance of opposition came when Edmund Earl of Kent involved himself in a failed plot believing his brother Edward II was still alive. Roger took the opportunity to remove another threat and the earl was soon executed.

Kent's death reaffirmed what many believed already: no plot against Roger would succeed unless the boy-king was involved. None dared to try until Roger had named himself Earl of March in an outrage of custom. Earldoms were usually made from pre-existing titles. Roger had, effectively, made up a title for himself so he could be called Earl. Soon, despite hating the title, people feared to call him anything but Earl of March.

By 1330, the barons and Edward III himself had had enough. A boy of seventeen now, the King gathered a group of loyal supporters and retainers, staged a palace coup and seized his mother and the earl (some sources say in flagrante delicto although this is almost certainly wrong). Roger's fall was as fast as his rise had been, on 29 November 1330 being himself executed as a common criminal at the Tyburn Tree.

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The Tyburn 'tree', site of Roger Mortimer's execution as well as many others.

History has not been kind to Roger. Jealousy from his peers and justified outrage at his excesses during his rule have charged any account written on him. Yet we must also appreciate him for the man he was: a true Norman was not born into his positions but seized it through steel and guile.; a man who managed to make the most of a situation where he was wrongfully exiled from his lands. He was a capable governor and ruler, as his tenure in Ireland showed. He had passed many statutes and reforms in his tenure as 'kinsman of the King' that had done much to alleviate the problems caused by Edward II's misguided rule, though these were overshadowed by his misdeeds.

Most important for our purposes though is the loyalty and faith he managed to inspire in his early years in Ireland and in Wales. It is difficult to speculate where things might have gone if Roger had managed to fight through the Despenser war. The ultimate goal of the war was resisting the Despensers' advance into South Wales of course, but that goal may have been difficult to achieve against the stubborn Edward II, and wars seldom end with the outcome both sides fought for.

If Roger had managed to hold on, and realised the number of men whose loyalty he commanded, could he have set himself up as a rival king? It certainly is a possibility. Roger had the claims required: he was a grandson of Lewellyn the Great and thus a claimant to Gwynedd, while controlling the former seat of the High Kings of Ireland in Meath. In addition, he showed no respect for tradition if they got in the way of his ambition. This is the very distinct possibility we will explore in this AAR.


The Setup

"Oh God Cnut, that's enough of the goddamn history lecture! Is there any gameplay in this AAR or what?" is probably what you are thinking at this point. Thankfully, yes there is a game in this history lecture. We shall now get to the setup for this campaign because, despite being in HIP, our scenario takes us to an unmarked date near the end of CK2's playable time in Ireland. Understandably, the HIP devs themselves have been busy with other more important things to be able to direct attention to this forgotten corner of the world at this particular date.
One must remember that CK2 is only an abstraction and does not in any way represent the true nature of feudalism at all. Roger may only control a few counties in game but we cannot represent the vast estates he owned scattered throughout England, or the true nature of the English feudal system. Thus, while I have tried my best to be accurate and historical in this setup, there will be mistakes.

Now, the setup itself.

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The rules for this campaign.
Standard rules I play with. Non-dynastic succession is on because it allows for greater flexibility and role play aspects. Matrilineal marriages are off because they never existed.

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The famously priestly Roger Mortimer
And here we have our starting character, his stats being a complete joke to his character. Obviously these had to be fixed.

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Ahh, that's more like it.
His stats being fixed, one cannot helped but look at his coat of arms. Neither HIP nor Patrum Scuta were able to fix this sadly, and myself not having the ability to mod it in, I have left it in. Just take care to imagine the real Mortimer coat of arms whenever you see it.

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Wait, why does the Lord of Wigmore not own Wigmore?

While the two counties Roger starts with are accurate, he lacks many of the lands he held at this time. Chiefly is his family's primary castle, and the castle for which he was known, Wigmore. This is the capital of Hereford county in game, thus I gave it to Roger. Further to this, Roger at this time held in rent the castle and lands of Buellt from the future Edward II. While never officially owning the castle, he did control it for nearly his entire life and levied troops from it to fight in his armies. Thus I have also granted it to him.
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Roger's Welsh lands, fixed.

I made Hereford his primary title to reflect the Lordship of Wigmore being his primary title, but I shifted his capital to Shropshire, as its capital is Ludlow Castle, the manor where Roger spent most of his time.

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Roger now controls his Irish lands.
I also gave him control over Trim and Brega because even though he did not inherit these lands until 1307, he was the heir to them. In game, they would just divert to the King.

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The earl of Essex now holds the duchy of Essex.
For the last change in England, I gave my neighbour Humphrey de Bohun the duchy of Essex as he held the earldom historically. Now we move to Ireland.

There are many faults in Ireland. The Gaelic lords hold too much land for the time, there are only 3 Norman lords present, many of the historical duchies simply do not exist. I tried my best to fix them as I could


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The earl of Kildare does not own Kildare.
I first fixed Leinster. The duchy of Leisnter, held in game by the MacMurroughs, should not exist at this time. Leinster had been split into several lordships of which the two most prominent were Ossory ruled by the de Clares and Kildare ruled by the FitzGeralds. Kildare does not exist in game while Ossory is a titular duchy.
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I would later change the name of the duchy to Kildare.

Ossory already controlled its lands but I gave it control over Wexford-Waterford to allow it to resist Leinster's endless de jure claim wars.

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The historic controller of Offaly at this time.
I gave Offaly to its historical owner, the O'Conners of Offaly. They are unlanded at game start but thankfully, they exist, unlike our next dynasty.

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We seem to have lost an entire dynasty.
The FitzMaurices were a cadet branch of the FitzGeralds descending from Thomas FitzMaurice. They were the barons, later earls, of Desmond historically and controlled much of Munster. They simply do not exist in game. Their entire dynastic branch is gone. However, not being someone to give up, I had a big brained idea: the baron of Desmond at the time I start was named Thomas. All I had to do was find a random lowborn named Thomas, land him and change his dynastic name to FitzMaurice.


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Lets hope he has kids....
.
As you can see in the above picture, Connacht was fixed. In game, the O'Connors controlled all of Connacht which had not been the case for some years by our start date historically. The earl of Ulster had conquered most of Connacht so I simply had to give his land back to him

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His stats are inaccurate but oh well.

The final change I made was turning the Norse-Gael cities into republics to represent the autonomy they had under the crown. I also made the native Irish lords independent, except the MacMurrough because they actually acted like vassals at this time

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I combined Wexford and Waterford because Waterford lacked a city holding.

Cork city had been under English control for some while now but the hinterlands were still Gaelic. Thus, I gave the city barony to Limerick while making the province itself free under its Gaelic chieftain.

Using HIP's custom decisions, I also feudalised the tribes of Ireland because at least the English portion at this time was completely feudal.

I will have some riveting gameplay next chapter, I promise.
 
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Chapter 2: Roger Mortimer part 1
Chapter 2: Under the Hammer

Before we get on with this chapter I would like to thank my friend user Markush#3667 on Discord for providing me with something great:

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With modding magic incomprehensible to me, he managed to add the historical Mortimer coat of arms to the game, albeit with a few problems. It was not compatible with Patrum Scuta, so I had to disable it and remake the starting set up (which is why there may be a few things different). Some of the custom HIP dynastic coats of arms and barony coats of arms were also broken, but those are sacrifices I am willing to make for the sake of increased immersion.

Now, on with the chapter.


Introduction to the First Volume
Welcome, dear reader, to this humble manuscript, detailing the lives of the first kings of our glorious kingdom. This was a joint effort by many, all impossible without the assistance and sponsorship of the Earl of Leinster, whose idea it was that a conclusive work on the history of our country be published. We are preceded in this effort by many pre-eminent scholars, but we may take pride in the fact that we shall be the first to do so in the common tongue and not in Latin; or at least the first of note, for many flights of fancy abound among the peasantry, containing little truth and much fiction. For our part, we hope this work lives up to the standards our predecessors set for us in the noble tongue, treating scholarly with the esteemed matter we seek to study.

Humbly,
Patrick of Monmouth

A Fateful Week
Our royal chronicle begins with the knighting of our first king, when he was only Roger fitzEdmund Mortimer, Baron Wigmore, on the 24th day of May of the Year of our Lord 1306. He and many other young lords of England had come to London to be knighted, and say their oaths to their king, the great Malleus Scotorum, Conqueror of Wales, King Edward I. Not since the days of King Athelstan of yore had a king of England commanded more fealty across the British Isles as he did at the peak of his powers, yet now he was approaching the autumn of his life. Even so, he was a great and mighty king, tall and fearsome to behold, but also cunning and wise.

It was to this king that Lord Roger presented himself, kneeling to take his vows. It is said that even as he knelt, King Edward saw in him his fate and the angels' blessing, for even as he stood up, the king spoke, "Here is the man who shall make a kingdom and a king!", and bade him stand with his son Prince Edward, naming them brothers.
This tradition, poetic as it may be, although long held by many, is likely a flight of fancy. For one, it assumes that King Edward had little knowledge of Roger Mortimer, or that Roger had little knowledge of the Prince Edward, who would be Edward II of England. The Mortimers had been close allies of the Crown of England for generations, and had fought loyally against the Old Welsh. Lord Edmund, Roger's father, had himself with his brothers trapped the treacherous prince Lewellyn, slaying him with his own hands. He was knighted for this service and remained a trusted lieutenant.

Roger thus grew up knowing of the king and court, and they knew of him. He was born on the Feast of St Mark, same as the Prince Edward, and accounts from the time speak of their closeness, for Prince Edward was born in Wales and travelled there often. It is likely then that the common tradition speaks some truth, as is wont with such tales. Roger and the prince were brothers in a sense, while it is true that the king showed interest in him, for Roger remained at the court a week. It was in this week that, perhaps, destiny was made

We still do not know what transpired in this week. What we know are the results. The prince and Roger had a falling out. Roger departed for Ireland in disgust but with a letter from the king granting him leave to "enforce the King's justice in Meath, where of late it was in disregard" when it came into his inheritance. He was also granted formal charge of his lands and titles as Lord of Wigmore by royal charter.

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This grant was virtually an endorsement of Roger uniting the split lordship of Meath.

Many have speculated since on what happened in this week. It was often assumed that the ever shrewd King Edward was simply impressed by the prowess of the young Roger, granting him favour as he saw a chance to grow his hold on Ireland through a powerful vassal, who would be loyal to him and his heir. The Prince Edward then was simply incensed by envy, jealous of the favour his father had shown his friend, and not him, for he was a weak-willed and petty man, as history later proved.

There is, however, a more sinister tale. There were rumours, at the time, of the prince's depravity and degeneracy, which later grew in popularity among the many enemies of King Edward II. Chief amongst these were his alleged sodomy. One may find it curious then that the first mention of the prince's sodomy in a letter or diary was by Roger Mortimer de Chirk, the uncle of Lord Roger of Wigmore, in a letter to his wife, only a month after Lord Roger returned to Wigmore.

It is then left to you, dear reader, to make of it what you will. This being a serious historical work, we will not engage in idle gossip about lords and princes, no matter how long dead, and move on to the real history we know.


Roger's First Visit to Ireland
Scotland was in a state of general unrest, as only two months prior, the treacherous murderer Robert the Bruce had crowned himself King of Scots. Both King and Prince would soon ride for Scotland to deal with this rebellion, even as Roger made ready for his departure to Ireland. His grandfather-in-law intended to grant him his titles and` retire to a monastery, living his last years out in service to God.

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Yes I did eventspawn troops for Robert so he would stand a chance.

Even as Roger returned to Wigmore, he had sent forth word to prepare an escort, for he fully intended to make good use of the grant the king had made to him. His first assertion of it would be to bring to heel the lawless Old Irish lords around his lands, chief among them being the lords of Offaly.

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Roger gathered his forces after landing in Devlyn and marched with his grandfather-in-law on Offaly, where decisively beat the lord and demanded his allegiance. He then marched to Westmeath, where the kin of his wife, the de Verdons, ruled, to demand they swear obeisance to him as the sole Lord of all Meath, by writ of the King.

In only a few months of his arrival, Roger showed the talent God had gifted him. He had not only united all of the Lordship of Meath as the de Lacys had made it, but also subdued the rebellious Old Irish.

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The King Edward was greatly impressed by Roger's efforts, for he was now given more charges. He was to ensure the safety of Devlyn with his men, protect its trade and the English settlers. He was also named First Lord of the March, a title the king had been considering making for a time now but had found no lord apt enough to receive it. His first task in this was a private one, a sign of the great trust the king placed in Roger: he was to investigate the activities of the Bishop of Worcester and treat with him as he saw fit.

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Roger, after having obtained full charge of his Irish territories with Geoffrey's retirement, returned to England, leaving his cousins to oversee the situation in Ireland. His return was soon followed by great joy, for his wife had returned to England before him, pregnant. She soon gave birth to twins, a boy and a girl.

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Edmund was named after his grandfather in the Mortimer tradition.

It is said that the birth of his children was a happy moment for him, even more so that they were twins. He took heart and set his mind to his new charge, Worcester. The Bishop of Worcester commanded an impressive amount of estates, being among the richest bishops in England. While not having the authority of York or Canterbury, Worcester still was greatly respected, and the present bishop William had not hidden his disdain for the king, seeing in him a cruel tyrant.

Meanwhile in Scotland, King Edward had recently uncovered a plot to commit regicide by poisoning him in his camp. He had caught and executed the culprits, but he suspected others, for he knew he enjoyed the love of all smallfolk. Roger was to investigate the bishop's activities and arrest him if he found him suspicious or guilty, but be as subtle as possible to not offend the Church. In this also, Roger excelled.

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By means lost to time, he had managed to secure the confession of Bishop William and summoned his guards to arrest him in Ludlow Castle when the bishop staged a daring escape and rode away to raise armed rebellion. With the country embroiled in war and thinking the king an unloved despot, William gathered men and marched against Roger, hoping to draw to him other lords with grievances against the Crown. None did, and the fool of a bishop was decisively defeated by Roger.

He was put in chains and tried, on the field of battle itself. Roger acted as judge, jury and executioner, finding Bishop William guilty of attempted regicide, treason, fornication (for he had kept several mistresses) and defiling the Holy Church, sentencing him to death by beheading.

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Greatly satisfied, the king now granted Roger the leave to appoint his own man to the bishopric and authorised him to seize the most prominent of the castles and estates of Worcester for himself.

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For most lords, the year of campaigning Roger had spent would have sufficed. They would be happy having lived up their king's expectations and enjoyed the fruits of their loyalty, while stewarding their own estates for their son and heir. Indeed, Roger would have been accounted as a greatly successful lord if one considered his age and the extent to which he had grown the influence of his dynasty. Yet, these were meagre fruits to what God had in store for this great man. Roger himself perhaps knew, for he was already looking to the next opportunity.

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Near the end of the Year of our Lord 1307, the Pope had declared another crusade for Jerusalem. Few in England were willing however, as the war with Scotland grew fiercer and the King himself was forced to leave his dream of going to Jerusalem for another day. Roger, deeply involved in the politics and intrigues of his newfound realm, had few men to spare, fearing rebellion. Even so, he outfitted 96 of his best knights and men-at-arms, had them take the cross and bid them farewell on ships he paid for.
Not a pious man by any account (his lack of piety would soon become notorious following his coronation), one finds it curious why Roger made this sacrifice. It is possible he feared repercussions if he misjudged or was not subtle enough with his intrigues with Bishop William. Others consider that Roger barely needed to use any of his resources to convict William, babbling fool as the latter was. He committed his forces to the crusade simply because of a possible secret treaty he had made with the King.

Regardless of his motive, the result of Roger's pious act was clear: the Archbishop of Canterbury provided him with an official letter bearing his seal, making him the heir to the Earldom of Ulster by the grace of God if the Earl of Ulster and his heirs were found to be engaging in treason with Robert the Bruce of Scotland, tied as they were by marriage. This was his reward for following the will of the Pope, as the Earl of Ulster had not committed his forces to the Crusade. Indeed, the Pope himself gave his approval, hoping to encourage other lords of Europe to take the cross.

It was after such holy approval and commendation that Roger's reign in Ireland truly began.
 
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Chapter 3 Roger Mortimer part 2
Chapter 3: How Kingdoms are Forged Part 1

Consolidation and Intrigue

Before we move to further matters in the Isles, we must look at the fate of Roger's pious knights who had so undertaken the holy duty after taking the cross. Theirs is a sad but moving tale. An account of their voyage to the holy land can take up many pages itself, being attacked by Moorish corsairs, stranded off the coast of Dyrrachium and their battle in alliance with the Venetians off the coast of Alexandria.
Suffice it to say that they arrived already endeared to the Lord in Ascalon, which had become the chief stonghold of the warriors of Christ. Thence they issued forth to meet with the German army on the northwards march. It is unknown what happened afterwards, because no records have been kept of their journeys and travels. What we do know is that they fell behind and were ambushed by the infidels, who fell on them with their full force.

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The Last Stand of the Company of Mortimer
Knowing they faced certain defeat, the knights of the Mortimer Company still fought valiantly, slaying three for every one of them that fell. Yet this was scarcely enough to beat back the infidel horde that fell on them. Their sacrifice and glory were and are still hailed and sung of, and they were honoured as martyrs of the faith. Even now their names are revered, and may it forever be so. May their souls rest in peace and be eternally blessed, the Company of Mortimer.

We now return to the fruit of this sacrifice by the lord Roger and his deeds in Wales and Ireland. Having received further protections and favour from the King Edward, and holy blessings for increasing his hold on Ireland, Roger now made ready his men for a second voyage to Ireland. His intention this time was to drive his kin by marriage, the de Verdons from their lands.
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The Verdons of Westmeath were descended from Theobald Butler.

The Lordship of Meath had ended when the last Lord of Meath, Walter de Lacy, had died without male heirs of body, being split between his two granddaughters Margery and Maud. Margery's portion passed to the heirs of her body from her husband John de Verdon, son of Theobald le Bottilier, First Butler of Ireland, by his second marriage to Rohese de Verdon. This half came to be known as Westmeath.
Maud's portion, centred on Trim, passed to her heirs by her second husband Geoffrey de Geneville, and thence to Roger Mortimer.

Roger had intended on driving Lord Theobald from his lands on his first voyage, little trusting him and much desiring his land, as many accounts and evidence from the time puts it, but he satisfied himself with oaths of fealty and his wife as a hostage after he realised that he did not have the men to fight if the enemy gathered his strengths. He had corrected this on his second voyage, arriving with nearly twice the men. He landed in Devlyn and then marched to Westmeath, gathering more men from his fiefs as he went.

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Citing evidence of the Verdons withholding taxes and abusing their privileges, Roger demanded the turnover of his properties and Castle Roche. When the inevitable refusal came, he ordered his men to seize the Verdon lands and expel them. Heavily outnumbered in the field and unprepared, Theobald and his men were soundly defeated, and quickly. Roger wasted no time in asserting his own control, sending his men to consolidate and enforce his authority in the countryside as he marched south with a smaller contingent for a different purpose.

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The House de Clare was among, probably the most, esteemed of the Irish and Marcher lords. Prior to Strongbow's conquests in Ireland, they had already held many lands in the Marches and in Wales, which only grew following Edward I's conquest of Wales. The present earl Gilbert's father, also Gilbert, was the Earl of Gloucester, Earl of Hertford and Lord of Glamorgan, in addition to many estates and manors in Leinster and South Wales. His son however enjoyed only a fraction of the wealth and power he had accrued, due to a marriage that some call foolhardy and others astute.

Gilbert de Clare, 7th Earl of Gloucester, seeking marriage with the daughter of Longshanks, Joan of Acre (so named for her auspicious birth in the Holy Land when both her mother and father were on crusade) had agreed to some harsh terms from the bride's father, as was the Hammer's wont to enforce. Gilbert's lands were surrendered to the king, being then jointly granted to both him and his wife for their entire lives. The lands could only pass to a direct descendant, i.e. son of both, failing which his lands would default to Joan and any children she may have by further marriages.

The younger Gilbert was indeed their son, and thus his father's inheritance was retained, but he died only four years after his son's birth, which meant, due to the joint grant, all his lands defaulted to his mother for her life, only to be inherited by the younger Gilbert on her death.
The younger Gilbert was however allowed to inherit and keep his lands in Ireland, which is where he resided, gathering his men to meet his king's call for war, when Roger called on him. Residing for a few days before departing, he managed to earn Gilbert's trust and respect, and made a most fateful betrothal, one that would have great consequences for his heirs and all men of our great kingdom. He had his son Edmund betrothed to Gilbert's daughter Alice.

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This marriage would later have great ramifications

Having consolidated his lands, put down a rebellion by an upjumped mayor in Devlyn, and secured a good match for his son, Roger now made ready for his departure back to England. Upon arriving, he would soon hear a piece of news of much importance: while the king had finally agreed on terms for the marriage of Prince Edward with Princess Isabelle of France, she had died only a few months after her arrival in England from the Bloody Flux.
He was invited to the funeral, which was to be held soon. Much of the realm, especially Prince Edward, was griefstricken, for she was a fair maid and had proved a beloved Princess, much loved by many of the nobility and commonfolk alike. It seemed as if a great thread in the realm's history had been severed.


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While a solemn occasion, the funeral also provided a good opportunity for Roger to gauge his rapport with his peers and assess the general mood of the kingdom, while also building relations with those who would be his allies in the wars to come. Many scholars believe this event to be of particularly singular import in the later fate of all the fair isles this side of the Channel. Those who had fought with the Scottish met and talked with those who had stayed behind and sent their men, and men from Gascony met with men from Northumbria. Much talk and gossip was shared, friendships forged and rivalries made.

In this, Roger found, as much as our knowledge could tell, many allies, for his favour with the king and astuteness in politics drew many to his side. Thus were the seeds of rebellion and of our great motherland laid, even as a maid lay dead and was prepared for burial.


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Roger used his knowledge of the realm to great effect to win the friendships of his peers.

Enlightened with his newly found knowledge, Roger now returned to Ireland to further work on his plans. He had managed to subdue the most prominent of the Old Irish lords of Offaly in the O'Connor-Fallies. He trusted them little again and knew words and gestures meant little to these savage folk. He had his men among them still, and many among them had the trust of their lord as well. We know little of what happened next, but what we do know is enough to enable us to say that Roger had a hand in what happened next.

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Ah yes what a great plan.....snakes in Ireland....

With the sudden death of the last O'Connor-Fally in a reasonable distance, Roger sent his men to seize his lands and the Old Irish excuses for 'manors' and 'castles'. There was a brief war, and many of the Old Irish lords resisted for long, but for the most part, his grip on Offaly had been secured and was entrusted to the lords who had carved their lands out from the barbaric residents. They remained eternally grateful to Roger for his generosity and for subduing their enemies.

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Possibly the greatest import of news that Roger may have received in the funeral was murmurs that the Scottish War was not going well. The English had suffered two big defeats on the field and most of the English held castles in Scotland had fallen like trees to a lumberjack as Robert the Bruce loomed ever larger and more and more Scots rallied to this murderer for a king. What this also did was create much anxiety among the Irish lords. Many already feared a Scottish invasion, for the Bruces had as good claim as any to the crown of the High King of Ireland, and it was known that the O'Neills of Tyrone and other strong Old Irish kings had been corresponding with Robert's brother Edward to arrive in Ireland and lead them.

If such an invasion did happen, then it was not known where the loyalties of the de Burghs of Ulster would lie. They were tied to the Bruces by marriage, for Robert had married Elizabeth de Burgh, daughter of the then Earl of Ulster Richard de Burgh. The O'Neills of Ulster and O'Connors of Connaught would surely rise if a Scottish invasion did land, and with such happenings, it would clearly be in their best interest to throw in their lot with the Scottish and declare for them. These anxieties were the cause for the Papal claim that had been granted to Roger for his sacrifice, and though he had not acted on it yet, he did not forget.

It was now that his contacts made in the aftermath of the funeral would be required. He set in motion a grand Irish plot, to overthrow the de Burghs and have Roger made the Earl of Ulster and Connaught. He sent letters and treaties, promising rewards and asserting the holy claim he had been given. All he needed was the slightest hint of collusion with Scottish and the greatest threat to English rule in Ireland would be much neutered.
Many lords took what he had said and responded favourably, for Roger had proved his loyalty to the crown and his fair-mindedness, and his claim was undeniable. Thus, the lords of Ireland set to work to bring to light the treacheries of the de Burghs. And not a moment too soon, for word soon arrived that the last English held castle in Scotland had fallen.

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But the Scottish War was not done yet. Much more blood it demanded before the demons of war were sated.
 
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Roger is an evil ambitious man. Did you overlap my game? Is the Coast of Dyrrachium, my Dyrrachion (Albania)? I have a Mortimer lass committing royal murder! Didn't St. Patrick drive the vipers from Ireland? I guess that Roger is an import.
 
Roger is an evil ambitious man. Did you overlap my game? Is the Coast of Dyrrachium, my Dyrrachion (Albania)? I have a Mortimer lass committing royal murder! Didn't St. Patrick drive the vipers from Ireland? I guess that Roger is an import.
Nah, I haven't gone through that yet. I just thought of a random place that's on the way to Jerusalem.
Roger only gets worse (from a point of view) from here. But nations are not founded by nice guys. Also yeah, the snake bit is a bit funny, but it could work when you consider that if you say that a man died from snake venom in Ireland, you would be laughed at.
 
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Chapter 4 Roger Mortimer part 3
Chapter 4: How Kingdoms are Forged Part 2

The War in Ulster

The Scots' war against the English now became a war of conquest. Many of their highborn were determined to end the English threat to their kingdom for once and all, even as Robert himself was not sated, for he knew the mettle of the Hammer. He was not going to relent. He would only return with further vengeance and steel for all those who dared to challenge his rule, as did Lewellyn the Last find. Robert was determined to not suffer his end. Thus did he give the order for all true Scotch men to gather under his banner and gathered his veterans to make ready for the next stage of the war.
The Scot commonborn had suffered much, too much under the English to not desire vengeance. They were only too eager to heed this chance to give their occupiers a taste of what they had lived through for the past score years.

All this the Irish and Welsh lords knew. While their lands may seem far removed, they were in reality the most anxious, for it would take only a few Scottish victories in the north and the Irish Sea for their lands to be threatened. The Old Welsh and Irish were only too happy to rise against the "Saxon yoke" and who better to rally to than the Bruces, who claimed such a storied lineage.
Descended from Strongbow and thus his wife Eva of Leinster, they were also the fruit of the marriage which Strongbow had used to claim lordship of all of Leinster and Ireland, and thus heirs of the MacMurrough lineage. Thus they counted Brian Boru among their ancestors and the king Olaf Cuaran. They were also descended from the house of the kings and lords of Galloway and the kings of the Isles.

The fears and anxieties of the Irish lords were then not unfounded. As said above, the Old Irish were also willing to rise and swear fealty to any of the Bruce brothers and hail them as a new High King of Ireland. So did the Irish lords began moving their pieces, heeding the counsel and call of Roger Mortimer. The de Burghs were unfortunate to be trapped in this vicious game, yet there was little they could do. Roger soon had the just cause for war he needed: the FitzGeralds informed him that that Earl Richard had offered to hide away Elizabeth along with her retinue of Scotch knights and men at arms in Ulster until there was less threat to the person of Robert and his queen.

( NOTE: The letters and the attached proofs the FitzGeralds sent in the strictest confidence to Roger are still recorded and kept by the Earl of Leinster by whose grace we were able to learn many of the great secrets of the history of our nation and the private intrigues of which earlier historians could only speculate about. My colleagues have taken great pains to transcribe these letters and they have been included as appendices. It seems the FitzGeralds were able to capture some of the private messengers of the de Burghs and learn much of the correspondence by the arts of their executioners.)

It is not needed to state what an act of treason harbouring the enemy of your realm and liege is. The fact that Robert had seemingly politely denied this offer already confirms it. He did not wish to tie his wife and himself in a possible conflagration, which is what now resulted. Roger, serving as the king's Lord Justiciar in Ireland, made ready his men to bring to justice this traitor to the realm while also asserting his claim to the Earldom of Ulster granted by the Church, now that is stipulations had been met.

Earl Richard of Ulster vehemently denied all accusations and besought the king for an intervention to protect his rights, but to no avail, for his treachery and treason was undeniable, no matter how well-founded his intentions had been. Fatherly love now would doom his line and his lands. Bitter and angry, he did only what he could do now: ready and gather his men in a hope to face and defeat Roger and his allies.

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Needless to say, it was a vain hope.

Roger had made his masterstroke. Earl Richard was isolated and alone; even his son-in-law in Scotland could not help him for it would only mean him aiding and abetting an errant lord in his crimes. By the laws of chivalry, Robert could not reasonably assert the Earl's innocence and not expect his vassals to take it as a sign of him affirming such acts. Thus he watched helplessly across the sea as his father-in-law fought an unwinnable war.

Roger, now a veteran though still young, moved quickly, assisted by the other lords in Ireland, many of whom had campaigned for many years in the Scottish and Welsh wars. Outnumbered, outmatched and outplanned, Ulster could little resist, and soon Roger's forced had command of the passes, the countrysides and the castles. Richard was forced to surrender, concede his title of Earl of Ulster to Roger, swear fealty to him as his lord and hand command of his lands in Connaught. He was to pay a hefty fine to both the Lord Justiciar and the Crown and vow to never take up arms against the enemies of the King and fight in any wars to come with Scotland.

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Carrickfergus castle fell quickly, and became the centre from which the rest of Ulster was subdued.


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Most of Earl Richard's vassals and towns also turned against him, due to Roger's manipulations.

Roger now claimed Connaught for himself while many of the towns and fiefs of Ulster were to pay homage directly him as Earl of Ulster. The king confirmed him in his titles, and Roger now journeyed east to England to receive the enfeoffment from the King of his new lands and attend Parliament to discuss the future actions in the war against the Scottish and the matter of the defense of Ireland. It was now that he received much favour from the King, but also a veiled threat, for the king now feared that Roger was overgrasping. Though he received his titles and was confirmed of his status in the Parliament, the king gave him the task of leading the defense of Ireland. Any failures would have likely been treated sternly, and it could have been imagined that all the gains Roger had made could have been stripped from him. Regardless, it was apparent that he was now a lord most esteemed and greatly enriched, commanding vast lands and estates across Ireland and Wales.


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Roger now, at least legally, commanded lands from sea to sea in Ireland.
When he made his return to Ireland, to take charge in his new grants officially, he received an urgent piece of news: Lord Richard (for that was how he was styled now) had been among the O'Neills and had gathered men and commanders amongst them to take back his land by arms, while also openly declaring that old age had finally conquered the Hammer, for he had appointed a tyrant incapable of ever learning what justice meant to the justiciarship of Ireland and Wales. Calling Roger "a treasonous wretch hailing from a dishonorable line, having for a sire a vile trickster who had deceived and killed his own cousin by blood" as one letter puts it, Lord Richard now made no secrets of his intentions.
He declared null and void Roger's declaration disinheriting him of the Earldom of Ulster as well as his formal enfeoffment of his new lands as "cruel lies of traitors who spake through the mouth of a senile man". When the men of the Lord Justiciar arrived to arrest him for defamation, libel and treason against the Crown, Richard had them executed, their heads thrown across the walls of Carrickfergus when he laid siege to the castle with his barbarian army.


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Richard trapped and killed Roger's men sent to arrest him and rebelled with his savage army

Roger was forced to act against the hot-headed Richard the Young. His men had scarcely had time to rest when the new war began. This was a much bloodier affair, for now he was fighting not just the lords loyal to Richard in Ulster, the Old Irish also had joined in with their ancient enemies for the O'Neills saw this as the opportunity to force the hand of the dithering Bruces. Atrocities were done by both sides, as Roger unleased his wroth on the traitors, while Richard gave no quarter to those he perceived as usurpers. The Old Irish fought savagely as was their wont; thus fields burnt, men fled and towns were abandoned. For many months did the war rage, yet again Roger prevailed.

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Richard's assault on the lands that were formerly his failed miserably, for reasons he would have very well known. Ulster was made to be an English bastion, surrounded by hostile hosts. The marshes and castles were well positioned while the settlers were of a martial bent. Roger had made himself familiar with the land he was dealing with, and thus did he prevail again against his enemy. But the war did not end there. He now campaigned deeper into Ulster, into Old Irish lands, to subdue them and win their oaths of loyalty to the Lord of Ireland. Many such oaths had been made by these lords, and they were broken just as many times.
For there was no love lost between these proud Gaels and those who they called Saxons, their oppressors. Little they thought of what we may call civilisation, and frowned at their liberties being stolen from them. Yet they submitted nonetheless, and the Irish lords fought to subdue them, for the short-lived relief it did give them. Some did even hold true to their oaths, for a year, for ten years, some true men for their lives. But they were broken in the end, by their heirs and their vassals.

Such were the oaths that Roger received from the O'Neills of Ulster, to be true and loyal vassals of Edward I and be his men, and to disavow any other claimants to the throne of Ireland. Tenuous as they may have seemed, it at least put to an end their part in Richard's war.


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Connaught was where the most unruly of the Old Irish lived and Roger had been forced to subdue them before marching against the O'Neills.

All of this passed without the feared Scottish invasion. Robert was busy making war on the Marches and had no time seemingly for Ireland. He also had no cause to intervene. All that Roger had done, he had done within the laws of the realm and chivalry, and if the King of Scots could not have assisted his father-in-law earlier, he could scarcely have done so now, when he was in open rebellion. A shrewd and clever man, Robert bided his time and waited, for he knew his chance would come. For now, he contained his brother and satisfied himself with marching into Northumbria with small raiding parties and visiting hell on English tradesmen in the North Sea.

Richard meanwhile had been handed over by his abetters. Soundly defeated and vanquished, he remained defiant to the last. Roger revoked all the lands he had left him, and sentenced him to death for his treasons. His son and heir John had been captured before Richard had surrendered, and Roger had executed him, for his involvements in the treasons of his father, and as a punishment to Richard. Now Richard faced the same fate, being beheaded and his head and that of his son's mounted over the walls of Carrickfergus.


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John had only left a young daughter, of fragile health, and many feared she would not live long. These fears were compounded when this frail child, in an act of righteous cruelty, was thrown in the dungeon by Roger for the punishment of the sins and crimes her family had committed. John de Burgh had a brother, but he was reputed to be an odd child. He had not learnt to speak until after his third year, and even then spoke simply. He took no interest in what a normal boy should, and many believed him to be a lackwit. By the laws of succession, this boy of three years was now to rule whatever lands the de Burghs had left to them, failing which their claims and lands should pass to the Cecily de Burgh, John's daughter, and on her death, to her aunt Elizabeth, Queen of Scotland and wife of Robert the Bruce. Thus did Robert wait, for he knew he would have his chance soon.

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Those times were hard times for hard men.


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He probably will not live long.....

Meanwhile, there was news from England, and that of the most grievous nature: the King Edward I, Conqueror of Wales and Hammer of Scots, most just king that England had seen and a conqueror worthy of Macedon and Rome, had taken his last breath at the age of 75 on the 25th day of January of the Year of our Lord 1315.


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THE KING IS DEAD!

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LONG LIVE THE KING!
 
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Chapter 5 Roger Mortimer 4
Chapter 5: How Kingdoms are Forged Part 3

A New King

The news sent the entire realm into mourning. Even as Roger put down the Ulstrish revolt, the Prince, now the King Edward II, fighting on the Scottish Marches, received the news. Having being embroiled in a bitter and frustrating war of skirmish and raids, he was only too happy to abandon command to his vassals and race south to be crowned. Few challenges to his succession emerged from within the realm, for it had been united around the iron fist of his lord father. Since the death of the Lionheart, the kingdom of England had known only trouble and strife, and the dignity of the royal writ had diminished. The king and his lords had been locked in a war for supremacy, even as the Welsh grew bolder and the French lands were lost, one after the other.
It was only with the accession of Longshanks that the English lion found his bite again. He put an end to the grasping lords who sought what was above them; he remade the seat on which royal authority sat, wisely accepting the changes that had been wrought under the rule of his grandsire. The Parliament became the voice of the realm and let the king rule yet more nobly, for now he could listen to the concerns of his subjects, and issue commands, knowing that they would be obeyed.

Wisely did the king declare that he rules by the consent of all his subjects, for it is indeed so. The people of the realm choose their king and it is to them that he must answer, as does history not name tyrants those who take no counsel but theirs, and rule for the good of none but theirs? It is true that the deepest hell is kept for those who are vain and prideful, and none are loved more by God than those who give more willingly than they take; chief they will be among His chosen when He returns and Judgement is made.

Thus was the King Edward I: stern but just; cruel to his enemies and giving to his friends; noble to his loyal subjects and the shield of the realm. Such was his rule that, even as the kingdom was embroiled in war while rebellion loomed in Ireland, all kneeled for their new king and made their vows to be his men, loyal and true. Many held hopes that the seed would be as its sire, but those that were close to the prince knew better.

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Roger received these tidings as he made his way back to Trim to pass judgements and set himself to ordering his new domain. This now had to be put off, much to his exasperation, as he was required to travel to the capital to swear his oath to his new king and receive new grants of his lands. Travelling by sea, he set sail from Dublin again, but this time to Gloucestershire, where the father of his son's intended had just come into inheritance of his ancestral lands, as the Princess Joan had predeceased her father by some months.

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As they joint their host, Roger received a present from the Earl Gilbert: his new banner, as he had asked to be made, sent from Wigmore. It was thus:
First quarter barry Or and Azure, on a chief of the first two pallets between two base esquires of the second over all an inescutcheon Argent; Second quarter Or a lion Gules armed and langued Azure; Third quarter Or a cross Gules a dexter hand displayed couped within an inescutcheon Argent; Fourth quarter Azure a majesty proper holding a sceptre Or.

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An emblazonment of the arms.


The first quarter holds the arms of the House of Mortimer, as is known. The fourth quarter holds the arms of Meath, which are quite peculiar indeed. It is said that the High King of Ireland was anointed here, after being chosen by the Old Irish lords, on the hallowed Hill of Tara. Meath itself was talked of in the same breath as high kingship over Ireland and it did become the seat of many. Thus, it is said, did the Lacys assume these arms to show the import of their fief.
It is curious then that the earliest we know of a de Lacy using these arms is after the visit of the King John when he was a prince. It is known that King Henry II intended at first to make his son the King of Ireland; did the prince assume these arms anticipating his crowning? We can only speculate; but what we know is that by Roger's time, these seemingly outrageous arms were so leagued with Meath that he could assume them without offending the Crown.

The third quarter holds the arms of Ulster. The inescutcheon comes from the crest of the O'Neill clan, having become the arms of western (Old Irish) Ulster among the Irish lords. Roger's use of both showed his dominion over both English Ulster as well as over the O'Neills.

The second quarter is of particular note for it displays the arms of the Old Welsh principality of Powys. Following the accession of King Edward II, it is seen that many of the lords of the marches assumed the arms used by the Old Welsh. This is cited as proofs by many of my peers for the use of the arms of Gwynedd by Edward II when he was Prince of Wales, for we do not know with certainty what his arms were.
It is also used as proof in argument that date the use of the present term Westmarch (which describes the general area of old Powys as well as some English shires) from this time itself, as Roger had been made First Lord of the March by King Edward I. A well made argument it is, as those who disagree are hardpressed to explain the use of these arms, as Roger owned no manors or lands in Powis proper.


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Roger Mortimer's banner of arms as it was likely displayed on his journey to and Edward II's crowning.

Thus, the new earls of Ulster and Gloucestershire now made their way to the capital of the Plantagenet realm, where all the lords of the realm were assembling, except those on the Scottish marches, for whom the war went on. A cruel surprise awaited them. The Crown had been strapped for funds, and the Parliament had refused granting any more money than had already been given to Edward II for his coronation and the funeral of his late father which would have sufficed, if his inheritance had been added. The issue was that Edward II had already promised most of his inheritance to the masons and architects he had tasked with building a grand manor in Chester, years before his father's demise.

One need not make note of the irresponsibility shown by the king, for it is immediately apparent. The finances of the realm were already stretched with the Scottish war while income from trade had reduced greatly as heavier taxes made it difficult for the English traders to compete with those from the continent, especially the ever mercurial Flemings. The lords of the realm and the country had greatly benefitted as the Flemings proved their skill and industry, and the loot carried by returning English men from Scotland added to this. Impervious, then, were the lords to the farce they were about to witness.

Edward II at first tried to present the lords with the festivity they were expecting, hoping that the problem would solve itself in due course. Comfortable lodging was provided and a great feast prepared with many exquisite royal courses. The funeral of the late king was given the grandness it deserved (even Edward Lackwits did not lack this much wit). Thousands of men, women and children accompanied his body as it was carried to Westminster Abbey for burial. Now after a month of mourning would the coronation be held. In that month, whatever remained of the funds for the ceremony trickled away to pay for board and lodge of the king's vassals.

And thus the murmurs turned into uproar. By two weeks of the funeral, the lords were being served with what many described as "peasants' food". The innkeepers were being taxed so much in order to squeeze out any money they earned from the retainers who came with their lieges that they began closing their inns, leading to vociferous complaint among the soldiery and commonfolk of the city. The Archbishop of Canterbury, when he realised the nature of the coronation ceremony, departed in disgust, denouncing the king. The Archbishop of York was too far away to be summoned in time, and the abbot Richard de Kedington refused to perform the ceremony. Thus a Brother Gerald from the Abbey was chosen, and the news of this was the final straw for most.

Most lords now began making their departure. Edward Lackpurse, as he earnt his name, still believed that the ceremony would be done in a fitting manner when it was scheduled, but soon his advisors forced him to reckon with reality: if he did not perform it soon, most of his lords would have left.

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Thus it was hastened and performed only two weeks and three days of the funeral of his father, and in such manner that it was described as "...like the play of children when they crown each other with a wooden crown and a sceptre of hay." by Abbot Kedington. Edward had come to his senses and realised the mockery that had been made of him. He now was infuriated by the wealth of his vassals, especially Roger who had enriched himself from his adventures. There was a spat which turned into a war of words, so bitter that these friends of childhood were now forever sundered. Roger departed that very night itself with his retinue, after being confirmed of his new titles in a mock enfeoffment, so laced with hatred that the Abbot wrote "...daggers shot from the eyes of the earl and the king, and both died a thousand times that night."

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Roger's insult and his departure was followed soon by that of the other lords, who had lost any love they may have borne for the son of Longshanks. They would have to put this aside soon, as the news that Roger received from Ireland on his arrival in Wigmore spread: Richard de Burgh, last male in the de Burgh line, was dead, murdered most likely. All fingers pointed one way.

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Did Roger kill the young lord? Many do believe this. He was bitter after the war with his father and could not truly claim to be the Earl of Ulster as long as a de Burgh lived. But pettiness and bitterness are not enough to explain why Roger would do something of this sort, for there was only one culprit who would be suspected if there was a murder, and there was only one result: a Scottish invasion of Ireland followed by a general rising of the Gaels. Yet there are others who suspect that the murder and the war that followed were done out of bitterness, but not to the Burghs but to the king. Nothing pushes the realm against the king more than a failed war, they say, and we are forced to concur.

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The murderer did not matter to Robert. He now had the claim he needed as well as the injustice that gave him cause for war. Robert the Bruce now sought to obtain the birthright of his wife and place the rightfully elected High King of Ireland, Edward Bruce, on his throne, ridding St. Patrick's island from "Saxon tyranny and lawless rule for all eternity, as I and my friends have done for Scotland, as St. Patrick himself cast out the serpents from this holy Isle." The War of the Two Edwards had begun.


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