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Chapter 112: The Rurikid Chronicle: The Reign of Fylkir Eilif (889 to 934 AD)
AuthAAR’s Note. This is a ‘special edition’, based on the official contemporaneous Rurikid Court Chronicle. Eilif, the first Germanic Fylkir and founder of the Norse Russian Empire, ruled for over 44 years. The whole chronicle is reproduced below, but key events have been highlighted and some supplementary material added to expand on the original material, part of the Rurikid Scroll Trove first uncovered by modern scholars in 2017.
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Early Years: 889-899 AD
The founder of the Rurikid Dynasty and first King of the Petty Kingdom of Holmgarðr (in 867 AD) – later the Kingdom of Garðariki - died on 6 December 889. He had been predeceased by his first son Helgi by just four months. Thus, almost by accident, it was Eilif and his branch of the dynasty that came to power under the elective gavelkind succession laws that then applied.
Eilif’s brother Jarl Dyre was at that time his heir, but the two were arch-rivals: they would fight duels and their feud would continue until Dyre’s death in exile years later.
Eilif inherited a losing war that Rurik had launched earlier in 889 against High Chief Tuure of Karelia, who summoned tribal defensive armies to overwhelm the ostensibly stronger Garðarikians. Eilif made peace in 890, but vowed to one day redeem Garðarikian honour against the Karelians. His reign would begin and end with fighting against the Karelians, with raids and wars between the two neighbours a regular feature. It was in 890 that Eilif’s work administering the laws of the realm brought him the nickname ‘the Just’ – as had his father before him had been known.
When Eilif took power, the (old) Germanic faith was only established in the ‘core’ Rurikid counties of the Jarldom of Holmgarðr. Expanding the influence of the faith and reforming it would become a life long pursuit for the new King.
The Kingdom of Garðariki in 890 AD, with the realm still bankrupt after the humiliating loss to Karelia.
The period 891-895 was one of consolidation and only sporadic fighting as Garðariki recovered and Eilif established his reign.
Revenge against Karelia came in a successful major raid in 896. The same year, Jarl Dyre married Elin – with whom Eilif would later have an affair and sire an unacknowledged son while Dyre was in exile. Eilif’s first son Styrkar was born that year also: he would survive to his majority (just), but died of illness when only 16 years old.
In 897, the feud between the two brothers came to a head, with Dyre thrown into prison – he would later be stripped of his titles and exiled, ending up in Britannia.
A series of successful small claim wars were fought from 897 to 899, the largest being against Curonia (898-99).
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Subjugation of Sweden and Wars of Expansion: 899-911 AD
The first of the great achievements of Eilif’s reign was the ambitious plan to subjugate the powerful Kingdom of Sviþjod, then ruled by King Eirikr, which began in 899.
The Swedish War continued until 902, when Eirikr (by then known as ‘the Depraved’ due to his cruelty during the war) was forced to bend the knee. Now king of two Norse realms, this victory greatly increased Rurikid power and wealth, adding Flanders to the realm and gaining access to two Germanic Holy Sites. The latter were key to Rurikid ambitions to reform the Germanic faith, while Flanders would prove an excellent raiding base in the West and a source of strong feudal levies.
This campaign rolled straight into a war with another powerful Norse realm, Noregr, in 902 AD. It was purely fought to secure Naumadal and the Holy Site it contained at the Temple of Mære., but winning it required King Olafr to be fully defeated before he would concede the county.
Victory over Noregr came in 904, with Naumadal brought under Rurikid control and a Great Blot held to help celebrate these two key wars of expansion. Further smaller claim wars and raid battles were fought in Ireland (906-7) and then against Murom, Karelia, rebels in Memel and then Dymin from 907 to 911.
The last of these was fought to try to lure a legendary order of Norse-Germanic knights to establish themselves in Werle, but none had appeared by the end of Eilif’s reign.
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Germanicism Reformed and the First Great Germanic Holy War: 911-919 AD
The second great achievement of Eilif’s reign was the reform of the Germanic Faith in 911 AD, which was followed by a campaign of religious conversion within the realm and a series of purges against those who would not convert, from the Old Religion or other infidel faiths.
The religious reform process went on and the Memelian peasants continued to be rebellious throughout these years and were capable of raising large forces, sometimes taking considerable effort to subdue.
The next large event came in 913, when an attempt to imprison the realm’s most powerful vassal, the heathen Mordvin Jarl Virdyan of Yaroslavl, led to a deliberately provoked civil war, designed to remove a growing potential internal threat. During this war, Eilif’s nephew and heir Jarl Buðli Helgisson died ‘under suspicious circumstances’ in July 915, while serving as Spymaster.
Later that year, the war against Virdyan was won, his lands broken up and distributed, some kept for the Royal Demesne. The process of religious conversion also continued. Little time was wasted undertaking the next great war of expansion: the first Germanic Great Holy War was declared 915 on the feared and (to that point) invincible Tengri High Chief Barsbek ‘the Liberator’ of Chernigov, ostensibly for Konugarðr.
The Great Holy War was won by 917, Barsbek being fatally weakened and his realm severely shrunken. He would later die insane and his realm finally snuffed out under the reign of unfortunate son. There followed more small wars, both under Eilif’s orders and those of his ambitious vassals.
919 AD marked the beginning of the interesting career of Jarl Kezhevat of Yaroslavl as a loyal Germanic vassal and one-time ‘guardian’ of the future Russian Emperor Stybjörn, captured after an internal claim war. It also marked the beginning of another civil war, this time against Jarl Gandalfr, a disaffected Swedish Catholic grandee who had long refused to convert and rose in revolt when Eilif finally pressed the issue.
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Consolidation and the Drive to Empire 920-29 AD
Gandalfr’s revolt was defeated in 920, the man imprisoned and his titles stripped and handed out to help boost the loyalty of Eilif’s Germanic vassals.
The large defensive pacts (principally Pagan and Christian) that were now in being required careful management, with opportunities taken where prudent to keep adding de jure Russian territory until enough could be won for an Empire to be credibly proclaimed. The next major step began in 925, when Ugra was attacked in a holy war.
That campaign was quickly wrapped up in the same year, followed by another campaign to seize Pinsk from High Chief Venceslav of Turov (925-26), bringing Eilif closer to an imperial crown. That chance came later in 926, when Khan Uzluk of the great steppe realm of Cumania left the Pagan defensive pact.
Fighting against Uzluk and his allies, plus the Anglo-Saxon adventurer Leofric, consumed the years of 927 and 928.
Leofric was defeated and imprisoned in 929, allowing Eilif to concentrate on the formidable and resilient Cumanians, who by then had rolled back many of the Garðarikian gains from earlier in the war after a series of defeats as attrition and wily tactics seemed to see Eilif’s ambitions slipping away.
But finally, Eilif’s leading general Hroðgar, the ‘Hero of Perm’ won the decisive battle of the war there in September 929, stealing victory from seeming certain defeat, capturing the Cumanian hier and bringing the war to a sudden end against High Chief Etrek II, who had succeeded Uzluk shortly before.
The Empire of Russia was soon declared and another Great Blot held to celebrate this historic achievement – the third and final great feat of Eilif’s reign.
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Final Years: 930-34 AD
His life’s work basically done and the succession secured, now under an Imperial non-elective gavelkind system, raids and a short war against an ambitious adventurer rounded out the final years of Fylkir and Emperor Eilif’s reign. He was finally free to return to the field himself, in 923 fighting some small battles and sieges against the ancestral foe of Karelia – always a tonic to Rurikid rulers of the time. He then commanded a great shipborne raid whose first stop was in Georgian Abkhazia (on the Black Sea) in 933.
Eilif finished his reign besieging Beirut in early 934. It was there that Eilif left this world for the next on 21 January 934 AD. The reunion with his father in Valhalla would be sung about and described in sagas for years and indeed centuries to come. Eilif’s long struggle was now history. Germanicism had spread throughout much of the Empire and Norse culture had firmly taken root in the 'home counties' of Holmgarðr. It would be up to his son Styrbjörn to guide the realm forward and to write the next page in the Rurikid Chronicle.
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The First Þing of Styrbjörn’s Reign – February 934
The First Þing of Styrbjörn’s Reign – February 934
So, what I am going to do from now on is keep the Þing simply for answering posed questions. All other general comments I’ll just respond to in a ‘normal AAR’ way – either as we go along or, as this time, gathered together but in a separate post. Also, CK3 is imminent and perhaps the ‘learning’ aspect of the AAR is now a little less relevant than when it started three years ago (how time flies!). Plus I had to stop updating DLC with Holy Fury to keep the game going.
So from here, while the basic format and nature of the AAR will remain pretty much the same, I’ll be keeping questions more select and otherwise will just welcome the usual comments and advice/suggestions one might hope to receive on any AAR. And I will need to start culling out a bit more of the detail day-to-day stuff to get the story moving more quickly. I still want to finish the whole play through to the end (1453 if we get that far) and we’re still just at the beginning of 934, with now a whole empire to report about!
But I hope the flavour will still be the same and my loyal readership will continue to support the AAR.
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Ch111 Q1: Epidemics.The screen shot shows one effect I’d captured later, after the epidemic had spread to Breda. Any other population or other effects from these epidemics and are some worse than others? So far, Garðariki/Russia have been hardly affected by them.
So far, as a tribal realm, the Fylkirate has been spared by any epidemics - these only spread through feudal/iqta/monastic feudal/theocratic/republican lands. Once the Rurikids start living in keeps, that will change for them as well.
In any case, the effects of the epidemic depend on how severe and long they've been raging in the provinces. After some time, depopulation starts hitting the counties, and it lowers basically everything from that county. (Don't march your army into depopulated provinces, they'll fall like flies as the supply limit can be reduced to a mere 100.)
As you'd expect, there are differences between the diseases in how long it takes them to reap. There are also different outbreak sizes. The first plague outbreak is nearly guaranteed to hit everything hard, while other outbreaks can vary in intensity.
And naturally, being in a county with the outbreak increases a character's chance to fall ill quite a lot.
Thanks, very useful info. And so epidemic susceptibility is another ‘con’ for going feudal, then. Fair enough. Ah well, onwards and upwards, damn the corona virus! I’ll have to avoid those counties like the, er, plague when possible!
The ruler of those lands get a decision to lock themselves up in the castle or keep living as normal. Both options have its pros and cons (starvation can even lead to cannibalism when locked in a castle but low chance of catching disease and vice versa)
1) They'll reduce taxes and supply limits, and can reduce the prosperity of provinces. They can cause characters to become ill, and can trigger event chains if you choose to seclude your court from the disease.
Not really, which is annoying. You know that this guy was responsible for your close relative's death, but you can't imprison him (nor worse). The best I can think of is to appoint him a commander, then send him on an extensive boat trip and let him die of scurvy.
2) In the list of possible people to join the plot, look for ones with a yellow symbol. They'll join if you give them money to boost their opinion. Beyond that, I don't know and good methods to boost it.
Yeah, I got everyone to join who I could, but there was just the one taker ☹
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Ch111 Q3: Law Change Technicality.I’m guessing that I should have waited for the approval to go through before proclaiming the empire, and that the change was therefore limited to the Kingdom or Garðariki rather than carrying through to the empire. Though I was partly afraid that Eilif might suddenly die in between calling the change and it being approved, and then would I have done a face-palm. And I didn’t think to check later, until now in the game. This isn’t such a big setback or delay in the broad sweep of things I guess, but if I’m right as to what happened here, then it is a good lesson for inexperienced players.
That's it. Only after the law is changed does it affect the new title. It can be seen as a setback though, lowering the (already impressive) number of accomplishments of Eilif - he could have feudalized in his lifetime, too.
That way at least, Styrbjörn's reign will be remembered for something.
oh god I hate this kind of technicalities! it was still the good thing to do with the king so old. It's only 10 more years before feudalism, not a big deal but this probably means it will be Eilif's heir to feudalize the empire.
Ch111 Q4: A Coincidence?This seems to be an extraordinary coincidence: after all this time, war is declared the very next day!? Is there some mechanic at play here that might have affected the calculus, or just an outlandish coincidence?
Coincidence. Without taking their vassals into account, Tryggve's far stronger and has probably been planning this for a while, just thought that now was a good chance to strike. Additional benefit of confusing chroniclers, I guess .
Ch111 Q5: Ship Command Transfer.So I’m assuming (hoping, anyway) those ships stay under Styrbjörn’s command until they are dismissed, at which time they revert to his brothers’ control? So If I want to keep raiding, and can’t grab any new shipyards, I’d need to keep them continuously mustered?
Yeah, they'll remain until you dismiss them (but you'll also keep paying for them). Once you've feudalized, you can have vassal fleet levies - and you don't need to pay them.
But will I still be able to raid? Or is that only for tribals? Wiki the Red seems to say that even reformed and feudalised pagans can still raid, as long as the religion doesn’t have a ‘Peaceful nature’? I’d assume that even reformed Germanic would not be peaceful in nature (a literal anathema, one would think), but the wiki seemed not to be specific about reformed Germanic (unreformed seemed to be warmongering).
I’ll just try to hang on to them for as long as I can and is necessary and see how it goes.
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Ch111 Q6: Feudalism – Timing.Something we’ve discussed before. In general terms, I think I want to implement it as soon as I can, plus any consequent legal changes. I’m assuming it will be one of those processes that would require support within the Council and/or the vassals as a whole before it and/or primogeniture inheritance (for example) could be enforced. Any more general advice or reminders on timing and precursors would be appreciated, in case decisions come up in the next session.
Doing it now actually is a good idea. Feudalizing weakens your realm short-term, so it's best done while you don't plan any big war. Also, Styrbjörn has inherited good opinion modifiers from Eilif, so many of his vassals are probably on good terms with him, most importantly his brothers, the possible pretenders. The raised army is also still around raiding, so the vassals will need to take these numbers into account when judging strength. This army is also bigger than anything Styrbjörn himself could raise due to Eilif's higher martial stat. Reasons not to feudalize are the same as at any other time, possibly also waiting for buildings to finish.
As there are quite a few advantages to do it now, I'd advise to act. To feudalize, all you need is a fully fortified tribal capital/a castle capital and absolute tribal organization. Further centralizing gives them more power, so the council of a reformed faith doesn't oppose it.
All vassals who can follow that decision will eventually do so. They can if their capital's faith is their own.
I’ll keep an eye on buildings, or one where I want to raise them to an ‘even’ level for conversion, but otherwise intend to feudalise as soon as I can. Just to see what happens, if nothing else!
I always push for any progress, but that's not a calculated thing and just an impulse. About the inheritance, I'm not really sure but I think it'll be elective feudal or seniority (oldest member of the dynasty) as starters though I'm not really a good source of info on this.
As per feudalism, yes the timer should have reset so you can go full feudalism when and where you want now if you change to max tribal. Might want to build a loyal council or a big fortune to bribe them with first cos you're going to have to start backpeleddling on their powers ASAP.
OK, I’ll certainly test it ASAP, even if the button isn’t pressed immediately. The Council is about as loyal as it’s getting for now (which is ‘not very’), but time and treasure will hopefully fix that. The current raid is almost done, so that should bring in a good haul, but I may want to keep the ships on for another one to keep the funds coming in (and also build up prestige, which should also help).
OK, so that’s Styrbjörn’s first Þing done. I’ll do general comment responses next, then sit down to play out the next session. And see how many obvious mistakes I can make!
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Chapter 113: New Blood – and Battle (11 February 934 to 18 October 936)
Chapter 113: New Blood – and Battle (11 February 934 to 18 October 936)
AuthAAR’s Note:While I’m trying to move the story along, so have not screenshot or even reported a few of the more routine or repetitive events, it is the time Styrbjörn is establishing his rule, so I won’t short-change him too much
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Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif, founding Emperor of the Russian Empire and first Fylkir of the Reformed Germanic Faith, died on 21 January 934. His 26-year-old son Styrbjörn took over, establishing a new Council and seeking their approval for a legal change to absolute tribal centralisation; his two younger brothers remained very well disposed to their sibling and new Emperor, but that was largely from residual affection for their father Eilif and his historic legacy – this would not last forever. The new Fylkir now had to establish his own rule over a a restive and sceptical vassal base as he worked towards feudalising the new Empire.
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February 934
After receiving useful advice from his first Þing, Styrbjörn was ready to continue to bed down his new reign. Of his 16 most powerful vassals, his staunchest supporters were currently his two brothers Gorm and Tolir, Chancellor Grimr, his one-time captor/tutor Kezhevat, his Uncle Helgi (the as yet undiscovered murderer of his sister Holmfrid) and Tryggve de Normandie of Ryazan. But the two most powerful – Jarls Bertil and Bragi – were unimpressed to varying degrees, the former still imprisoned in Britannia and the latter an Advisor on the Council. The remainder were sitting not far from either side of the fence, with residual goodwill for Eilif balanced against the newness of his son's reign.
The Fylkir soon decided on a major building campaign in the four home counties of the Jarldom of Holmgarðr, based on longstanding advice from the Þing to best prepare his core family holdings for an eventual conversion to a feudal system of government. Ladoga needed nothing further done, but the capital in particular needed significant work. But he had neither the funds nor prestige to initiate any of these projects yet.
There had been talk of using the recently captured adventurer Eskild as a possible Councillor, but his zealous heresy stood in the way of easy employment and the money required to ‘persuade’ him to convert if released did not seem worth it. Especially when more talented candidates of the 'right' culture and religion could normally be invited to court for free.
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On 22 February, Jarl Þorfinn of Austergautland completed his conquest of Gdansk, renaming it Danzig as it was brought under his ownership and within the Empire’s borders. During the period that followed, many of Styrbjörn’s vassals would be similarly active, able to do what he could not without risking massive interventions by defensive pacts. At that time, the moral authority of Germanicism under its new Fylkir remained high [90.0%], the main drag on this being a number of failed Holy Wars by subordinate rulers in recent years [-39%] which outpaced successful ones [+27%].
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March-June 934
The very martial High Chieftess Bodil of Lithuania was the next powerful noble to launch a war of conquest, this time for Polotsk, on 3 March. The next month, Chief Mstislav of Luki (19 April, subjugation) and Jarl Helgi ‘the Scholar’ of Belo Ozero (21 April, Holy War) would follow with competing claims for Polotsk.
Then on 5 March, King Rögnvaldr of Noregr lost his outpost of Bjarmia in the north to a peasant revolt. Styrbjörn was briefly tempted to make his own claim for it, but most of his forces were still raiding in Beirut, and it would have caused his ambition to see the realm prosper fail [Note: the lowering of global revolt risk plus the success bonus of +1 stewardship were at stake – and with the Empire formed, the value of Bjarmia was minimal].
The next day, the law change Styrbjörn sought was approved. From this time, a change to feudalism was now possible – but he held off for now as improvements were pursued and he bedded down his reign to ensure it would survive the likely turmoil that would follow such a major change.
Even before the current raid had finished and returned with its loot, the Fylkir’s prestige had grown enough by 13 March that work to upgrade the practice range in Holmgarðr[to Level II, for 400 prestige] could commence. But a short time later, another problem that would typify this period of his reign reared its ugly head even higher: factionalism. This time, it was Chief Falki of Hlymrek starting an independence faction, adding to the two already in existence. With just 21 men to Falki's name, this was no threat, but if others were to join …
Early April brought the Emperor’s impatience with the continued existence of Chief Vladimir – the murderer of his sister Holmfrid – to the boil. He determined to have the wretch killed, if possible. But like his father before him, he could only find one other plotter – Chief Jurva of Saamod – interested in aiding the plot, though he needed no encouragement to do so. But this [which brought it to only 24% plot power] would not be enough to see Vladimir taken down. Styrbjörn persisted anyway; it made him feel a little better.
On 5 May, Beirut fell to the Russian raiders with no friendly troop losses, adding almost 50 gold to the treasure fleet, which now carried around 360 of its 440 capacity. The city of Journie was next – and its far less imposing fortifications should mean it fell quickly enough. And they did on 28 June, yielding a massive 95 gold for the loss of 50 men (the band was now 3,697 strong). It was enough to completely fill the fleet with loot, so the men were soon loading themselves and preparing to sail back home to Ingria, via the Black Sea and Russian river network.
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July-December 934
Bodil won her conquest of Polotsk – now renamed Pallteskja – on 5 July, causing the lapse of the other two claimants’ wars for lack of a casus belli. As a quiet summer turned to autumn, in early September the Emperor was somewhat amused to hear his brother Tolir was now known as ‘the Chaste’! With only the one son, it made any more being born less likely. Though that did not worry the Emperor.
Then more significant news was brought at the start of October: the rather horrid (and ill-disposed to Styrbjörn) Jarl Rikulfr of Vestergautland inherited the Jarldom of Austergautland as well, and made it his primary title. His power grew to match his enmity to the Fylkir.
But the news was far better later in the month: the treasure fleet returned, bringing a great haul of gold and prestige. It was soon sunk into two new upgrades in Toropets and Torzhok, while Steward Holmger was sent to speed up construction in Holmgarðr [which was further along than the bar on the screenshot indicates].
Jarl Bragi of Sviþjod was the next vassal to look for conquest, declaring a Holy War for Pomerania on 24 October 934. Jarl Oddr ‘the Young’ would launch his own separate Holy War bid for Pomerania on 10 November. The Baltic shore in Germany was becoming a popular Viking 'permanent tourist' destination.
The newly powerful Jarl Rikulfr ‘Ironside’ soon made his unpleasant presence felt, when on 30 October he joined two factional plots simultaneously! He founded a ‘Jarl Gorm for Russia’ faction and also joined the existing ‘Jarl Tolir for Russia’ faction. Neither of the Emperor's brothers were active members of these factions, at that stage anyway. But Styrbjörn’s unease was growing.
Ch113 Q1: Competing Factions.Two factions at once – what a political harlot! Out of interest, does that mean if (assuming it’s possible) both factions were in rebellion at the same time, he would be in both? Or just the one that fired first? Would they be hostile to each other? Or can only one such revolt occur at any one time?
As this news sunk in, Chancellor Grimr gave the Fylkir an analysis of where his brothers currently stood politically. Both had strong desires and claims, but for now respect for their father held sway. But when that faded away in a couple of years, both could turn from strong supporters to opponents – with active claims.
With a new raid still planned, the fleets had not been dismissed, because when they were most could not be recalled under current laws, following the Emperor’s loss of most of his father's shipyards on the succession. The raiders had also remained assembled, and had already taken on one draft of monthly reinforcements while recuperating in Ingria. A survey of current epidemics showed the next target would have to be chosen with care.
But it was at least decided the next raid would be in the west this time. The raiders would sail to the Strait of Dover and then pick a target from there. They were off again for blood, battle and plunder, to help the ambitious pre-feudalisation building program.
A couple of days after the raiders left, Grimr had promising news from Uppland: relations with the powerful and restless Advisor Jarl Bragi had been improved. Grimr was told to continue his current mission.
Then as expected, Jarl Tryggve (the supposedly 'Unready') had readily enough defeated his brother Refil (the Drunkard), bringing the counties of Vladimir and Sursdalar into his now flourishing Jarldom of Ryazan. Tryggve was now clearly be the dominant de Normandie brother.
The cold of December brought a review of the prisoner lists. Apart from Eskild, there were three left from the last raid on Satakunta: a wife (10 gold) and two sons (46 gold each) of High Chief Pentti. But as Pentti was currently 16 gold in debt and had minimal monthly income, he would probably need to raid extensively to ever be able to pay for any of them. But they were kept captive for now. Mindful of his own experiences as a boy, the Fylkir ensured the young lads were well looked after, free to play and be educated with the other children at court.
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January-June 935
With the fleet approaching its rallying point off southern England (as it was now formally known), a review of the major powers of Western Europe was in order. Jorvik was a Norse Germanic (Reformed) realm, now a smaller power than it had once been. The Norse Catholic Sumarliði, who had twice defeated invasions by then Fylkir Eilif’s vassals, was now styled King of England. He would not make an attractive target either.
On the continent, the two largest kingdoms in the west were ruled by the Karling family. Both had large (and no doubt well-equipped) armies and significant lands. Louis IV ruled West Francia, which now held substantial territory in southern England, ruling them out as safe raiding targets as well. The other lands in southern England were currently ruled by Luxembourg, another fairly powerful Christian realm at that time. Meanwhile, young King Gelduin Karling of Aquitaine ruled a kingdom just as, if not more, powerful than West Francia. It would also be highly dangerous to raid any of their counties either.
The fleet reached the Strait of Dover on 10 January and the raiders decided to return to an old hunting ground that had regenerated enough to be struck again: the small Kingdom of Briezh. Domnonia, its capital and richest province, would be targeted for a Norse working holiday. But just six days later, before they could even land, a small disaster struck when the raiders’ siege specialist, Ragnarr, died from scurvy! This would significantly slow down the loot-gathering from fortified locations. He was replaced by former Marshal Barid: a very accomplished leader, but alas not a siege specialist.
Jarl Bertil was finally released from his captivity on 18 January. And immediately began throwing his weight around as the owner of the rich and powerful Flanders counties, demanding a position on the Council his competence did not warrant, while the Advisor positions were already filled with political appointees.
On 1 February, the raiders landed in Domnonia, completely surprising King Cadoc’s forces in his capital, thus emasculating any response he might muster. A replacement commander for Ragnarr was required and this time, Styrbjörn made a variation to the informal rule that only Germanic Norsemen were hired for new appointments, by inviting Mohkku Keite [Martial 23], a Sumonenusko Sami, to court, who arrived on 1 February. Even after his appointment as a commander, the Emperor’s short reign plus cultural and religious differences meant his opinion was somewhat unfavourable [-12]. It meant he would not convert, but that probably didn’t matter that much for an un-landed commander. Or so Styrbjörn hoped!
The very next day, the usually very competent Seer Kolbjörn completely messed up his sermon. Not wishing to hurt his feelings, the Fylkir fudged a response. Fortunately, this was enough to keep the man on side.
On 21 March, King Cadoc had called out all his available levies. They would eventually concentrate in Naoned, but would never have the strength to threaten the raiders.
It did not take long for Bertil’s pride and antipathy to make themselves felt: he joined the ‘Gorm for Russia’ faction on 28 March 935. Doing his best to ignore these distractions, Styrbjörn celebrated the completion of the practice range upgrade in Holmgarðr by immediately authorising the commencement of a large [Level IV] market city there (141 gold, 168 days to build).
April passed quietly – but not so May. The Emperor’s personal life was rocked to its core when his Empress Ulfhildr was discovered in an adulterous affair with none other than the lecherous Svörker of Lyubech! His wife was now openly known as ‘the Unfaithful’. And Styrbjörn’s rage towards her was consuming.
Ch113 Q2: Infidelity.Though in this case, Svörker was not known (to the Emperor’s spies, anyway) to be Ulfhildr’s lover. Might she have been falsely accused by an event? Could she have been unfairly branded?
On 9 May, 600 peasant rebels rose in Jarl Gorm’s county of Votyaki. Let him worry about them, muttered Styrbjörn to himself. He’s got the troops to do it.
Steward Holmger was now free as May drew to a close for a new task and was shifted from Holmgarðr to the far larger and longer project of upgrading the weaponsmith in Toropets.
But two days after this, another political blow fell: the Emperor’s brother Tolir formally joined his supporters in the faction putting him forward for the Imperial crown. The factions were gradually growing in strength.
As Fylkir, Styrbjörn’s responsibilities extended beyond the realm. Word of spreading heresy in Denmark was enough for him to send a legate – but not to spend 100 precious gold on a full inquisition.
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July-December 935
Monkontour in Domnonia fell on 29 July, yielding almost 44 gold, but 504 men had been lost in the over six months of siege. The remaining 3,272 raiders persisted with the next, hopefully less well defended, holding.
“Ah, Your Majesty,” said the strange Chancellor Grimr as he interrupted his liege’s afternoon leisure in late August. “I’m afraid I must report that Jarl Bertil is making even more of a pain in the arse.” He handed over a new document updating the threat of the factions proliferating in the realm.
“By Loki’s putrid and festering ball-sack!” yelled a very frustrated Emperor. “My brothers and chief vassals are nothing but grasping ingrates and traitors!”
His greatest frustration was that, at present, he had few inducements in terms of money, titles or armies to throw at the problem, as his father had done once his reign was well established. My time will come, he confided to his personal diary. Whether that time would be triumphant or fatal was of course unknown to him.
Old Beata, Eilif’s former concubine and Gorm’s mother, died from gout complications on 12 September 935. Sad, but inevitable. Her only son had at least risen to high station. With even higher ambitions.
Mid-October saw another project completed – a market town in Torzhok. But Styrbjörn didn’t yet have the prestige to improve the practice range there [to Level II]. A week later, Chief Vagn of Möre was the latest vassal to expand the realm – into Stettin: he already held Möre itself and Värend.
It was some time between 28 October and 2 November that Steward Holmger quietly ‘disappeared’. Due to a mix-up at court [I didn’t notice the empty little chair icon and never got a notification that I can recall; perhaps I forgot to flag him as a character of interest], this wasn’t noticed until the following year! A few days later Paimpol was sacked in Domnonia, yielding a healthy 56.7 gold. But another 341 raiders had been lost, leaving 2,982. Then a day after that, Marshal Sverker uncovered a new and very loyal military talent for the realm. For now, he was held in reserve for the next vacancy, as the couple of less proficient current commanders were ‘political appointees’ and the Empire was at peace.
In a busy little period, 354 raiders from Ååninen (in Karelia ) appeared in Zaozerye on 7 November. The still building new Guard companies were on manoeuvres in neighbouring Ladoga at the time. Better armed and no doubt led than the raiders, though they only had 302 men at the time, the Guard moved to attack the despised Karelians.
While waiting for word of the battle, Styrbjörn was given disturbing news by his Spymaster, the secretly murderous Jarl Helgi Rurikid.
“Styrbjörn, the world is a dangerous place, and devious plots are everywhere,” he said with a straight face. “Rumours have reached me that people are are conspiring to kill your son Sigurðr.”
Sigurdr was the Emperor’s second son and nominal heir to the Kingdom of Sviþjod. The identity of the lead plotter was as yet unknown. But the Emperor resisted the temptation to put the young boy into hiding.
“This is worrying … but we’ll stare the bastards down and flush them out!”
The small Battle of Zaozerye lasted from 4 to 31 December 935. The raiders were well beaten, ensuring they would not be returning any time soon. They lost 82 warriors, with the Guardsmen, now blooded in their first action, losing 24 killed.
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January-May 936
The peasant revolt for Votyaki was won by Gorm on behalf of his brother the Emperor on 1 January 936, after the Jarl's army had pursued and finally defeated them in Veliky Ustug. The very next day, Jarl Bertil, long (and aptly) known as ‘the Devil’, declared a conquest war for West Friesland against King Bouchard the Fat of Luxembourg. Styrbjörn half hoped he’d lose or be killed. Later that week, a report arrived from Chancellor Grimr, still trying to further improve relations with Jarl Bragi, informing the Emperor that his diplomatic target was now known as ‘the Oppressor’. Colourful nicknames indeed, thought Styrbjörn, who was yet to earn one of his own.
On 10 January, Jarl Eilif of Smáland declared a Holy War for Pomerania, but Bragi was already well into his own campaign there. Then on 13 January, the next project was finished in Holmgarðr – but the last (upgrading the weaponsmith) was as yet out of reach. Styrbjörn wondered whether it was even worth it, given how long it was projected to take!
Ch113 Q3: Weaponsmith IV Upgrade.Well, 600 prestige is a lot, but 1,332 days!? Even with a Steward assisting, that’s going to take more than two years to finish. Any views on whether it’s better on balance to just go for feudalisation and ‘waste’ a level on conversion, or make the effort to get that last upgrade done, perhaps also accruing more money and a eking out a longer reign before taking on the big government change?
In Domnonia, the fall of Sant-Brieg on 15 January brought around 81 gold into the fleet’s holds, which now contained 237.7 gold in total. With the county now scoured and over 1,000 enemy troops defending Naoned, the raiders themselves headed back to the ships on 29 January. From there, they would make the quick trip back to Flanders, where the epidemic had finally subsided, to drop off the treasure.
In early February, another very competent woman called into court seeking a job. Once more, the Emperor wanted to say yes, but the five years of quite negative vassal opinion that would have resulted was more than his precarious popularity could easily sustain. The ‘glass ceiling’ remained in place.
[And still I didn’t twig to the fact the Steward post was now actually vacant.]
Later that month, Bragi won his Holy War to gain Pomerania – now renamed Wolgast. The other claimants had to walk away unsatisfied. With previous conquests, Russia now controlled almost the coast between Werle and the Vistula River.
The raiding party returned Zeeland on 26 February. With the weaponsmith in Toropets nearly finished, this left the practice range upgrade for Torzhok as the next in line for funding. The ships were kept in service once more, while the raiders (also kept under arms) took the opportunity to rebuild numbers in friendly territory for a little while.
It was at this point, when the Steward was going to be switched over to assist with the new building in Torzhok, that it was realised Holmger had disappeared some time back! [Next time I fire the game up I’ll see if I can work out what happened to him]. The search for a new steward was taken beyond the realm. A candidate was invited, arriving on 14 March to an immediate appointment and assignment to Torzhok as project overseer. Åve was a pragmatist, making three of those, with four glory hounds and the Emperor making up the rest of the Council. At least Bragi was no longer a malcontent and the Council was content overall. And it transpired Bragi had fully three of them beholden to him from called-in favours.
A month later, a young peasant woman from the country came into the court of Nygarðr. She reputedly wielded the powerful magics of the sejdr. It had been some time since a Völva had resided in court – Iliana was invited to stay.
Toropets was the next county to achieve a ‘full house’, with the upgrade of its weaponsmith on 17 April, meaning all five buildings were improved [to Level II]. Shortly afterwards, Bodil announced her next audacious enterprise, perhaps her boldest yet. This time, she was taking on the King of Poland for the county of Zemgale. A few weeks later the forces on both sides had begun to assemble.
May passed quietly for the Emperor, though the war in Poland was slowly taking shape as forces gathered on both sides. everyone enjoying the spring weather.
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June-October 936
Bodil’s plans were boosted in early June, when none other than Jarl Helgi answered a call to arms to join her war – rather than the recent vassal habit of trying to jump the claims of others.
Over in Flanders, as the raiding army continued to gather strength, a small group of raiders was imprudent enough to land in Breda on 26 June. Desiring to give the troops a bit of exercise, Velmayka, with Rikulfr and Barid, marched across from Zeeland – with around 3,200 men, against 255 vagabonds. Only two days later, back at the capital, it was announced that Empress Ulfhildr was pregnant again – and for now anyway, there were no clear cut suspicions about the father being anyone other than Styrbjörn. His attitude towards her softened a little. Though he still considered her an ‘unfaithful harlot’.
The battle in Breda began on 6 July and was all over in just 12 days, the enemy raiders all killed for the loss of only two Russian troops. Early in August, after a last draft of replacements was incorporated, the army of 3,307 set off once more for a new raid.
As August lengthened towards September, the three main armies in the Polish War were largely assembled. Helgi’s Belo Ozerans were finally making their way to the front, while the Lithuanian and Polish armies were besieging each other’s holds rather than fighting pitched battles, for now anyway.
As the raiders set off in late August, they had new reports that the consumption epidemic in Spain had now dissipated. The decision was taken to make for another previous happy hunting ground – the Catholic kingdom of Asturias. This time, however, they were not at war, so a plan was needed to help avoid a confrontation with their rather large army.
A month later, another of Styrbjörn’s powerful lords – the victorious Jarl Tryggve of Ryazan – declared a Holy War for Sarkel on Queen Rosa of Bulgaria. These lords were now rivalling many small kingdoms in their power and were not afraid to take on large kingdoms, it seemed. In this case, the supposedly ‘Unready’ Tryggve had chose his target well, however. Rosa was fighting a massive revolt and would presumably be quite distracted for a while.
The day Tryggve was launch the latest vassal Holy War, the Russian raiders landing in Asturias de Oviedo – King Silo III’s capital. On paper, the Visigoth Catholic (a mediocre looking ruler who was apparently insane and cowering in hiding) could call on levies of over 4,600 men. But spies had seen that the great majority of these troops were based in the capital county itself – so a direct landing there would immobilise them, trapping them within the four holdings of the county. The calculated risk was taken and the landing went ahead. Three weeks later, the only enemy forces spotted so far was a company of 300 men to the south. If necessary, Velmayka would head for the boats if a force large enough to challenge the Russians appeared.
In early October, Spymaster Jarl Helgi finally confirmed who was behind the plot to kill young Sigurðr: none other than the wife of Styrbjörn’s half-brother, Jarl Gorm, with the assistance of some lower-down scumbag.
“Whether Gorm was unaware of this vile plot or simply sought some ‘plausible deniability’ is immaterial,” said the Emperor when informed. “For the sake of the wider family, instruct her in my name to stop, Helgi. Her motives are clear enough. It must end.”
“Yes, Your Majesty,” replied Helgi more formally than when they were in private, as the Chancellor was present. “In the future, your position may be secure enough that more – stringent – measures may be available.”
Grimr’s mad but calculating eyes gleamed at that. Styrbjörn merely nodded without comment.
The Crusade for Italy finished in early October 936. King Gacco Karling – still only 12 and with a much-diminished realm these days, though an eye-watering catalogue of claims – was forced out of the Kharjarite ways of his father, bringing that strange chapter of history to a close.
Then on 18 October came momentous and very welcome news. There had been rumours of these formidable Germanic Viking holy warriors circulating for years now, ever since his father had conquered Werle and given it to Jarl Bragi. But now their existence was a proven reality. A powerful force to protect against the possible onslaught of Christian or other religious expansionism had settled in the new castle of Jomsborg in Werle. The age of the Jomsvikings had dawned!
“At last!” cried the Emperor, his eyes shining with fervour. “If only my father had lived to see this day!”
“He is watching on now, from Valhalla, watching the Great Tree of Reformed Germanicism he planted now bearing this bountiful harvest of fruit,” replied Seer Kolbjörn, fondly recalling his ‘uncle’ and mentor. “May they be sweet to any true Norseman, and as bitter as death to all infidels and heretics!”
Fittingly, this capped off a period where the Germanic religion had continued to steadily expand within the borders of the Russian ‘Varangian’ Empire.
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Questions
Three specific questions this time, but any specific or general comments or advice about anything that has happened these last two and a half game years are most welcome, as always.
Ch113 Q1: Competing Factions.Two factions at once – what a political harlot! Out of interest, does that mean if (assuming it’s possible) both factions were in rebellion at the same time, he would be in both? Or just the one that fired first? Would they be hostile to each other? Or can only one such revolt occur at any one time?
Ch113 Q2: Infidelity. Though in this case, Svörker was not known (to the Emperor’s spies, anyway) to be Ulfhildr’s lover. Might she have been falsely accused by an event? Could she have been unfairly branded?
Ch113 Q3: Weaponsmith IV Upgrade. Well, 600 prestige is a lot, but 1,332 days!? Even with a Steward assisting, that’s going to take more than two years to finish. Any views on whether it’s better on balance to just go for feudalisation and ‘waste’ a level on conversion, or make the effort to get that last upgrade done, perhaps also accruing more money and a eking out a longer reign before taking on the big government change?
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The Second Þing of Styrbjörn’s Reign – October 936
The Second Þing of Styrbjörn’s Reign – October 936
As mentioned before, with CK3 out now, I’m not sure of the lasting relevance of a primarily learning theme for this story. So I will endeavour to hurry the story a long a bit, not abandoning the question format and still welcoming advice, but perhaps going a little bit broader sweep history book to get this thing done.
Below are responses to comments I hadn’t already done, plus the question-related stuff.
In other news, Styrbjörn's reign is off to a good start. The usual factions form, but that's not much of a problem. Raiding fills the treasury, the vassals expand, feudalism draws closer. Things are looking good.
Then again, it would do him some good to pay more attention. His steward vanishing, he himself being cucked, a likely hel-worshipper (Rikulfr) positioning himself as one of his strongest vassals... Styrbjörn should keep his eyes open. Especially with Helgi being his spymaster.
In other general advice, Germanic is by default an aggressive religion, which is also why your vassals behave that way. As there's been no HF-reformation, it stays aggressive and its adherents can always raid to their hearts' content.
Fair enough. They do seem to raid a lot (I don’t include the many reports of their successful expeditions) and of course attempt plenty of conquests too.
Also, now that the Jomsvikings have formed, you may decide if you want to vassalize them. A Norse Emperor should be able to. Immediate benefit would be to be able to hire them for a pittance, them behaving like any other vassal concerning their castles and only the Fylkir being able to hire them.
Immediate negative consequences would be them behaving like any other vassal concerning their castles and only the Fylkir being able to hire them.
It's a double-edged sword, really. By not vassalizing them you mostly help other Germanic realms who may call upon their help in times of need, otherwise the Fylkir mostly helps himself.
Interesting. I’ll try to think of it when I’m playing and the time is right. But I’m also happy to have them support vassals and even other Germanic kings against those rapacious and encroaching Christians.
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Ch113 Q1: Competing Factions.Two factions at once – what a political harlot! Out of interest, does that mean if (assuming it’s possible) both factions were in rebellion at the same time, he would be in both? Or just the one that fired first? Would they be hostile to each other? Or can only one such revolt occur at any one time?
Q1: Factions are more evil than gavelkind. Multiple factions can fire against you. He would only rebel in the first that fires. At that point, he is no longer a member of your realm and thus can not be in a faction against you. They are probably hostile to each other because one succeeding can end the other revolts. Advice: Turn off auto end plots and watch for righteous imprisonment opportunities. A small failed imprisonment revolt is easier to handle than a large faction revolt. Send Helgi to visit the hardliners and find their secrets. If one kills Helgi, shed a few tears and send the widow a fruit basket. Scum in the oubliette can not join factions but can be claimants. Revolters make wonderful honored guests at the next blot.
OK, I was hoping that was the way it worked. I was expecting all this in the early reign with such a now sprawling and aggressive empire.
I never have auto end for plots on – I often let some of them run if they’re trying to kill or usurp someone I don’t like. Will bear the failed imprisonment police action in mind. I’ve had a few go quite well for internal house-keeping so far.
1) As mentioned, if one faction starts a war all its members are no longer in your realm and are dropped from other factions. This tends to weaken them enough that only one fires at a time. But that's just a tendency. In a Byzantium game I once had three faction-based civil wars happening at once.
The larger an empire, the more civil wars you can have because the factions tend to get bigger/stronger and more varied. So russia does need to watch out for them.
Yes, I’d like Styrbjörn to be able to get some new demesne counties to make up for the ones lost when Eilif died, plus shore up the opinion of enough of the more powerful vassals to have support from if things turn to shite.
The first one firing would be the one he'd support. After all, once he has committed his troops to open rebellion in the name of one claimant, he can't do so in the name of someone else again - as he'd be in open revolt.
Ch113 Q2: Infidelity.Though in this case, Svörker was not known (to the Emperor’s spies, anyway) to be Ulfhildr’s lover. Might she have been falsely accused by an event? Could she have been unfairly branded?
Q2: Possible. Ck2 lies. Check birthdates of her children. One wrong, send her to a regular jail cell. Half, of her wonderful stats, still help even if she is in jail. You have enough heirs and servants can heat rocks to keep your feet warm.
Nope. You can trust that information. Ulfhildr is precious to Styrbjörn, but even still, some days in the dungeon (instead of chopping her head off) might do her some good. And after retribution against Vladimir is found, Sörkver makes a nice target - that is, if Helgi's involvement isn't known before there.
My aim would be to find some way to gift Sörkver the castrated trait!
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Ch113 Q3: Weaponsmith IV Upgrade.Well, 600 prestige is a lot, but 1,332 days!? Even with a Steward assisting, that’s going to take more than two years to finish. Any views on whether it’s better on balance to just go for feudalisation and ‘waste’ a level on conversion, or make the effort to get that last upgrade done, perhaps also accruing more money and a eking out a longer reign before taking on the big government change?
OK – in this (my only) game to date money has usually been tight, but I’m hoping going feudal should eventually boost basic tax income, while raiding remains a good source of supplementary income.
It may not be worth it. After all, Russia can raid, so there shouldn't be any lack of money to build the buildings even after feudalizing. And by keeping a sizeable raiding levy around after feudalizing, one can pass the precarious situation in-between easier. Especially as your Germanic vassals with Germanic capitals will also feudalize and thus be weaker (save for Bertil - but he's otherwise occupied).
Sound advice, as always. I’ll try to remember and then follow it!
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Thanks once more for all your comments and advice. I do hope my Dear Readers will stay around for the rest of the ride with CK3 just starting to spread its wings. As promised, I’ll do my best to keep things moving along and see if I can go for the broader sweep now the Empire has been achieved (which was probably beyond my ambitions when I started this novice play-through).
Now, off to play the next session.
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Chapter 114: Heroes and Villeins (19 October 936 to 21 March 938)
Chapter 114: Heroes and Villeins (19 October 936 to 21 March 938)
AuthAAR’s Note:A slightly shorter chapter than usual, for reasons that will become obvious.
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Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … the new Emperor and Fylkir Styrbjörn had begun to settle into his role, though factionalism was on the rise during the early part of his reign; his two younger brothers had, sure enough, begun to harbour their own imperial ambitions, though at this stage it was kept to behind the scenes ‘what ifs’ rather than any open breaks. Styrbjörn was looking to take the Russian Empire down the modernising path of feudalism as soon as he could manage it – but first, he had a raid in Hispania to complete, to boost his prestige and the treasury for the turbulent times he suspected lay ahead. The fabled Jomsvikings had finally put in an appearance and the Germanic Faith continued to spread far and wide throughout the Empire.
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October-December 936
The raid in Asturias was proving a long haul, with strong fortifications and no siege specialist to assist this time.
Raid progress in Asturias as at the end of the last chapter.
As the raid wore on, factionalism grew back in the Motherland, with Jarl Sumarliði joining the push for independence. All were a mild concern, but none seemed too much of a serious threat as yet.
With cavalry now deployed in the Royal Guard (retinue) and an eye on the future, Styrbjörn decided to improve the cavalry arm after all in early December.
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January-June 937
By early January, the war being prosecuted by High Chieftess Bodil of Lithuania and Jarl Helgi of Belo Ozero was not going too well. The Poles had over 6,300 men beginning to take Bodil’s western counties, while the allies mustered around 4,500 men in three smaller forces at different points in Polish territory.
The improved practice range in Torzhok[to Level II] was completed on 16 January. With a decision having been taken not to proceed with the costly and time-consuming expansion of the weaponsmith in Holmgarðr [to Level IV], this was the last provincial building project planned before the Fylkir aimed to make Russia a feudal realm. But the raid in Hispania still needed to be finished off.
On the domestic front, Styrbjörn’s marriage difficulties and distrust of his wife Ulfhildr did not prevent the performance of matrimonial duties. Another daughter was born on 28 January 937: and there were no malicious rumours (or adultery scandals) to cast doubts on the true identity of her father.
But Styrbjörn still maintained ill-will towards his wife and, seeking solace (and continuing the grand tradition of Rurikid rulers) desired a concubine to add to his household. But a search of first the realm and then the rest of the world – among all available cultures and religions within diplomatic range and that permitted the taking of concubines – not one stood out as having compelling - or even quite good - traits or abilities. Instead, gold was spent to hold a débutantes’ ball in March, ‘Western Style’, and the Fylkir chose young Beata af Vitebsk to help warm his bed.
Another ball held shortly after did not produce such a promising result, so Styrbjörn left it at that for now.
As one door opened, another closed. In early April, one of Fylkir Eilif’s concubines – old Holmfrid, a Christian ex-prisoner who had never converted – died a peaceful death. She was the mother of two of Styrbjörn’s half-siblings.
Things remained fairly quiet until early June, the long siege in Asturias dragging out, when news of another death in the realm came. This time, it was no great loss: the troublesome Jarl Eilif of Smáland had died of the great pox. Very fitting, Styrbjörn thought to himself. His replacement at least was more amenable. And he had a shieldmaiden for his wife and Marshal! Styrbjörn was a touch envious of Barid for that.
With Jarl Eilif gone, his strength and leadership was removed from Tolir’s faction. All pretence was abandoned now, with Tolir assuming leadership of his own faction.
Oviedo finally fell to the Russian raiders on 21 June, during which 341 men had been lost, with almost 47 gold taken. The siege work moved onto the city of Giljón, which was likely to take 3-4 months. Asturias had about 2,000 men in the field compared to around 3,000 Russians and had shown no willingness to attack all this year.
The end of June saw two vassals at war with each other: Jarl Bragi ‘the Oppressor’ of Sviþjod now sought to take the Swedish county of Medelpad from the even more vexing but far weaker Jarl Rikulfr II ‘Ironside’ of Austergautland. Styrbjörn was quite happy to see these two fighting among themselves, rather than (for example) against him.
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July-December 937
“Ah, Styrbjörn, I have some, er, news for you” said the Fylkir’s ‘cousin’ and Spymaster, Jarl Helgi, in private, one balmy summer day in July. He squirmed a bit – for what became an obvious reason soon after.
“Yes, Helgi? Out with it, man.”
“There is another new faction in the realm. Surely, as Emperor, you can afford to hand out the subordinate kingdoms to other trusted family members, eh? I thought you might consider granting me the Kingdom of Garðariki.”
“What!? May Loki sever your bracmard and feed it to the swine, you elbow-shaking rantallion! Do you take me for a jobbernowl? Who is the leader of this faction and what is its membership?
“Er, just me so far. So I’ll take that as a ‘no’, then?”
“Indeed. Now get out, lest I administer a stern kick to your tallywags. Varlet!”
Helgi thought he heard Styrbjörn mumble ‘zounderkite’ as he slunk from the room, but couldn’t be sure. Muckspout, he muttered himself – but carefully, under his breath.
The political news improved a little late in August, with Chancellor Grimr’s mission to Uppland paying useful dividends. Jarl Bragi, one of the most powerful and aggressive lords in the Empire – was now feeling more positive towards his Emperor. Grimr stayed where he was for now.
On the home front, the birth of his daughter seemed to have slightly softened Styrbjörn’s attitude to his unfaithful wife. He despised her slightly less.
“I’m in love with an unfaithful harlot!” It would make a great chorus line for a mournful, self-pitying old style country & western ballad, I reckon!
Gijón was ransacked in early October. And more loot was not the only benefit: the raiding done in Styrbjörn’s name had brought him the reputation as a true Viking ruler. This would be particularly useful in bringing his fractious Norse vassals further into his orbit.
There was now over 172 gold in the treasure fleet off Asturias, as the siege moved onto the cathedral at Cangas de Onís, which should take around 2-3 months.
Grimr met with yet more success in Uppland in October, with the recent persuasion and Styrbjörn’s Viking reputation now making Bragi one of his more loyal vassals! The Chancellor was instructed to move onto Narva, where the Fylkir’s brother Tolir was now one of only two vassals (along with Jarl Bertil in Flanders) with a negative opinion of the Emperor.
In early November, recent developments brought a clear improvement in the factional picture. Bragi disbanded his play for Sviþjod, while Helgi’s short-lived and ill-considered bid for the crown of Garðariki was also quietly ended. Loki would not be coming for his bracmard yet.
Though if the Fylkir ever found out about the true backer of the plot that had murdered his sister during his father's reign, his fate would be even worse. For now, the increased personal risk Helgi himself faced as Spymaster was perhaps some compensation in the greater scheme of things. If it led to his own demise, then that would be poetic justice.
In late November, another 350-odd troops were lost in the latest raid siege in Asturias, bringing Russian numbers down to around 2,650 men. This current siege would be seen through, but then it would be time to head home. It was proving costly in collateral troop losses.
As another winter had set in, Styrbjörn was faced with a choice of staying inside for a read or going out for a bit of falconry. One look outside had him sitting in front of a nice fire and picking a random book of poetry out of the palace library. Whether it would be any good was another matter …
… but after a couple of weeks working his way through it, the Fylkir was inspired and energised!
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January-March 938
On 25 January, the religious compound of Cangas de Onís was sacked – and it was time for the raiders to head back to Flanders to deliver their accumulated loot; they started loading themselves – now about 2,700 in number - onto the boats. They put into port at Zeeland on 19 March: the haul had not filled the boats to capacity, but the boost was nonetheless welcome.
And news of their safe return was enough for Styrbjörn to make a momentous announcement. The Russian Empire would immediately begin a transition to feudalism, starting with the ‘core jarldom’ of Holmgarðr. Bertil in Flanders would be pleased with this, at least. How the other tribal leaders would react, and how long it might take them to follow the Fylkir’s lead, was of course another matter.
This brought immediate and welcome expansion in Styrbjörn’s demesne counties (Holmgarðr already had a temple at Tikhvin, of course). And a nice new crown for the Emperor.
This came as a pleasant surprise, as (deliberately not ‘reading ahead’ in the wikis) I hadn’t realise these would be freebies rather than potential slots for which holdings would need to be purchased. Now I will need to find suitable recipients for the seven new titles, as Styrbjörn can’t hold them himself without penalty.
The entire Council had been summoned back for a special session (those on missions taking a short [notional] break from their work to participate).
A review was done by Steward Åke of each of these counties, with a view to seeing which improvements should be pursued first, and where. He advocated looking to build town markets up in the new cities, as Russia was still a poor land and money would now be the driver of its improvement and expansion. But Marshal Sverker naturally favoured more military infrastructure, given the sudden reduction to troop availability the new feudal arrangements had caused (more detail on that later). There was 713 gold in the Imperial Treasury at that point.
“Put it all to the Þing would you, Bragi?” As Lawspeaker, Bragi was now the official chair of the traditional gathering of the wise.
Ch114 Q1: New Building Projects.Thoughts about types of buildings and locations – say, stick to Holmgarðr first, or go for a certain type of building across all four counties, etc – very welcome. My first thought is to go for money-makers, not start any wars and hope for continued peace, but maybe that should be balanced?
“Grimr, how do I now stand politically with the principal vassals of the realm?”
“Quite well, My Emperor,” replied the ever-mercurial – and rather strange but effective – Chancellor. “The top sixteen lords of the realm, ranked by power, are almost all on your side. Only Bertil and Tolir now remain somewhat opposed, but not by much. Bertil was pleased with the change to the new system of government – it is only his desire for a position in the Council that keeps him estranged.”
Of note, Grimr himself is the most loyal of these lords – followed by the thrice-persuaded bragi. For as long as that lasts, anyway. I won’t be spending money on bribes for a while if I can help it, as I want to invest as must as I can in building things up – and maybe having a reserve aside in case a mercenary hire is needed. Might need to think about raiding again, too.
“I have also appended some guidance on what is broadly acceptable policy under this new feudal regime.”
“Thank you, Grimr. Anything else?”
“Just this handsome manuscript of your Imperial family tree the scribes have composed in honour of this occasion. I think it is remarkable how much just three generations of Rurikid rulers have achieved, taking the realm from a backward tribal petty kingdom to a great feudal Empire with a reformed Germanic faith!”
Of course, Styrbjörn himself is the son of a concubine, now with two sons and two daughters of his own.
“Thank you again, Grimr. As to Jarl Bertil, much as I would like to be able to accommodate him as an advisor for political purposes, I wish to reassure both you Bragi, and Tryggve too, that your positions remain secure. Both of you are among the most powerful lords of the realm and, along with Helgi, remain welcomed here on the Council. With both Bertil and Tolir, we will have to rely on other ways to win them over for the foreseeable future.”
“My thanks, Fylkir Styrbjörn,” replied Bragi, with a degree of relief. “As Lawspeaker, I point out that under this new feudal system, the Council itself is bound by a different range of laws, set down in that paper I just handed you. None of these can be changed at the moment.” Which was fine with the Council, given they retained strong powers across the board.
Styrbjörn merely humphed non-committally and moved on. “Bragi, what are the other legal options. Is primogeniture inheritance for the Empire possible?”
“Not at this point, My Emperor. You must reign for ten years, have no count or higher vassal with negative opinion and have implanted late feudal administration laws.”
“Very well. What would the latter take to to be made possible?”
“Further research into the principles of legalism would be required, My Emperor. At this stage, no legal changes to the realm’s civic and religious laws are possible.”
Ch114 Q2: Imperial Laws.I know I’ve asked it before, but just confirming: the ‘no count or higher tier vassal of this title’ stipulation related to direct vassals of the Emperor in this case, not to indirect subordinates? Any other broad advice on what I should be aiming for would be welcome.
“Helgi,” said the Fylkir, turning towards his Spymaster. “Tell me of that old arsehole Frirek of Khopyor – what is he up to?”
“He remains an avowed rival of yours, My Liege, but appears not to be actively plotting anything. At his advanced age, his fate can perhaps be left to nature’s hands and the Gods’ will.”
“Helgi, turning to military matters, how goes the Bodil’s war for Zemgale against Poland that you are helping her with?”
“Not well, I fear. I’m afraid the cause is lost – King Witosz has simply been able to muster too many men for us. He now occupies most of Bodil’s lands. After almost two years of trying, I think it will end in disappointment.”
“A pity, Helgi.” Styrbjörn then turned to his Marshal. “Sverker, after the recent losses in war and raiding, then this change to feudalism, how stands our military strength?”
“Much reduced, My Fylkir. The expanded Royal Guard is now at full strength and there is room perhaps for another company to be added, if the funds can be found. Also, the Novgorodian Band has largely rebuilt its numbers to over 1,500 men. They are on contract with the Umayyad revolt, not far from where they were recently raiding. And of course, the powerful Jomsvikingr army is available as well, for the right kind of war.”
“Sverker, let us seek guidance from the Þing as to whether we should look at expanding the Guard, building more military facilities in the home counties and so on. Also whether we should continue raiding, or give it a break to replenish numbers, and anything else they care to advise on.”
Ch114 Q3: Military Development.Any guidance on the best general course through these early years of feudalism would be excellent. At present, I’ve got fingers crossed there will be no large military campaign to fight soon, internal or external, especially against tribal foes who can call up those large prestige and piety armies.
“Finally,” remarked the Fylkir as he looked to wind up proceedings. “Please advise me on where we stand in comparison to the rest of the known world after our change of government today.”
In terms of size, the Russian Empire was now ranked as the fifth largest in the world. But in terms of soldiers currently available to the Emperor, Russia had sunk down to number 25 in the ‘world rankings’. This illustrated how much now needed to be done to rebuild military strength and bring the levies of the vassals into the equation under the feudal system.
But Seer Kolbjörn could report that Germanicism remained strong, currently the sixth largest faith in the world. It’s authority was reasonable, but could still do with being higher. Two more counties within the Empire had converted in the last year and a half.
But the spread of Norse culture remained stubbornly slow. Its heartland remained in the Viking lands of Norway, Sweden and Denmark. There was now a small but solid enclave in the Russian home counties, with small patches spread in Britannia and Flanders.
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Questions
Not surprisingly, the formal questions this time are all about managing the transition into feudalism. As always, more general comments and advice are warmly welcomed.
Ch114 Q1: New Building Projects. Thoughts about types of buildings and locations – say, stick to Holmgarðr first, or go for a certain type of building across all four counties, etc – very welcome. My first thought is to go for money-makers, not start any wars and hope for continued peace, but maybe that should be balanced?
Ch114 Q2: Imperial Laws. I know I’ve asked it before, but just confirming: the ‘no count or higher tier vassal of this title’ stipulation related to direct vassals of the Emperor in this case, not to indirect subordinates? Any other broad advice on what I should be aiming for would be welcome.
Ch114 Q3: Military Development. Any guidance on the best general course through these early years of feudalism would be excellent. At present, I’ve got fingers crossed there will be no large military campaign to fight soon, internal or external, especially against tribal foes who can call up those large prestige and piety armies.
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A medieval depiction of a knight being invested under feudal law and practice. The shift away from tribalism had begun in the heart of the Russian Empire. It was now Fylkir Styrbjörn’s mission to steer his realm through this time of challenge and change.
It’s been a bit of a long break, but I’m back! First some responses to comments not already replied to, then I’ll play and write up the next sesh.
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Ch114 Q1: New Building Projects. Thoughts about types of buildings and locations – say, stick to Holmgarðr first, or go for a certain type of building across all four counties, etc – very welcome. My first thought is to go for money-makers, not start any wars and hope for continued peace, but maybe that should be balanced?
My general approach as a feudal Christian, and mostly I have played as feudal Christians, is in my capital duchy to build baronies I will hold myself, and in my other duchy title to build cities for money. And cities, once they get going, largely look after themselves.
Start with the main county, and other castles in the main duchy. Cities and temples will get new rulers and they can build what they like, and even if you want to build in those holdings do it after giving it to people so that you’ll have the “built a building in my holding” positive modifier with them.
In essence, I think it sounds like an evolution of the approach taken during the tribal period – concentrate on the central demesne and things the ruler wile control and hopefully pass on to an heir.
Q1 & Q3 Build in capital first, your other holdings second, other holdings in capital next. Hospital for capital. Higher quality troops next. Raiding will still be a major revenue source.
1) Focus on the baronies you keep yourself for a long while. I usually start with money makers, but I tend to play rulers strong enough to not need more troops on shorter time scales, and that don't have raiding as a source of income. When I have money to spare and nothing to build for myself, I like to give my baron vassals money making buildings and tech-increasing buildings.
As Styrbjörn's focus should be on consolidating, I'd go for military first (in order to scare the vassals into submission/any foreigner into not attacking), income second - just keep behaving like a tribal lord in terms of money (raiding) works well enough for the transition phase (and may unlock higher-tier viking traits for Styrbjörn himself).
Interesting: at least I can do the raiding for money for now and I do want to build up troop strength, though will also look for some home-county money making opportunities as well.
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Ch114 Q2: Imperial Laws.I know I’ve asked it before, but just confirming: the ‘no count or higher tier vassal of this title’ stipulation related to direct vassals of the Emperor in this case, not to indirect subordinates? Any other broad advice on what I should be aiming for would be welcome.
Q2 The vassal of your vassal is not your vassal. So, vassal of a vassal can have a bad opinion. But a skilled vassal of a vassal can not serve on your council.
Yes, only direct vassals matter. As Styrbjörn's young, you should be able to wait for late feudal administration and then choose between primo and ultimo.
If you want a more risky approach (with potentially better payout) then you can always go elective.
I tend to get an allergic reaction when elective is mentioned, having not really enjoyed it much in tribal. Others have mentioned seniority too, which I suppose I can also consider.
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Ch114 Q3: Military Development.Any guidance on the best general course through these early years of feudalism would be excellent. At present, I’ve got fingers crossed there will be no large military campaign to fight soon, internal or external, especially against tribal foes who can call up those large prestige and piety armies.
This is probably a less helpful kind of advice, but you need to do it all. I’d start with the guard though, then move on with cultural buildings (if possible) or other buildings that increase the good kind of troops (such as barracks that increase heavy infantry and pikemen, stables that increase light and later heavy cavalry; although I prioritize those in different castles so that I can separate heavy cavalry from heavy infantry + pikemen due to the rule of 2, training grounds that increase guard limit etc). For all that, I’d keep on raiding. If possible find a siege specialist general from overseas, keep your men busy at less dangerous places that might give a little less gold but without having to fight.
I’ll definitely look for another siege specialist – Sverker as Marshal is one, I could always send him off and revert him to just a commander (as I want a marshal on the job), but he’s getting old anyway so I will need a new siege master. I’ll try to build a balanced force over time, starting with the retinue and also the levy buildings.
3) I think I only converted once, and fell to a massive civil war immediately after. Probably should have kept playing, recovering from that would make a good game.
Russia's stronger than it's neighbours, so I think building and raiding should be fairly safe. As long as the raiders aren't defeated somewhere, Styrbjörn's personal force can be strong enough to prevent factions to rise up.
Might also be a good idea to disband the mercenaries now. Eilif could afford losing parts of his levy for the mercs, Styrbjörn can use every man.
In addition to the stuff that already needs to be done, I suggest (not immediately but for the future, since it’ll bring a lot of money and ships but less levies, and we don’t currently have a vacant place for that) to create a vassal merchant republic. If not for net in game profit but for the mechanics and role playing. I was about to do the same with my game as Despot of Greece in Crete, but my laptop died just around that time. I think once all is in order, a Baltic merchant republic vassal in southern Finland or western Estonia might be a fun (and maybe useful?) thing to have.
That will be interesting if I can swing it, for all the reasons you have mentioned. I’ll try to remember – but know you will give me a nudge down the track if I forget.
I am with @diskoerekto, go seniority if it becomes available first. Seniority guarantees dynastic without splitting inheritance. The drawback is less ability to groom heir, but you may add territory if heir owns land outside of realm. Next ruler can switch from seniority to primo or ultimo. But I am a newbie, so take everything that I write with a barrel of salt.
I’ll have to take a look at seniority – haven’t done so yet, or recall reading an AAR where its was in force. In terms of games played, I'm probably even more of a newbie!
Now that we have proper castles with moats, how are we filling the moat? Piranhas? Sharks? Gators? Crocs? Polar Bears? Samoyeds? Being licked to death by a smiley dog would be a very undignified way to go!
I think wooden stakes and, er, sewage!? No, not the latter really. More danger to the inhabitants than the occasional attacker. The mots will be frozen for a good part of the year anyway.
Note, the castles don't have moats yet (it you check the descriptions on defensive upgrades, that's one of them). I always envision that this is a process of the ruler's homestead (not even a village) attracting a growing number of warriors who want in on his glory (thus prestige to build many upgrades), with the systems to support them being added in time (money upgrades) and a simple pallisade of some kind. Now he's declared it a capital city, which other fuedal powers would consider just a village, but it'll grow into a proper military city in time. Probably added a motte to the existing bailey, too, but I can't recall the upgrades.
Be feudal. It unlocks better tax and building options.
Have a large personal domain with lots of potential build slots (the mythical 7 slots are best but a whole domain of 4 or 5 is excellent).
First things first, sieze all the baronies within your domain (castles). This is for two reasons. You need a stable steady income which only your own property can provide. And having lots of fully upgraded castles yourself means you don't need your vassals to provide as many troops. This is important for a later step.
Buy Castle walls and Castle towns for your baronies. These are the best two upgrades for wealth expansion. Cheap, quick and every castle has option for both. Build and upgrade keeps next, and from now on this is the build and upgrade order for your holdings.
Having upgraded your own castles to the tech limit, fill the remaining empty slots in your domain with cities. These are much wealthier and easier to control than any other type of holding.
Once built, upgrade their money facilities too. Town walls and markets again. Later on you can build universities and ports to make your tech spread faster and make your life easier.
Last and least for holding development is the church. They are very temperamental on paying taxes and don't make as much anyway, so buying walls and markets for them isn't a high priority but should be done at least before you start buying specific non-economic upgrades to your other holdings.
It is important to note this advice applies only to your own holdings. The only buildings you should buy elsewhere are ports and, if forced by event or favour, churches.
Having built a money factory in your own domain, making the rest of your vassals pay is simple enough. Go to the tax laws and crank them up as high as you can for everyone. You don't need vassal levies as much as their gold, after all you have your own private army now thats going to be funded by their increased taxes.
This system not only makes the realm more stable (because you as leigelord will be far richer than everyone else and amongst the strongest armies on the map) but makes the game a little more intricate potlcially and economcially, since you can now afford to build wonders and large navies. Poltcially, your vassals are now neutered in peactime but the mallus added to high taxes means that whenever a crisis or invasion does occur, you have to be more cunning about how to handle it, backed by piles of gold of course.
In terms of feudalism: I'd just make use of my raiding force to loot the coasts and build. Vassals are going to follow into feudalism and provide both levies and tax soon, so current statistics are somewhat, but not entirely useful.
I have two questions for the learned members of the Þing.
1) How common is the Holmfrid/Helgi situation? We have the murderer listed on the victim's epitaph but the murderer receiving no malus. This is more than getting away with murder (suspicious circumstances) but a blatant I did it, so what. Does the fact that the murderer is a powerful lord (duke equivalent) and the victim is unlanded though a relative of the emperor influence the game (justice can be bought)? In my current game, I had a landed duchess murder the wife of the neighboring duke with no malus. (My character's wife offed his sister. Later their children even married.)
2) If anyone has played with tribes post Holy Fury, how has the change to prestige armies affected play. Prestige can no longer buy an instant army but rather a slow building retinue.
Still some time if anyone has any answers for @Midnite Duke .
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Anyway, the cricket tournament went well (we won three from three, all quite close games) and cricket was, of course, the winner! Made the eight hour trip each way worth it. It will take a couple of days at least to play and write up, but the process will start soon. Thanks for all your support, comments and advice.
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Chapter 115: Travel Broadens the Mind (21 March 938 to 1 February 945)
Chapter 115: Travel Broadens the Mind (21 March 938 to 1 February 945)
AuthAAR’s Note:As mentioned before, I need to pick up the pace with this story, so this will be a little more of a history book approach and a longer period will be covered. I will take a thematic chapter approach this time to hopefully aid continuity over a big episode covering nearly seven years of events.
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Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … by March 938 CE, the young Russian Emperor and Fylkir Styrbjörn had led the realm into feudalism. His main concern was to start ‘building upwards’ in his home counties, to develop a strong retinue and levy and (eventually) a larger tax base. The only one of his many vassals that was already feudal at this time was Jarl Bertil II, the powerful leader of Flanders. Until the others began to adopt the same form of government, there would be a degree of political friction with the other vassals, along with two ambitions brothers and their factions and sundry other political troublemakers. A strong personal army would help to deter any violence or, if it came, to have a fair chance to defeat any rebels. And with a busy raiding program envisaged to fund an ambitious building (and bribery) program, a stronger Imperial raiding force would also be useful.
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Part 1: Council and Legal Matters
Having taken advice from his counsellors and the Þing, Styrbjörn looked to bring his holdings back into ‘acceptable’ limits, due to the creation of three new temples and four cities in his personal demesne after the conversion to feudalism.
The Dowager Empress (and former Seer) Ingrid took one temple, the Steward Åke (himself an accomplished scholar) another and the third went to the current Seer, Kolbjörn. This meant for now, Styrbjörn held on to the four newly founded cities directly, despite them being ‘the wrong holding type’.
Ch 115 Q1: Holding Cities.Given it will be a while before I can build new baronies in the home counties and province conquests/revocations are also not planned for now, I decided to hold onto these despite them being the ‘wrong type’, despite the 75% (I believe from the Wiki) income penalty. I didn’t know/couldn’t be fussed trying to work out whether this was better or worse than giving them to direct vassals and taxing them instead. But if anyone has any advice on whether I should divest these or wait until something better comes along to fill the demesne, it would be most welcome.
At this time, the Imperial Council was an almost even mix of pragmatists and glory-seekers, but the Emperor was banking on the recent temple grants bring the Steward and Seer into the loyalist camp.
In seven years, just three more vassals would would adopt feudalism: Jarl Barid of Småland in April 938, Chief Falki of Hlymrek in November 940 and then the more powerful Jarl Rikulfr II ‘Ironside’ of Austergautland in February 944.
Ch 115 Q2: Vassals Feudalising.Anything much I can do to encourage them or speed the process up? Other than building stone forts for them? Or do I just wait and expect it to take a lot of time?
In legal matters, Styrbjörn would have to rein for ten years (in each major jurisdiction) before he could even consider options for changing Imperial or Kingdom inheritance laws. This aspect would ultimately be referred to the Þing in 944.
In terms of realm laws, a move to medium centralisation would be desirable in the longer term, but given demesne size was not a pressing problem as yet, the next change would be to increase noble taxes at the expense of levy demands. But that change would need to wait until March 939.
As advised by the recent Þing, the Emperor looked to dissolve the Novgorodian Band in December 938. With only around 6.5 gold per annum being remitted from their Captain, Murad, it was clear the drain on levy strength back in the home counties was simply not worth it. But Styrbjörn discovered he could not do so while he had standing troops raised – which he did at the time, out raiding. It would have to wait for the raiders’ return to Flanders.
March 939 allowed the Emperor to put his law change to the Council – there were no objections and the proposal was passed on 11 April 939.
But an unexpected Council vacancy had come up at this time, while the tax bill was being considered by the Council. Seer Kolbjörn inherited the Chiefdom of Romny from his father, when old Hakon the Repulsive, passed away quietly, but this took him away from the Imperial Court, making him a direct vassal of Jarl Helgi of Belo Ozero.
By then, Kolbjörn had become one of the three pragmatists who had all become loyalists of the Emperor’s faction. Wishing to ensure the loyalists remained strong, especially as his law change was being considered, Styrbjörn appointed the Dowager Empress, Ingrid, as Seeress. It was an interim appointment as she was now of advanced years and suffering from gout, but she did indeed become a loyal Council members to her step-son.
Steward Åke, an equally competent (and loyal) scholar, was made physician. The other candidate was none other than the Emperor’s old childhood captor, Jarl Kezhevat: but Styrbjörn liked him far less than the jarl liked his Emperor. And at that time Kezhevat's resume for the physician’s job was most unimpressive!
Ingrid’s tenure as Seeress did indeed prove fairly short: she died in May 940, to be replaced by another loyal Godi, Seer Hysing of Jamborg.
Council and legal matters would then remain relatively uneventful for the next few years.
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Part 2: Factions and Politics
A considerable slice of the Emperor’s attention in these years was devoted to keeping an eye on the many factional power plays that characterised the early years of his reign. Especially after the change of the Empire to feudalism, which as we have seen was slow to catch on with the Jarls and Chiefs of the realm. He intervened regularly in an attempt to keep them from growing (or staying) too powerful.
In March 938, immediately after the adoption of feudalism in Russia, there were two factions considered to be especially dangerous: the Independence faction led by Jarl Bertil II and his half-brother Gorm’s faction promoting him for the Imperial crown itself (even though he wasn’t a member himself). Tolir’s similar faction was led by him, but (unlike the other two) lacked Bertil’s powerful support.
Money and positions were distributed to try to keep these lords in line. Gorm was given a vacant hirdman appointment, just to keep him happy. Tolir's better opinion was easily enough bought off with a little gold, but Bertil’s price was far higher. However, given his power and membership of the two most dangerous factions, it was deemed worth the price.
Bertil soon left Gorm’s faction, rendering it harmless. Though shortly after that, two minor new factions were founded advocating for elective succession in the Empire and in Garðariki. Of these, the powerful and active Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel was the more significant, but not yet dangerous. And as Styrbjörn’s relative power grew, the threat of the Independence faction gradually receded.
In May 938, Chancellor Grimr was sent to Brabant to ply his considerable diplomatic talents on Bertil, who Styrbjörn definitely wanted inside his tent. This would prove the beginning of a long and ultimately fruitful mission. May also saw Chief Kalle of Ingria join the elective faction for Garðariki [now up to about 25% strength], but it remained a fairly low level threat, which the Emperor continued to watch but ignore.
After a period of political calmness over the summer, August and September 938 brought a flurry of factional moves. Gorm joined the Independence faction on 8 August, making it temporarily very dangerous again. He was bribed on 9 August and had left the faction again by 7 September! Sumarliði, both a member of the Independence faction and leader (sole member) of the Russian Elective group was sent a small remittance on 7 September, which at least induced him to disband the elective faction a week later. But soon after, Bodil of Lithuania decided Sviþjod should have elective succession – she was a powerful player, but without other members it was another group that could be ignored for now.
Jarl Barid revived the Russian elective faction in January 939, but it was also too weak [10.3%] to worry about. By February 939, the Independence Faction still had three members, including Jarl Bertil, but its relative support was waning [down to 76.2%]. Then on 27 February, Grimr reported he had improved relations with Bertil [now up to +55 opinion] and would continue to work on him.
By 31 May, the factional situation was well under control. After a bribe on 27 March, Falki had left as Independence leader by 6 April. Bertil was briefly in charge, but he also left on 25 April. Sumarliði of Sarkel was the last out the door on 31 May: all the financial and diplomatic work of the last year had proved quite effective.
Grimr would have further diplomatic success with Jarl Bertil on 17 July 939 and then 19 March 941, by which time he had become one of Styrbjörn’s most loyal vassals. On 23 January 941, Tolir had left his own faction, which now only had Jarl Rikulfr a member and leader [only 6.4% power]. Gorm’s faction remained the strongest at that time [78.3% power].
More moves in January and February of that year saw another shift, when a surprise succession in Sviþjod saw the fearsome Jarl Bragi replaced by his brother, the new Jarl Totil. As will be discussed briefly later, Bragi had been fighting an internal claim war against Jarl Rikulfr II, but was slain by him in personal combat on 15 February 941. Totil was initially pushy and immediately joined Tolir’s Russia faction.
But he was appointed to his Bragi’s vacated Council Advisor and hirdman positions, which soon had him feeling much happier. Rikulfr himself was now leader of both Gorm’s and Tolir’s factions – so he too was offered a cash gift in early February.
Then Tolir was appointed to the vacant Lawspeaker position on 18 February and Rikulfr left both his faction head positions between 19 February and 17 March, the latter causing Tolir’s faction to disband. But Styrbjörn’s brother must have felt put out by this, as he re-founded it himself less than a week later! The Independence faction seemed to just have a couple of nobodies in it – their influence wasn’t even enough to register.
Factional politics then settled down somewhat, with little changing over the next few years. By early 944, most of the factions had only minor support, with the strongest – 'Jarl Tolir for Russia' – still with only Tolir himself as a member.
Even though Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel re-joined the Independence faction in September 944, it still posed no immediate threat [35.4%].
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Part 3: Vassal Wars
No formal wars were declared by or on Styrbjörn from March 938 to February 945, though he actively raided. But, as had been the case in the past, his more powerful vassals were active, sometimes fighting external countries for territorial gain, sometimes each other or subordinates over competing claims. Styrbjörn was happy enough for all these activities to go on: if they were fighting others, they weren’t fighting him. In many cases, they brought allies into the fight, but those details are not critical and largely lost to history, so with a few exceptions are not detailed below.
High Chieftess Bodil of Lithuania, while a powerful lord, continued to pick difficult targets for her ambitions. She lost an existing conquest war against Poland for Zemgale on 20 April 938. She tried again for Oleshye against Khan Yerneslu the Liberator of Khazaria, starting on 21 May 941. But despite Jarl Helgi joining her effort a month later, she was ultimately forced to concede defeat after more than three years of fighting, on 29 August 944.
Similarly, on 16 June 938 the ever-ambitious Jarl Bertil II ‘the Devil’ of Brabant (Flanders) had launched a war to conquer Holland from Count Philipp of Kleve. The effort had failed less than a year later, Bertil giving up his attempt on 12 May 940. He would make no further forays during the period.
Another of the many wars started by Styrbjörn’s vassals in 938 was by Jarl Oddr II ‘the Young’ of Vestergautland, when on 13 July he declared a Holy War for Mari on Khan Kopti of Cumania. His quest was ultimately successful, gaining Mari for himself and the Empire on 15 September 942.
Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel had acquired the county of the same name by conquest in early 938. He was ready to fight again by 8 September 938, this time seeking to conquer Tana (where the Don River flows into the Azov Sea) from the Child Queen Rosa of Bulgaria. He was successful on 1 October 941, immediately setting up a trade post on this western terminus of the Silk Road. Sumarliði sought to extend his demesne further on 19 April 944 with a Holy War for Don-Portage against its Chief, Kalojan. But he was late to the game, with one of Jarl Tryggve’s Chiefs, Örvar of Khopyor, beating him to the prize on 20 September that same year. Either way, two more southern counties on the Don River had been added to the Empire.
Not to be outdone, Jarl Tryggve of Ryazan (the unready de Normandie brother) declared a conquest of the Azov Sea coastal county of Tmutarakan from King Shota the Frail of Georgia on 26 October 939. He had won this war less than two years later, incorporating it into his Jarldom and the Empire on 29 May 941. This now gave Russia two ports on the Azov (and thus the Black) Sea. This would prove very handy not too long afterwards.
Quickly following his war against Georgia was Tryggve’s attempt to revoke Kolomna from his own vassal Chief Urho, which started on 24 July 941. But this time, Tryggve’s brother and frequent opponent Jarl Refil (the drunken de Normandie) took advantage, hoping to recover some lost territory by declaring a claim war for Ryazan, Vladimir and Moramar on 19 August 941. Unfortunately for Refil, Tryggve eventually conceded defeat to Urho on his failed revocation bid on 5 September 942, allowing him to concentrate on his brother. Refil’s latest bid for revenge ended in defeat on 13 October 943.
Earlier, the Emperor’s half-brother Jarl Gorm had launched a Holy War on Queen Iva of Bulgaria (another child queen) for Galich on 3 April 940. He was making progress, but the Bulgarian Revolt which had been making his task easier eventually thwarted him, when Prince Antal of Bulgaria won on 6 April 942, deposing the Queen and voiding the casus belli, leading to an inconclusive result. The next year, Gorm chanced his hand against Khan Kopti the Conqueror of Cumania on 3 July 943 in a Holy War for the remainder of Ugra (Zyriane and Kerzhenets). By February 945, Gorm was on top, having occupied both those counties [war score +27%]. If he could win, it would link his isolated eastern ‘Bulgarian’ territories with the rest of the Empire.
By 23 January 941, an internal war between Jarl Bragi ‘the Oppressor’ of Sviþjod and Jarl Rikulfr II ‘Ironside’ of Vestergautland had been in progress for some time. Jarl Bragi was comfortably winning his de-jure war against Rikulfr for Medelpad[62%]. Along with Jarl Bertil, he was also aiding Jarl Oddr’s ultimately successful Holy War for Mari (discussed above). At this point, Styrbjörn’s brother, who now had holdings in Sweden and styled himself Jarl Tolir ‘the Chaste’ of Bergslagen, began his own de jure war over Vestmannaland against Jarl Bragi.
As we saw earlier, disaster struck the hitherto invincible Bragi when he fell in personal combat against Rikulfr less than a month later, on 15 February 941. But Tolir’s war continued against Bragi’s brother and successor Jarl Totil (who, bizarrely, briefly joined the Tolir for Russia faction the day his brother fell, leaving it four days later). As did the Sviþjod war for Medelpad, but that was lost to Rikulfr on 28 January 944, another three bloody years later. In February 945, Tolir’s war against Totil for Vestmannaland still dragged on, with Tolir on top [+75% war score]. The fortunes of the Jarldom of Sviþjod had taken a surprising turn, with its star seemingly now on the wane.
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Part 4: Family and Personal Affairs
The period was an active one for Emperor Styrbjörn and the Rurikid dynasty. From May 938 onwards, the Rurikid scroll trove began recording the Emperor’s poetry, which was apparently quite in demand in following years. At home, the Emperor’s focus on family values was clear, developing a close relationship with his children, especially young Crown Prince Eilif.
Styrbjörn’s own ambitions were reviewed in early 939, when he celebrated five years of peace and prosperity for the Empire. Hopefully, this would lead to incrementally increased general prosperity throughout the Empire. With few choices to hand, he looked to build a large treasury, though the voracious demands of his post-feudalisation building program (more below) would probably preclude its fulfilment for some years to come. Perhaps he might try for it seriously when there were enough taxes being collected to make the war taxes on achievement worthwhile.
Empress Ulfhildr ‘the Unfaithful’ had, as far as Styrbjörn knew, been true since her previous indiscretion. There were no suspicions voiced when her pregnancy was confirmed on 28 January 940. On 28 August, the Emperor’s second daughter, Ingfrid, was born and would be educated in the ways of thrift.
The personal diary of the Empress noted how devoted the heir Crown Prince Eilif and his younger brother (the ‘spare’) Prince Sigurðr were to each other. It boded well for a better relationship than some previous (and current) Rurikid siblings had with each other!
More worrying for the Emperor was a bout of sickness he suffered in mid-941. It started with a headache – but these things could rapidly worsen into something nastier. He had only recently appointed the new court physician, Godi (and trusted Steward) Åke to the position. And he was certainly glad of it: the whole episode was expertly treated and resolved satisfactorily within a couple of weeks.
As a father, Styrbjörn took an active interest in the education of his children. His eldest child Aleta came of age on 28 June 941. She finished as a passable schemer, though her strongest suit was in martial skills. Her father was in no hurry as yet to arrange a marriage.
And when his second son Prince Sigurðr turned twelve in August 944, it was decided he should apply himself to philosophical and religious learning.
Empress Ulfhildr became pregnant on 28 December 941 – but in the coming months, the Emperor’s personal life would prove to be rather more complicated than before. Just a month later, the notorious and aptly named Chief Sörkver the Lewd was discovered attempting to seduce the Emperor’s teen-aged daughter. Styrbjörn believed he had headed things off before they went any further, but was furious at the filthy old lecher – who was over 50 years her elder! The randy old swine.
Better news came in June 942, when the Emperor’s (as yet only) concubine Beata af Vitebsk became pregnant with what would be their first child together. Styrbjörn had periodically made searches for another concubine, but suitable and well-credentialled women or girls were hard to find, no matter how wide he cast his net.
It was in July 942, just a few weeks before their next child was due, that things started to get really difficult in the Imperial Household. Physician Åke would be a busy man for the next month and a half, when first the Empress fell ill and then their new daughter Ulfhildr (named after her mother) was born sickly and in danger of dying. But she survived, even though the Empress’ diagnosis was a grim one.
Straight after this tumultuous period, a somewhat controversial incident (among later Rurikid scholars – it was hushed up at the time) occurred. Many later thought Styrbjörn should have acted on his grievances against Jarl Kezhevat ‘the Fat’ and challenged him to holmgang when the opportunity arose. But with the Jarl a little crazy, the odds even and the Empire and his family’s welfare at stake, his diary recorded that he decided to let nature (or the grog) take Kezhevat’s life instead. Even though he was tempted: but his previous captor was ‘just not worth it’, he wrote. Whether this was prudent or lily-livered would be regularly debated by subsequent Rurikid historians.
Beata gave birth to Styrbjörn’s third son, Ingólfr, on an auspicious day: 1 January 943, ‘Foundation Day’ of the original Rurikid realm of Holmgarðr back in 867 CE. He would be raised in the ways of struggle. The Emperor’s other children were growing up: Crown Prince Eilif turned 12 on 29 May 943 and the wilful young man was directed to focus on the study of strategy and war.
Having not learned his lessons (he was no doubt incapable of doing so) in April 944 Sörkver the Lewd was next discovered trying to seduce the Emperor’s half-sister Hafrid. Perhaps I should have started marrying them off after all, noted Styrbjörn in his diary. But he was generally wary of allowing other rulers the opportunity to pursue an Imperial claim and had no pressing alliance ventures in mind.
Sörkver kept chasing Hafrid, and they were discovered by the Emperor himself in flagrante delicto some months later. Not long after Sörkver had sired a daughter on another of the Emperor’s relatives (his bastard half-sister Beata) in mid-May! Not wanting another public scandal involving his family, but not wanting the old lecher (now 70 years old) to get off scot free, Styrbjörn extorted the old goat instead. The small amount of coin was worth more to Styrbjörn than its face value. Even if Sörkver did call him a ‘soft pirate’ and make gruesome (or perhaps perverted) threats! He will be called to the underworld soon enough, surely! was the Emperor’s diary note on the matter.
As the year 945 began, the Emperor had a growing family, a sick but still living wife, a healthy concubine and a chequered private life, haunted by an ex-captor and an old womaniser trying to single-handedly ravish a good number of his close female relatives!
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Part 5: Raids and Other Military Developments
5A: Russian Maritime Raids – 938 to 943 CE
Styrbjörn actively raided throughout the period, always looking for more money to fuel the growth of his recently feudalised home demesne. The latest raid began on 21 March 938, with old Sverker the Siege Master being brought in to run that aspect for the raids (none being available from other realms), while Barid took over as Marshal. Around 2,700 men set out from Zeeland in Flanders, while five ships were sent back to Ingria to pick up the 500 newest members of the Imperial Guard (retinue) who were now at full strength. The new target would be the riches of Tunis, currently held by King Luigi ‘the Just’ of Sardinia and Corsica.
[Note: the various maritime raiding routes taken in this period are summarised at the end of this sub-section.]
On 7 May, the two new Guard companies (a total of 200 heavy infantry, 200 light cavalry, 50 archers and 50 heavy cavalry) embarked from Ingria and set out on the long voyage to Tunis.
The raid of Tunis began on 3 August 938 with a siege of the barony of Tunis. The 500 Guard reinforcements arrived on 24 October 938, increasing the raiders’ strength to 3,200. They would reduce the castle of Tunis, city of Sousse, bishopric of Ariana, barony of Carthage, city of Zaghouan and barony of Ben Arous in succession. Around 600 Sardinian troops eventually watched them go about their business, but never intervened. By the time the raiders left on 18 September 939, they had lost almost 500 men (in net terms) during the five sieges, while the fleet contained almost 390 gold in loot.
The next stop was Sardinia itself, where no opposition was expected. The plan was to raid the countryside until the fleet was full to capacity then head back to Zeeland. This they did after losing around 230 more men in Sardinia, as they plundered the countryside of Ogliastra and Arboréa.
After their return to Zeeland, the remaining Imperial demesne levies (now only around 150 men in total) were dismissed so that the Novgorodian Band could finally be dissolved, which it was on 11 April 940. Old Emperor Eilif’s first command as a young man and ‘spare heir’ of Rurik was finally no more. Styrbjörn took the opportunity to raise two new Guard companies – back in Holmgarðr. Once recruiting was finished, another 400 Heavy infantry and 100 archers (two shock companies) would be added to the Imperial Guard. Again, a small fleet was sent back to pick them up.
It was decided, while waiting for them, that a small raid would be risked nearby. With just 1,700 men (the Guard and some Brabantian vassal levies still under arms from previous raids started under Eilif) sailing to the old target of Breizh. They set out on 4 May 940 and had landed in Kernev on 18 June. But when they did, they got a very nasty surprise. They discovered a sizable Breizhan army was already closing in on them from Domnonia and would arrive before they could either get back onto the ships or have their morale recover from the voyage. Outnumbered on all flanks, the raiders fled the battle as soon as they could, but by the time the pursuit to the ships was over, they had lost 144 men for only 7 gold. Not a complete bloodbath, but inglorious nonetheless.
Tails between their legs, they slunk back into Zeeland on 10 August. Meanwhile, back home, Styrbjörn had discovered his kinder side, making him a more respected diplomat, at least. When up to full strength, the Guard retinue would number 1,700 seasoned warriors in a reasonably well-balanced force. But they were still well under that target, given new recruiting and recent losses.
After a few months, it was decided that the remaining vassal levies in Flanders would be released (Bertil was starting to get a little impatient under the new feudal administration) and the rest of the Guard return to the Motherland: they set out out 9 October 940. A larger raiding force was needed for the next adventure. The raiders made it to Kexholm on 30 November. A border conquest on one of the Finnish counties – preferably Uusimaa, the ‘missing link’ between the Swedish and Russian territories – was hoped for, but by early 941 the two defensive pacts against Styrbjörn remained almost watertight, except for Poland and in the east.
After waiting a few more months for an opportunity that never arose, Styrbjörn’s main personal levies (just over 2,000 men in total) were called out on 19 May 941. They and the Guard would once more invoke the sacred raiding toggle and boarded ship for their next raiding adventure in the Gulf of Finland on 18 July with 3,400 men.
In the interim, old Sverker had disappeared (perhaps died quietly or was disabled – no record could be found of his end) and a new Siege Master was found – another Sverker, this time a 38-year-old commander from Sviþjod. He joined the court on 6 August 941 and would duly assist the raiders in their siege duties when the time came.
The raiders had hoped to strike Morocco – a rich area, but in this case too well defended for it to be worthwhile. With consumption rife in southern Italy, the raiders made for Sardinia once more. But this time, when they arrived offshore in December 941, they discovered King Luigi had hired over 7,500 mercenaries to help in some wars he was fighting at the time. This risk was therefore also avoided.
But Cismonte in northern Corsica, part of Karling King Gacco’s much reduced Kingdom of Italy, looked ripe for the picking. The raid leader, Velmayka, landed in Cismonte on 1 January 942. The holding of Ajaccio fell on 28 May, Bastia on 28 July and Bonifacio on 15 September. By 5 November 942 the last treasure had been gouged out of the county: Velmayka then set off to Rome, which was still just clear of the consumption ravaging southern Italy.
The raiders kept a wary eye on a large force two provinces to the north under King Klas of Latium. They should have time enough to scourge the countryside and reduce the first holding of Rome itself and would have warning of any approach by the enemy. It wasn’t until 6 January 943 that Klas was spotted heading their way. Rome was successfully sacked on 9 January, adding another 84 gold to the treasure trove on the fleet, which now amounted to 371 of its 440 gold capacity. The raiders headed for the ships with 3,325 men still under arms – siege losses in Cismonte and Rome had been light.
The raiders next made for Crete to top up the haul in the Byzantine county of Gortyn, which they had done by 14 September without any further losses, heading home to the southern port of Tmutarakan, on the Sea of Azov, acquired by Jarl Tryggve in 941.
5a: Land-based Raids – 942 to 944 CE
As the maritime raid of Cismonte and Rome was going on, Karelian raiders once again infested Russian lands, striking the Imperial demesne county of Ladoga. Most other raids on Russian vassals were ignored by the central government, but this endangered the Emperor’s own holdings. With the Imperial Guard and levy off raiding, the nearest large vassal levy available for call-up was a regiment of around 350 men from Jarl Helgi’s demesne, who mustered in Zaozerye on 30 November 942. They set off straight away to attack the 325 Karelian raiders.
In my haste to get them to Ladoga before the main holding fell and distracted with the main raid, what I didn’t register at the time was their 0% morale on mustering – this would prove a problem given the relatively short march to Ladoga gave them little time to prepare.
Despite a small advantage in numbers, the Belo Ozeran levies were not yet fully ready for combat when they attacked the Karelians on 14 January 943. By 3 February they had been defeated, losing 59 men against only 19 raiders. That day, as the Belo Ozerans fled east, a little over 500 more vassal levies from Smaleskja and Ryazan were called to gather in Holmgarðr – revenge would be administered. But the sacking of Ladoga’s tribal hold could not be prevented, which fell on 25 March. The Karelians moved onto Zaozerye next.
It wasn’t until 9 August that a unified Russian force – including the now rallied Belo Ozerans – confronted the Karelians in Zaozerye. Victory was won on 26 August, the Russians (commanded by Jarl Gorm) losing just 12 of their 847 men, while the Karelians suffered 67 out of 308 killed. Their raid was over – but Styrbjörn had more pain in store for the impudent Finns.
The Russians gathered a few more men in Zaozerye and on 4 October 943 invoked the sacred raiding toggle themselves. They began the march north to nearby Ååninen, from where the latest raiders had emerged. They were undisturbed and took the tribal fort on 13 April 944. While only 7.5 gold was taken, it produced a trove of hostages – 12 women and children in all, seven of whom were ransomed back to Chief Tuure over coming weeks and months for a total of another 86 gold.
When the third maritime raid finished in Tmutarakan in late October 943, a nearby opportunity was spotted – the bordering coastal county of Abkhazia was controlled at that time by the Georgian Revolt. They had an army of 1,142 men nearby, fighting the Georgian King, but by that time the Russian raiding party had rested and grown back to 3,410 in strength. They marched off on 2 December to begin a border raid, where the money could be sent back home directly.
On 25 December, a small troop of defenders was given a ‘Viking Christmas present’ by Velmayka, who had killed all 42 of them by 1 January 944, settling in to loot the countryside and besiege the local holdings. Abaatha was taken after a lengthy siege on 28 June, yielding 73 gold, followed by Tskoumi on 29 August for 87 gold. Pitsunda was overcome on 28 October, for another 64.5 gold, after which the raiders returned to Tmutarakan for some rest and recovery, having lost some 585 troops during the Abkhazian sieges. They were ready to sail again on 1 February 945 with 3,236 troops and began boarding the ships – for a destination yet to be determined.
Russian maritime raiding voyages, March 938 to October 943.
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Part 6: Buildings and the Economy
The new buildings purchased from March 938 to February 945 are summarised on the map below. All purchases were for the capital castles in each of the four Imperial demesne counties. As yet, the newly formed cities in each had no improvements made. An initial program of four new buildings was started straight after feudalisation on 21 March 938. Around this time, the cost of founding a new barony was 613 gold in Holmgarðr, which for now was considered a little too expensive. Existing holdings would be improved first. More buildings were begun intermittently in following years, with some larger scale programs when a major raid treasure fleet docked, such as in November 943 after the third maritime raid returned.
In May 939, the tax collectors of Ladoga reported its economy was now flourishing. The following year, Styrbjörn decided to let the Empress, who (as we have seen) seemed to have been faithful since her earlier unfortunate scandal. This resulted in higher tax takes for the next five years and a lasting feeling of contentment for the Emperor.
In mid-941, a suggestion from Jarl Helgi and a small investment in messenger stations made the capital province a little more efficient and prosperous.
New and current building projects in Russia, March 938 to February 945. In this time, a total of 1,588.8 gold was spent on new buildings for the four baronies in the Imperial demesne. * indicates the Steward was present, speeding construction.
Imperial demesne castle infrastructure as at 1 February 945.
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Part 7: Religion
The seven or so years following the adoption of feudalism by the Imperial government of Russia saw a continued steady spread of Germanicism throughout its lands. ‘Spontaneous’ local conversions took place in Pronsk (May 938), Wolgast (October 939), Connacht (May 942), Sarkel (January 943), Chortitza (February 943) and Gorodez (February 944). Styrbjörn’s successive Imperial Seers also actively proselytised throughout this time, with Kolbjörn converting Kexholm in November 938, Ingrid doing the same in Vitebsk in March 939 and Hysing bringing Bryansk into Odin’s light in October 940.
By February 945, Germanicism dominated the Russian heartland.
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Part 8: Council of 1 February 945
As another raid set out into the Black Sea at the start of February 945 CE, Emperor Styrbjörn, Fylkir of the Germanic Faith, had stabilised his reign and begun to build his key holdings into a true stronghold amid the primitive Russian heartland. His troop holdings were once more strong and the quality of those troops improved, with a greater proportion of heavy infantry and cavalry now deployed, and not just in the Imperial Guard. He had over 450 gold to spend and his prestige had never been higher.
His income was growing, but this was only a beginning. With only four vassals following feudalism so far, most of the realm remained poor. Raiding would remain a mainstay for some time yet.
“My first question for the Þing relates to finances,” the Emperor said that evening as he addressed a special Imperial Council meeting. “I’d like their advice on whether I should keep some or all of the new cities and whether I should now begin to develop them given the realm seems reasonably secure.”
Ch 115 Q3: Economics.The earlier question on keeping some, all or none of the cities is now due. And should I plough money into them, keep spending it on the existing baronies, or save a bit more to create a new one? Given economics is now a key part of Russia’s next phase as a feudal realm – and noting advice already received at the last Þing – any advice on timings and priorities at this stage would be very welcome.
“I also wish to revisit the matter of potential legal reform,” continued Styrbjörn as the Council took notes. “Grimr has explained the technicalities to me, building on advice from previous Þings. Of the three principal realms – the Empire and the kingdoms of Garðariki and Sviþjod – Garðariki is the only one where I have current options to change the law.”
“Of the changes available, I’m not really keen on going back to elective gavelkind or adopting either seniority or elective monarchy succession. I can’t see how they improve on our current gavelkind. I wonder whether primogeniture inheritance would be especially good for Sviþjod when it can be managed, as well as for the Empire itself, to keep my demesne titles concentrated under a single heir. Especially if I can add a few new ones later. Also, is there anything we can do now - other than deploying you to spy on Constantinople, Helgi - to boost learning in the realm, to bring advances on legalism and therefore administration more quickly?”
Ch 115 Q4: Realm Succession Laws, Learning.Much value in considering subordinate kingdom law changes? I’m thinking not yet. For tech, I see monastic schools for temples and universities for cities can be built, though the latter are very expensive indeed and will take a very long time to build.
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Questions
Ch 115 Q1: Holding Cities. Given it will be a while before I can build new baronies in the home counties and province conquests/revocations are also not planned for now, I decided to hold onto these despite them being the ‘wrong type’, despite the 75% (I believe) income penalty. I didn’t know/couldn’t be fussed trying to work out whether this was better or worse than giving them to direct vassals and taxing them instead. But if anyone has any advice on whether I should divest these or wait until something better comes along to fill the demesne, it would be most welcome.
Ch 115 Q2: Vassals Feudalising. Anything much I can do to encourage them or speed the process up? Other than building stone forts for them? Or do I just wait and expect it to take a lot of time?
Ch 115 Q3: Economics. The earlier question on keeping some, all or none of the cities is now due. And should I plough money into them, keep spending it on the existing baronies, or save a bit more to create a new one? Given economics is now a key part of Russia’s next phase as a feudal realm – and noting advice already received at the last Þing – any advice on timings and priorities at this stage would be very welcome.
Ch 115 Q4: Realm Succession Laws, Learning. Much value in considering subordinate kingdom law changes? I’m thinking not yet. For tech, I see monastic schools for temples and universities for cities can be built, though the latter are very expensive indeed and will take a very long time to build.
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The Fourth Þing of Styrbjörn’s Reign – February 945
The Fourth Þing of Styrbjörn’s Reign – February 945
Time for the love to return to our Viking Russian Empire. Herewith the feedback to those comments I haven’t already responded to previously, concentrating on the questions and advice.
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Ch 115 Q1: Holding Cities.Given it will be a while before I can build new baronies in the home counties and province conquests/revocations are also not planned for now, I decided to hold onto these despite them being the ‘wrong type’, despite the 75% (I believe) income penalty. I didn’t know/couldn’t be fussed trying to work out whether this was better or worse than giving them to direct vassals and taxing them instead. But if anyone has any advice on whether I should divest these or wait until something better comes along to fill the demesne, it would be most welcome.
Personally, I always give wrong holdings away. Not because I did the math, but to get rid of the alert.
Styrbjörn holding on to them slows down their development as the mayors won't improve the cities themselves, but I can't say if the little additional income is worth it. Intuitively, I'd say no, as you can raid.
As a bonus information, if you wish to assign a new mayor, you can right-click the holding and simply give it to a random character. And speaking of cities and income, it is definitely worth it to create a pet merchant republic - if you conquer a coastal duchy at some point, giving it to a mayor. The prince mayor will dislike you most of the time, but offers plenty of tax.
I never thought about holding cities so haven't really calculated if it's more profitable to keep or give, but for some reason I automatically give them to high stewardship people for RP purposes.
OK, will probably get to it. Only hung on to them temporarily as I only had the four counties for Styrbjörn to hold at this point in his reign.
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Ch 115 Q2: Vassals Feudalising.Anything much I can do to encourage them or speed the process up? Other than building stone forts for them? Or do I just wait and expect it to take a lot of time?
It is fairly fast as long as their capitals share their religion and have stone forts, so focusing the proselytizing on these counties (though that doesn't look like being a problem) and building forts is all you can do.
I'd give cities to high stewardship people, and spend money only on the demesne castles until they're all built up (I posted a priority list of buildings once here, but I don't remember the order from the top of my head now, if I find I'll post it again. Basically build buildings that give good troops and avoid buildings that give light infantry. also, money bringing buildings are weak). Once they're built up I'd create new castles.
I vaguely remember an event or decision or something that created new holdings in empty holdings, but I might just be imagining it (and somebody will correct me in 30 seconds if that's the case )
Thanks. Plenty of initial building in existing demesne counties before I start creating new baronies etc, so I’ll file it away for later.
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Ch 115 Q3: Economics.The earlier question on keeping some, all or none of the cities is now due. And should I plough money into them, keep spending it on the existing baronies, or save a bit more to create a new one? Given economics is now a key part of Russia’s next phase as a feudal realm – and noting advice already received at the last Þing – any advice on timings and priorities at this stage would be very welcome.
Basically dealt with under comments on Q1 and elsewhere, I guess.
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Ch 115 Q4: Realm Succession Laws, Learning.Much value in considering subordinate kingdom law changes? I’m thinking not yet. For tech, I see monastic schools for temples and universities for cities can be built, though the latter are very expensive indeed and will take a very long time to build.
It may be an idea to also give Sviþjod to a loyal vassal and centralize the power. The benefit is that you'd have a powerful vassal. The problem is that you'd have a powerful vassal. But at least that powerful vassal won't have a claim on your titles, as Styrbjörn's secondary successor would have under gavelkind.
Garðariki, as your primary kingdom, doesn't actually need any law change. IIRC, it should go to your primary heir (as long as he's the firstborn), just as the screen indicates.
As for tech, there's mainly the good old CK II method of buying a residence in Constantinople for your spymaster, in use for many, many generations; there's the title bonus and your learning skill, small advances from buildings, random events, and - most useful - the scholar focus.
Looks like, if the factions and plots stay under control, it could well be back to Constantinople for the Spymaster again, as in days of yore. Scholar focus also worth another look (it worked for Rurik, and his stargazing wasn’t the thing that drove him mad).
Not much to do but to wait, and send the spy to Constantinople (or if some other province has higher legalism than Constantinople, then there). Buildings for tech are very long term investments. About the succession laws, I like ultimogeniture more than primogeniture but both will save the realm from versions of gavelkind or splitting of titles among heirs.
Won’t be building any universities for quite some time, I suspect. I think I’ll probably try for primo, even if it’s more the for the familiarity of it, as well as being ‘in role’ for the Rurikids.
It looks like Styrbjörn will manage a very successful feudalization, thanks to the raiding income keeping his vassals happy and his demesne improving. Looks like that content man is just what Russia needed - unlike some other people who shall not be named.
Thank you to those hardy souls who commented earlier and have offered advice. As always, any stuff-ups that follow are purely my own! Now to play the next session – trying to keep the historical sweep broad, so we can get through this game in reasonable time. Well, for me, anyway!
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Chapter 116: A Passing Parade (1 February 945 to 31 December 947)
Chapter 116: A Passing Parade (1 February 945 to 31 December 947)
AuthAAR’s Note:I’ve maintained the same thematic history book as per the last chapter. This one only covers just under three years, as the session yielded a little too much material to squeeze into one chapter. My writing up has been delayed, as I was quite unwell (neither serious nor COVID-related) for most of the last week and am only just returning to functioning humanity today!
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Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … The Russian Emperor, Fylkir Styrbjörn, had by early 945 AD largely stabilised his reign. He had the political factions – where his two brothers were most the prominent pretenders - largely under control and continued to build his demesne, largely through raiding, and had another aid about to set forth. Styrbjörn’s vassals continued to both fight one another and against neighbouring leaders to expand their holdings, which also saw the Empire’s boundaries expand gradually, even though the almost omnipresent anti-Fylkir defensive pacts remained in place. The Germanic faith continued to gain adherents, while the Fylkir’s vassals only adopted feudalism very slowly – the vast majority remained tribal lords.
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1. Council, Legal and Administrative Matters
Acting on the advice of the learned members of the Þing, Styrbjörn immediately appointed mayors to hold the four cities within his feudalised demesne. They all seemed to be very happy with their appointments and their Fylkir.
Mayor Kjartan of Holmgarðr’s opinion of Styrbjörn was typical of his newly appointed peers.
A few months later, the Fylkir decided to make a change to realm law, in the hope future acquisitions might require his span of control to be increased. The change to increase centralisation passed with the full support of the Council after a brief consideration.
In early November 945, the mad – but trusty – old Chancellor Grimr became the fifth Russian vassal to swear feudal oaths to his emperor.
But the loyal Grimr had only months to enjoy the fruits of his embrace of feudalism: he died peacefully in April 946, with his inheritance (one county in Russia, plus the other original holding in Ireland) split within his family upon succession. So passed, with uncharacteristic peacefulness, one of the more colourful, loyal and effective court characters of the period.
This left an important vacancy at the head of the Council, of course. And the best candidate available in the realm was good enough that Styrbjörn felt no need for a foreign recruit. Chief Refil of Járnberaland was an accomplished diplomat, still very young, actively sought a council appointment and already retained a high opinion of his emperor, in large part due to a recent gift [the reasons for which are explained in Section 2 below].
He was immediately sent to continue the diplomatic mission to the powerful and touchy Jarl Bertil II ‘the Devil’ of Brabant. Confirmation of Refil's appointment as designated regent followed a couple of weeks later. By that time, he had become one of the loyal members of the Emperor’s Party on Council.
With things otherwise remaining fairly quiet on the Council front during this period, good news was received from Spymaster Jarl Helgi a year later, in April 947: his research in Constantinople (where he had begun his information gathering mission in 945) paid off, though it was information on military doctrine, rather than the hoped-for cultural area. The desired advancement in Legalism would have to wait.
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2. Factions and Politics
The factional ebb and flow was constant throughout this period, but as the Emperor was able to keep it largely under control with only the occasional need to intervene directly, the Rurikid scroll trove now contained only limited references to these events.
But by late August 945, enough momentum was building in a range of factions that Styrbjörn felt the need to take some action. Bertil himself was considered too expensive to buy off – hence the continuing diplomatic mission there by Chancellor Grimr (at that time), which would ultimately pay off. Three other factional members were however sent gifts and they soon left factional politics behind them. One, Chief Refil, would later be brought into the Imperial Council as an Imperial Loyalist, such was his change of attitude.
Then in December came the disquieting news that Helgi had developed the ambition to become King of Garðariki! But would he act on it any time soon? Styrbjörn wondered darkly whether it might not be an entirely bad thing if his powerful kinsman fell afoul of his Byzantine hosts … permanently.
Just a few weeks later, on 24 December, came news from faithful old Chancellor Grimr ‘Son of Hel’ that his mission to Brabant had succeeded in improving relations with Jarl Bertil ‘the Devil’ [to +31]. He would continue to work on Styrbjörn’s most powerful vassal: perhaps the two got along well because of, if not in spite of, their ‘colourful’ personalities.
There was even better news for the Emperor in March 946: word came of the unsurprising early death of Jarl Kezhevat of Yaroslavl, Styrbjörn’s former childhood captor, who had robbed him of the jarldom his father Eilif had bequeathed to him all those years ago. Kezhavat’s nine year old son had inherited the title. The gears began turning in Styrbjörn’s mind …
It took a year for him to act, as his main force was still out raiding until March 947 [see Section 5 below] but in April 947, Styrbjörn summoned his Council.
“Refil, how strong is my claim on the Jarldom of Yaroslavl?” asked the Emperor of his recently appointed Chancellor. “Would it cause any wider political problems if I sought to revoke it from the usurper’s whelp?”
“Young Virdyan would be outraged, of course, but no one else will care, as your claim is strong. The Council would support you on this matter.”
“Excellent! Go ahead and draw up the papers.” Styrbjörn then turned to Marshal Barid. “Summon my Swedish and Russian levies, just in case the junior upstart chooses to resist.”
The writ of revocation was duly issued on 21 April 947, as the levies began to concentrate.
At that time, the factions within the Empire were at their lowest ebb for a number of years. Only the principal claims on Russia by his two brothers remained, and neither had much (if any) support from the other vassals. Importantly, Bertil was no longer active in any faction after the ongoing charm offensive.
Then a day later, a letter arrived from young Jarl Virdyan (or his regent, anyway) humbly submitting to the revocation: there would be no internal war after all.
It was only after the act was complete that it occurred to Styrbjörn that the two counties associated with the title had not come with it, and he had no legitimate claim to either at present. The mental gears began turning again … but nothing more was acted upon before the end of 947.
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3. Vassal Wars
The ever-acquisitive Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel launched another war of conquest in June 945, seeking to take the rich coastal province of Azov from the Christian King Mamia ‘the Accursed’ of Georgia. The war would still be going by December 947.
The very next day, Styrbjörn’s brother Tolir finally won the long war over Vestmannaland against Jarl Totil or Sviþjod. Tolir’s reach was extending further west from his original base and his power rose correspondingly.
By April 946, as Sumarliði’s war for Azov continued, Jarl Tryggve ‘the Unready’ of Ryazan (another of the territorially ambitious Russian lords) launched his own bid for the Georgian province of Abkhazia. By now, it seems King Mamia had either died or been deposed, replaced by a man named Ishkhanik, whose problems only seemed to be multiplying. This war would also remain unresolved by December 947.
Next came a relatively brief internal revocation war, launched by Jarl Helgi for the county of Belo Ozero against the unfortunate chief of that province, a Slovensky by the name of Miemo, who refused to yield to his liege’s demand that he relinquish his title. The fighting only lasted from 11 October 946 to 14 May 947, ending in Miemo’s surrender and another acquisition for Helgi’s personal demesne.
And on 23 April 947, Jarl Bertil began another of his bold (foolhardy?) attempts to conquer a county in Britannia, this time Sussex, currently controlled by King Bouchard the Fat. Time would tell whether this was any more likely to succeed than his previous failed attempts over there.
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4. Family and Personal Affairs
Styrbjörn’s concubine Beata af Vitebsk announced her latest pregnancy on 31 July 945. But it must have ‘unsettled her humours’, because on 1 November Helgi’s agents uncovered a plot whereby she sought to murder Styrbjörn’s second son (by the Empress), Prince Sigurðr, then aged 13 and heir to the Kingdom of Sviþjod. Such plots were a relatively common occurrence in Russian courts and when confronted with the evidence by an angry Emperor, Beata swore the plot would end and asked for forgiveness. Which, for the sake of their unborn child, he gave.
Whether it was spurred by this episode, or just a random occurrence where he had been subjected to criticism from within his family or the court, in late 945 Styrbjörn noted in his personal journal that he had discovered a new-found patience: this should definitely make him a better ruler in most respects, he believed. And was better than becoming an angry man by seeking vengeance over so petty a slight.
And this patience was rewarded on 1 March 946, with the birth of another daughter by Beata: Vigdis. She would be taught to be thrifty.
But the Gods, as ever, gave with one hand and took away with another. Styrbjörn’s older cousin, Rikulfr Helgisson – one-time heir presumptive under the old gavelkind succession rules – passed away peacefully three weeks later. He died as he had lived – in obscurity and without fanfare.
By mid-946, the previous infidelity of Empress Ulfhildr ‘the Unfaithful’ was finally forgiven. Not only that, but the love between them had grown further. And despite her cancer (which must not have been too aggressive), Ulfhildr managed to keep on keeping on.
Later that year, Styrbjörn took stock of his personal strengths and weaknesses as a ruler and decided to do something about his worst vulnerability: his nearly total lack of skill regarding the murky world of intrigue. The initial effects of this change were immediate and he hoped more opportunities to improve his skills would arise as time went by, even if the switch of focus had diminished his diplomatic skills a little.
On 28 May 947, Crown Prince Eilif came of age. It seemed his military studies had been very successful, the young man being described as a skilled tactician, brave and fairly virtuous. Though also cynical and ‘a bit queer’, according to court gossip. So, he was an accomplished military leader but run-of-the-mill in other skill-sets.
Rumour or not, his first duty as heir was mandated: a royal marriage was arranged straight away. The best prospect available of a similar age was young Björg, an apparently good Norse girl from the minor nobility of Tyrconnell. The offer was made for her to join the court and the most powerful Norse royal family in the world as the likely future Empress of Russia.
There was only ever going to be one answer. She arrived (by extremely fast boat) on 1 June and the two were married that day. With Imperial prestige abundant but cash always an issue, a Royal Aid Duty was called for. Björg had no direct claims to land, but it turned out she was the daughter of the Marshal of the Jomsvikings! It may not be the substantive connection to the Norse military order a marriage into the leader's family might have afforded, but could hardly do any harm.
Little relevant family news was recorded for the next years and a half, with a footnote to history being the death of a minor member of the royal family. It is said that Ingjerðr, daughter of that old ogre Hakon (and thus Styrbjörn’s cousin), succumbed to rabies on 12 December 947. She was 47 years old and had been married to the powerful and ambitious Tryggve de Normandie (ie the successful one), Jarl of Ryazan and Imperial Advisor.
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5. Imperial Raids and Wars
In February 945, the Emperor’s raiders were in the northern Black Sea and deciding on a new target for their depredations. It was determined that the one-county Duchy of Cyprus would make an excellent choice: it was not too far away; its Doux was a renowned snivelling coward, with a suspect character and virtually no military ability; there should be no chance of external resistance; and there would be rich pickings. The mixed raiding force of Russian Imperial Guardsmen and levies set sail once more.
They fell upon the unsuspecting Cypriots on 5 April, setting siege lines against the formidable castle of Famagusta and raking the countryside for ‘loose change’. The castle fell on 14 September, yielding almost 65 gold and a hostage, Princess Vadamerca, who was immediately ransomed to the Doux for another 10 gold. And back in the capital, it was discovered that the serial Karelian pest Chief Tuure of Ääninen now had the 10 gold to ransom a hostage taken in a raid some years before. Ka-ching!But Russia also paid a blood price for Famagusta : 441 men died during the five-month siege.
The less well-fortified Nikosia was the next to fall on 8 December, adding almost 93 gold to the treasure chests, though another 84 raiders were sent to the underworld. Cythium was taken on 15 March 946, yielding over 56 gold but costing 178 Russian soldiers. Saint Hilarion followed on 3 May, bringing a little less than 22 gold, but not costing any raiders to seize.
The county had delivered the last available plunder by 2 June, but the fleet still had some room left for more treasure, so the raiders moved to the other county on the island – Limisol. This was part of the powerful Byzantine Empire but, being so isolated, the Russians forged ahead without any worries. The castle itself fell on 12 January 947 (67.7 gold, 206 raiders killed). The last available treasure was scrounged up by 2 February and the raiders boarded ship, the chests filled close enough to capacity with loot after almost exactly two years of effort.
They returned to port in March and the gold was sent back to the capital, where the Emperor would seek to put it to good use.
Rather than launching another inevitably long raid, by early April a target for conquest was being sought. The Emperor’s covetous eyes fell on Sarpa, an isolated eastern province of Iva Struma’s Bulgarian Revolt. It looked like no one was home, it was close by and, as rebels, they were not part of the Christian pact. Not only that, but though not currently rich, it was a Silk Road county. Those Russian eyes became even greedier.
By 8 April 947, the last levies had been stood down and the Imperial Guard, now up to its full strength of 1,700 men, had already started marching to Sarpa by the time war was declared on the unfortunate Iva.
The siege of Sarpa began on 29 May and was over just two months later, with only light casualties suffered. But it looked like it was going to take a long time for a victory to come in the war.
A small Bulgarian rebel army (just 200 men) appeared to the north of Sarpa on 21 November [warscore 17% by then]. Additional levies from the ultimately unnecessary troop muster leading up to the Yaroslavl Revocation (mentioned previously) had joined the Guard in Sarpa at that point. With now around 2,400 men, two Russian forces headed out to try to bring the Bulgarians to battle [in the hope of increasing the warscore, and knowing that a land battle would need to be won to force a capitulation].
But the Bulgarians proved somewhat elusive and it wasn’t until 3 December that a revised plan would bring the enemy within Styrbjörn’s grasp. And that grasp was personal. Despite being only a mediocre military commander, he decided he would return to the tradition of the warrior leader and took personal command of 700 Guardsmen and a hundred or so levies (not yet included in the total on the map below) heading to Don-Portage, while Velmayka took 700 Guardsmen to Sarkel (where the Bulgarians had been heading) and Gorm stayed to keep Sarpa secured with another 1,000.
As events transpired, instead of continuing to Tana the enemy stopped in Don-Portage and it was there that the Emperor personally sounded the charge to attack on 30 December 947. His army was simply too large, well trained and heavily armed for the Bulgarians to contend with. When the pursuit ended on 19 January 948, only three Russians had been lost while over half the enemy company was killed. Styrbjörn had won his first battle in his own right, even if it proved a walk-over.
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6. Building and the Economy
The year 945 saw a range of infrastructure projects both finished and commenced, as the funds from the latest raid were applied to the Emperor’s home demesne (with some cash set aside for persuading vassals to leave factions and other contingencies). On 24 March, a level two barracks was finished in the capital castle of Nygarðr, and the next level was started straight away: it would cost around 282 gold (from a treasury of 477) and take 666 days to build. It was completed on 20 January 947.
A week later, level two stables were completed in Aldeigjuborg Castle (Ladoga). Given how often the county was raided by the troublesome Finns, a shallow moat (ie. level one castle fortifications) was commenced on 31 March, at a cost of 71 gold and taking 168 days. It was duly completed on 30 September, but by then the treasury was down to 81 gold, so no more projects were being commissioned, nor would be until the next raid was finished.
By late July 945, a survey of the core Imperial demesne counties showed that feudalism and continued development was beginning make them wealthy – forming a small but deepening sea of prosperity within the poorer Russian tribal hinterland. They were now the four richest counties for many hundreds of miles around, led of course by Holmgarðr itself. But the realm was still heavily reliant on raiding for economic growth.
It was not until 21 April 947, after the Cyprus raid returned to port, that the next new project - an expanded barracks (to level two) in Starya Russa (Toropets) - was begun (172 gold, 509 days). In addition, a new Housecarl Training Ground was begun in the capital, which was becoming a key centre for heavy infantry training.
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7. Religion
The grey cloak of Odin’s wisdom enfolded another five counties in the Russian Empire in a bit of a flurry in 946 AD, the gains including Western Europe, Sweden and the central Russian expanse. Nordgau converted on 8 February; Mari on 19 February; Desht-i-Kipchak on 20 April, Herjadal on 8 July; and Mstislavl on 25 November. The march of Reformed Germanicism now saw it dominate the Empire – though the spread of Norse culture seemed to have stalled entirely.
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8. Conclusion
As the year 947 ended, the border war for Sarpa progressed slowly but steadily – though it did severely limit options for launching new adventures while it crawled along. Political factions were proving amenable to influence when necessary, without too heavy a hand or great a financial cost. Jarl Helgi continued to be a rather unpredictable, ambitious and sometimes violent operator, but remained loyal enough and doing his job down in Constantinople.
The adoption of feudalism was still very slow, but this also meant the Emperor’s personal demesne grew more economically and in troop strength compared to most other Russian counties – and thus in the eternal jockeying for relative power between liege and vassals. Imperial family life remained as ‘interesting’ as ever, with the usual births, deaths, marriages, epiphanies and plots. The Emperor and Empress were now fully reconciled and the Crown Prince had come of age, making Styrbjörn more willing to indulge his desire to be an old-fashioned ‘hands-on’ Viking military leader.
A later portrait impression of the young Crown Prince Eilif Rurikid who, if he did indeed live to inherit, would be one day crowned as Emperor Eilif II of Russia. He was a curious mix of supposed homosexual appetites and military prowess and, by all accounts, not a bad man and not incompetent in any of the five ‘cardinal skills’.
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Endnote:I had no specific questions arising from this chapter, which covered the first three years of a six-year session. But as always, any general advice, comments or questions will be warmly welcomed. There will be a major ‘taking of stock’ at the end of the next chapter, in which a few gameplay questions also arise. The images for that are largely edited, so it will take less time to prepare when it comes time to write it up. Thank you for reading and supporting this story!
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Chapter 117: It Takes Time (1 January 948 to 9 December 950)
Chapter 117: It Takes Time (1 January 948 to 9 December 950)
AuthAAR’s Note:Yes, it’s been a long time since the last update, what with real life, the traditional slow forum holiday season, a seriously mad real world, other AAR writing and concurrent work on my HOI3 mod. But, as promised, the story returns. I’m continuing the thematic history book format as we finish off the second part of the last session. So if it’s too long back to recall many of the details and the brief synopsis below is not enough, it could be worth skimming through the last chapter (which isn’t too long) as a refresher. Anyway here comes a bumper edition, with plenty of questions.
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Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … the Fylkir’s border war for Sarpa continued well enough, but slowly; it thus limited options for launching new adventures. Political factions were being influenced when necessary, with some success, as Styrbjörn’s reign settled down. Jarl Helgi was becoming more unpredictable, ambitious and sometimes violent, though he remained outwardly loyal to Styrbjörn and applied himself to his Spymaster duties in Constantinople. The powerful magnates of the realm remained active, whether battling each other or seeking territorial gains on the Empire’s borders. Germanicism was expanding, while feudalism and Norse culture spread far more slowly within the realm.
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1. Council, Legal and Administrative Matters
18 January 948 brought sad news – Old Marshal Barid [Martial 22]died of natural causes at the age of 68. One of Styrbjörn’s powerful and sometimes troublesome brothers, Jarl Gorm of Bolghar - himself a very competent commander - was brought it to fill the vacancy.
He balanced the Council out as a ‘glory hound’. But it did ensure he was now inside the tent – and hopefully pissing out! One Hrafn, then Marshal of Uglich was soon invited to court and arrived on 7 February. He was renowned as a genius and an excellent officer [Martial 20] and soon filled the commander's position vacated by Gorm after his elevation.
The Council remained stable and generally highly loyal during the following months. Given Germancism was spreading so well without the need for personal proselytising, the Seer was set to work in late August 948 to research cultural technology – something which had not been attempted in the realm before this time.
Ch 117 Q1: Cultural Research Mission.From the pop-up I can tell that cultural tech spread rate is increased – I suppose that should indirectly and eventually increase the research points once counties individually ‘level up’ in cultural tech? Interested if that’s how it works, how significant the effect is and any other illuminating points about this mission. Also is a ‘great philosopher’ of major use or benefit to research (cultural or otherwise)?
In October 948, the otherwise nondescript Chief Pakstyan of Kostroma founded an independence faction. Overall factional politics will be described in more detail in the next section, but the key point here is that, having thus unwisely drawn the Fylkir’s attention, Chancellor Refil was sent to Kostroma on 11 October to fabricate a claim on Pakstyan's county.
“He doesn’t deserve to hold it – so I will take it for my own,” was Styrbjörn’s succinct guidance as he sent Refil on his way.
Refil completed his task successfully in June of the following year – and the Fylkir had the ready cash and ample prestige to press it.
But when he moved a motion to revoke the title from the upstart, he found his purpose unexpectedly blocked. Jarl Tryggve the Unready had called in favours with three other Council members to thwart the revocation, meaning there were only three votes (including Styrbjörn’s) for and five against! Had he proceeded with the revocation, Styrbjörn would have been branded a tyrant – which he was not prepared to see happen.
Just one of those three voting yes would have enabled the motion to pass: the Fylkir would now have to bide his time. He had been warned about the perils of ceding authority to the Council – but it had been unavoidable in order to see feudalism introduced within the Empire. Styrbjörn also noticed that Godi Åke was no longer a loyalist, leaving his position that much weaker in Council politics.
After another year, the Council was fully against the revocation at Tryggve’s behest – despite his highly favourable opinion of Styrbjörn. Purchasing a favour of him in return was considered, but discounted as both too expensive, while it was uncertain it could be used to reverse the current situation anyway.
As 950 was drawing to a close, the whole Council remained in Tryggve’s pocket, a couple only for another five months, but one – Jarl Gorm – for another two years! With Seer Hysing now the only true loyalist left, Refil was sent a ‘small gift’ to see if he could at least be swayed back to the loyalist party once more, in case some other contested matter came before the Council in the coming months.
Refil was then sent to Austerbotn, to see if a claim could be fabricated for it – and its valuable shipyards. And if successful, perhaps its revocation would not be blocked as had happened with Kostroma.
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2. Factions and Politics
It seemed the southward expansion of the realm had by March 948 brought it into contact with another of the more murky societies: the Assassins. It was feared this may become a bit of a worry if any Muslim subjects or acquaintances joined or used them: but it was a path barred to Styrbjörn and any true Germanic follower.
Ch 117 Q2: The Assassins.Do I have anything much to be worried about with these guys? Can neighbouring Muslim rulers, for example, decide they want to rub out the Fylkir using them?
The never-ending work to try to keep the more powerful vassals happy – or as much as they could be – went on. Jarl Bertil of Brabant was given a spare Hirdman appointment in January 948, while Chancellor Refil had successfully wooed him twice more by mid-May that year. These actions brought Bertil to quite a good opinion of the Fylkir. And meant the Chancellor to be easily spared for other tasks – such as concocting claims on unruly vassals.
The despised – but for now protected – Chief Pakstyan doubled down on his opposition to the Fylkir by joining the ‘Jarl Gorm for Russia’ faction on 10 July 949. Might it be tit-for-tat payback for the Fylkir’s attempt to claim is title? The point was moot. The faction still only commanded troops equal to 30.8% of Styrbjörn’s troop strength. So while it was not an immediate threat, but the target on Pakstyan’s back grew even larger.
The heir to the Imperial throne, young Prince Eilif, approached his father mid-year seeking support for a plot to eliminate some otherwise unimportant young rival of his. The Fylkir wanted to humour his son in such harmless hijinks, so gave his support.
“Boys will be boys,” Styrbjörn chuckled indulgently.
By late 949, Jarl Totil had founded a new faction, made more dangerous when the powerful (and influential) Jarl Tryggve joined it in early January of 950. This time, firm action was taken to break it down, providing a small case study of Styrbjörn’s approach to factional politics in this period. Tryggve was bribed and by 19 January the entire faction had disbanded. The others were allowed to simmer along.
By late November 950, the various factions remained fairly well under control.
As at 9 December 950, Jarl Bertil remained (on paper anyway) the most powerful of the Russian magnates, followed by Helgi, Bodil and Tryggve. The Imperial brothers Tolir and Gorm remained in the top rung of lords, but a little 'down the list' in terms of their comparative military power.
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3. Family and Personal Affairs
While Styrbjörn was campaigning in the south in Don-Portage in early 948, his new focus on the sly arts led him to take note of some stories circulating about a certain ‘tailor’ with an 'intriguing' background…
But as his quest to improve his least impressive ability was just beginning, distressing news about his favourite cousin and former Seer Kolbjörn reached him from Romny in the far north.
The reason for this horrific act were not clear, but the consequences were. Now Helgi was formally branded with the opprobrium of being a known kinslayer. He seemed to be becoming more eccentric and violent as he grew older. In August that year, there was another burning: this time Chief Mstislav of Luki (a Slovensky) – though in his case he was an infidel Slavic worshipper, albeit succeeded by a son (Tihomir) of the same faith.
The Fylkir’s daughter Princess Aleta was married to the lowborn new commander Hrafn on 7 February 948. The marriage was matrilineal and with a significant loss of prestige [-400], but the man was a genius and Styrbjörn hoped it might rub off on any children.
Styrbjörn’s found out in June 948 that his family would be expanding again soon, after his concubine Beata af Vitebsk announced she was pregnant. Another son, Örvar, was born in January the following year.
And the lessons with his old spymaster tutor also progressed well during 948.
With few family or personal affairs of note for the next few years, a tree of the Fylkir’s immediate family was produced in December 950 and has recently been uncovered in the scroll trove.
Prince Sigurðr, 18 years old by then, was something of a disappointment – happier with dusty books than with a sword in his hand.
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4. Vassal Wars
After recent campaigns, it was the Jarls of Russia who had been adding more territory to the Empire through their border conquests than action from the Fylkir. Not all the attempted conquests succeeded, but many did. And the Jarls were not averse to fighting each other – even when they were brothers, like the de Normandies. In January 948, Jarls Tryggve of Ryazan and Sumarliði of Sarkel were at war with Georgia for two separate claims, while Jarl Gorm of Bolghar fought his Holy War for Ugra.
In April 948, Jarl Totil of Sviþjod declared a new internal claim war for the Jarldom of Hälsingland on its lord, Jarl Erkki II. Totil would win the fight just six months later, usurping the Jarldom on 14 October 948, with Erkki demoted to Count of Helsingland.
Also in April, High Chieftess Bodil of Lithuania became known as ‘the Strong’ – even though her military record was patchy against her various targets on the western border. But she was not daunted, launching a war to conquer Kurzeme on King Witosz the Tormentor of Poland a few months later, in June 948. Jarl Helgi was soon called into the war as an ally. But Poland proved too powerful even for their combined forces and by January 950 Witosz and his vassals, with assistance from his own ally King Dietmar of Burgundy, had Bodil on the run [78% war score in Witosz’s favour]. Bodil's army was scattered, while Helgi’s forces besieged one of Witosz’s counties on the Baltic coast, far away from the Polish main force , which had by then occupied Smaljeska(Smolensk). The conquest attempt finally ended in defeat for Bodil in October 950.
But Jarl Tryggve (supposedly the ‘Unready’ de Normandie, though he always seemed to be well enough prepared) had more success in the south, finishing off his war against King Ishkhanik of Georgia on 1 Jun 948 with the conquest of Abkhazia (along with its temple and city). This expanded the Empire's beachhead on the north-eastern shore of the Black Sea.
Tryggve’s long-running feud with his brother came to an end just a few weeks later: Jarl Refil (many quipped his name was actually ‘Re-fill’) had long been an unhealthy man and died of stress at the age of 59.
His son Botulfr inherited – whose ambitions got in the way of a good relationship with his Fylkir. Of some worry also was his singular notable personal skill – in intrigue.
Styrbjörn’s brother Jarl Gorm was the next to succeed in conquest, this time winning his Holy War for Ugra on 6 October 948. This was an important victory, which linked the eastern marches to the main body of the Empire.
Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel extended his record of conquest by also winning his ongoing war again the Georgian King on 13 January 949, usurping the Chiefdom of Azov and thus creating a land link to the two Russian-held provinces on the Black Sea coast. At this stage, the Fylkir’s long-running attempt to conquer nearby Sarpa, on the Don River, continued [war score 67% - more details in Section 5 below].
Tryggve started another expedition in November 949, this time seeking to conquer Belgorod (on the Black Sea coast, west of the Crimea) from King Antal or Bulgaria. That war was still be going by December 950 [war score just +1% in Antal's favour].
In June 950, surprising news came from the Jarldom of Sarkel: Sumarliði, the great conqueror, had been deposed from his Jarldom by the new Jarl Halsten! It was uncertain how he had come to lose his seat to a usurper – but as was his wont, Sumarliði did not wait long to respond. On 4 October 950, he sought revenge by raising the flag of revolt against Halsten: it would be interesting to see who would triumph in this internecine war [war score +8% in Sumarliði's favour by December 950]. Some entertaining blood sport for the Fylkir!
A map of the territories controlled by the Empire by December 950 is included at the end of the next section.
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5. Imperial Wars and Military Matters
5a. The Sarpa War
January saw the Fylkir’s claim war for Sarpa dragging on [war score +24%]: the county itself had been long subdued, but at that point it was a matter of ‘running the clock down’ for the enemy to yield – Iva of the Bulgarian Revolt had enough other holdings to make the loss of Sarpa a mere annoyance at this stage.
The new commander, Hrafn, was Styrbjörn’s son-in-law by June 948 and had taken on the noble family name of Hede. And the new Marshal, Jarl Gorm, announced on 6 June that Hrafn’s military skills had improved even further [to 23, with Defender trait gained]. The war for Sarkel had progressed [war score +44%] but was far from over. In fact, it had become so routine that in early July, the levies were mustered and the ships summoned to Ingria so a raid could be conducted in the meantime.
As that process worked through, on 10 September the heir, Prince Eilif [Martial 15], was made an Imperial Commander, replacing some no-hoper who had somehow inherited a slot when the Fylkir was not paying attention. As Styrbjörn had resumed the mantle of Rurikid martial action in the Viking tradition, so too would his son. In following weeks, two more new commanders were appointed: there was another Sölvi [Martial 19] on 22 September. And a new man invited from the court of Vitebsk who arrived on 3 October: Gunnar was a competent commander in general [Martial 12] but his main claim to fame was being an expert siege master.
The ships (44) and men (over 3,300) were assembled in Finland[Sarpa war score 60% by then]. On 16 November 948, the Seer invoked the Sacred Raiding Toggle – but his invocation was (according to legend, as reported in the Rurikid scroll trove) met with a single bolt of lightning from a clear sky, which struck the rune-stone and sundered it, showering fragments on those gathered near.
They had forgotten the Laws of the Gods [of CK2]: “Thou mayn’t raid whilst engaged in a war!” Thor had spoken.
Oops.Yes, I’d forgotten the rule as that stupid minor war went on … and on … and on!
Rather than disbanding the laboriously assembled force, it was decided the fleet would sail first to Flanders, to pick up another 485 Imperial levies waiting there, then head to the Black Sea. Perhaps they could help bring the war for Sarpa to a more rapid finish if they invaded the homeland of the Bulgarian Revolt itself, mused the Russian leadership. The pick-up was completed on 21 February 949 and the fleet then sailed on, all the way around Spain, across the Mediterranean and past mighty Constantinople to the Black Sea, where they would not arrive for another three months.
The day they arrived off Karvuna, 20 May 949, a ‘two year warning’ was received by Styrbjörn about a would-be adventurer, a Hungarian by the name of Konrád Vilmofsi Drugeth, Steward of Feher. He was expected to assemble an invasion force by 20 May 951. But more immediately, it was time to land in the heartland of the Bulgarian Revolt.
But a lack of supplies immediately plagued the force of almost 4,000 men, for whom the only enemy to be feared was starvation. As became clear after a month of siege work and no major enemy force to engage in open combat, thus perhaps precipitating an end to the war [score +84%]. They sailed away to resupply at the nearby Russian Black Sea enclave, bringing back even more troops when they returned to Karvuna on 4 September. But although the ‘supply clock’ had been re-set, attrition was still a problem, given other conditions.
Building a siege fort was considered, but it seemed that might do nothing to alleviate the small residual attrition problem. In the end, with the war now seemingly almost over [war score +94%], no battle offered by the Bulgarians and attrition slowly mounting, the army embarked again and headed back to Russian territory on 17 October 949.
Ch 117 Q3: Forts and Attrition.I may have got this wrong, but read the tooltip as saying the fort would only help attrition in pagan lands. Or did it mean attrition there was worse, thus making the fort more useful there, but it might have helped a little anyway in Karvuna? I didn’t want to waste precious gold finding out (this being in Ironman mode, so I couldn’t experiment and scum-save) and per above, I had decided to pull out anyway, thinking the war nearly won by then and one more siege was not going to make a difference.
In any case, by 1 November 949 the Fylkir’s relative lack of personal expansionist aggression over recent years had brought his perceived threat so low that both pacts – Christian and pagan – against him had disbanded! It may not last and he could not take advantage while the nagging war for Sarpa continued, but this was still a welcome diplomatic development.
The main army was back on home soil by late November and those who could be were safely dismissed. A small levy was called out in Holmgarðr in December to oust some raiders (one of the subordinate Karelian chiefs) who had appeared in Ladoga. An Imperial regiment of 865 men defeated the raiding force of 292 by 13 January 950.
Early February 950 saw the Imperial Guard – at its full strength of 1,700 men by that time – take ship from the Black Sea to take the rivers of Russia back north [with the Sarpa war score frustratingly stuck at 99%].
Chancellor Refil was directed to investigate why the Bulgarians would not surrender in March. The answer came back on 16 March: the problem was that none of the field victory won at Kalach earlier in the war did not count as a ‘major victory’ in Iva’s eyes. Though it was also reported that after nearly three years of the war, she would soon acknowledge the inevitable.
The Guard arrived in Kexholm on 29 April – ready for whatever the Emperor might next task them with, once the war for Sarpa was won. That day finally came on 2 May 950, with the Silk Road county coming under direct Imperial control. Styrbjörn would hold onto the county for himself for now [even if it is the ‘wrong type’]– but his plans to build a trading post there were frustrated. The nearby port county of Tana could potentially house one, but not Sarpa itself. Though it did remain a potentially rich source of income, once developed.
Ch 117 Q4: Sarpa.Another lesson learned. This whole drawn-out episode has proven something of a farce, I must admit … though a pretty good ‘character-building’ learning experience! On Sarpa, should I now hand it over to the ‘right’ type of ruler, to let them develop it (and eventually pay me taxes)? Or maybe wait for it to ‘turn feudal’ (presuming that is the reason the tribal holding is labelled the ‘wrong type’) so I can develop it myself to later boost the Imperial coffers more directly?
The next day, King Ishkhanik of Georgia re-founded the Christian defensive pact against Styrbjörn – no great surprise there, really.
5b. The Karelian War
But it was now time to act against the Karelian upstarts, long a festering sore to the north of the Empire and frequent raiders of sacred Russian soil. Council approval for this vote was unanimous. A Holy War would be called in the hope of claiming the entire Karelian country. Despite threat perceptions of the Fylkir rising again.
Imperial demesne levies in Sweden and Russia only (around 4,000 men) were mustered, with no vassals called in. High Chief Pudak responded by beginning to call in his allies from 17 May. The first battle of the war was fought in Karjala from 28 May to 15 June, where the Imperial Guard (1,700 men, 20 casualties) led by Styrbjörn himself easily beat Pudak’s levy (431 men, 139 casualties).
But there was a setback in Narva when 152 of the mustering levies were caught by a Karelian force of 535 invading from the sea on 21 June. The Imperial levy company retreated as soon as it could, but had lost 43 men for only three enemy killed by 6 July.
While levies mustered in Ingria, the Guard finished its siege of Karjala on 12 August 950 for the loss of 41 troops [war score +43%]. Styrbjörn then turned the Guard around to march back to Kexholm, where 583 Karelian allied troops were besieging it.
As often seemed to happen, at this moment a peasant revolt of around 1,500 yokels broke out in a distant Russian holding, this time in Wolgast (a holding in northern Germany) on 1 September. It would have to be left to simmer for now.
Styrbjörn caught the Karelians in Kexholm on 4 September and had led the Guard to another victory by the 26th, losing just eight of his 1,699 men while killing 207 of the 583 enemy. By then, the enemy force in Narva had taken ship and departed for an unknown destination.
The next milestone was reached on 16 October, when a 1,800-man army of Russian levies seized the tribal fort of Ääninen for the loss of 42 troops[war score to +88%].
But bad news arrived just five days later, with the tribal fort at Wolgast falling to the rebels. This would not do: with the Karelian war well in hand, the next day a force of around 1,450 men led by Imperial commander Holmger and Jarl Oddr took ship in Ingria, aiming to pick up 200 reinforcements along the way and drive the irritating rebels out. Alas, during this voyage, Holmger succumbed to a bout of scurvy on 13 November (he should have eaten more fresh fruit!).
Styrbjörn, commanding a flank of the Guard in Austerbotn as they attacked a large Karelian force in late November, made such an impression on the battlefield as he led a charge on the enemy’s centre that he became known as an inspiring battlefield leader – even though his tactical skills may be modest.
But the very next day, even as the battle in Austerbotn continued, Pudak sent a letter to the Fylkir: he had renounced his heathen Suomenusko Gods and converted to Germanicism.
Styrbjörn was furious, privately accusing Pudak of a cynical and insincere ploy to let him wriggle out of a war he was bound to lose. But there was nothing to be done about it – for now. The Karelian Holy War had lost its casus belli and was over.
5c. The Post-bellum Situation
By 9 December 950, the relief force was approaching its drop-off point to confront the peasant uprising in Wolgast.
The Russian Empire had expanded further in the east and south over the last three years, now stretching from the White to the Black Sea and with contiguous holdings up to the Ural Mountains in the east.
The perceived threat Styrbjörn posed remained comparatively low, with the pagan and Christian pacts having reformed but not yet as all-encompassing as they had been in past years. With Karelia now off the table, ‘sore thumbs’ of land in southern Finland (ie Satakunta), in the far north (the White Sea enclaves) and Mordva in particular stood out. Would Styrbjörn defy the still modest pagan pact in an attempt to seize one of them? Perhaps wait for one to drop out of the pact before pouncing? Or look for some other target – for conquest or raiding – in the meantime?
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6. Building and the Economy
The economy in Styrbjörn’s ‘home counties’ was booming by early 948. Feudalism was lifting their productivity rapidly in comparison to the still primitive tribal Russian lands around them. Holmgarðr itself had now become an appreciably wealthy county, even by wider European standards.
In Toropets, the barracks expansion [to Level 2] was completed in the town of Starya Russa in September 948. An further expansion [to Level 3] would cost 286 gold (from a treasury of 458), but could not be started until the castle walls had been extended [from Level 1 to 2]. The funds were kept in the bank for now.
And on 7 February 949, a new Housecarl training ground was completed in the capital. A stock-take of Nygarðr’s infrastructure at the time showed the facilities it housed after the post-feudalisation reorganisation.
No new building projects were begun during this period, but by December 950 thoughts were turning to the building of hospitals in the crown lands, starting with the capital.
“I am told that the prosperity feudal governance brings also increases our vulnerability to plague and disease,” remarked the Fylkir to his Council as he sought advice on the matter. “If the feudal crown counties are surrounded by tribal lands, does that insulate us from such threats for now? Or might plague sneak in through other means?”
“I am unsure, my Fylkir, we have not really had to confront this matter seriously within our own realm before, other than in Flanders, which has long been feudal land and prone to disease,” replied Steward Åke. “I will do as well customarily do at such times and seek the wisdom of the Þing.”
“Yes, please do so. And if they believe we are now directly vulnerable, ask them if we should build hospitals in all four of the crown counties as quickly as the budget allows.”
Ch 117 Q5: Hospitals.Seems to me I should probably start to build hospitals in my four core counties, unless the expert advice is that it can be safely delayed for a while.
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7. Religion
The slow but steady march of Germanicism throughout the Empire continued in the three years from 948 to 950 AD. Vermaland (2 August 948), Veliky Ustug (20 August 948), the newly acquired Azov (12 March 950) and Finland (29 April 950) all came into Odin’s during this time. The moral authority of the Germanic faith was at an all-time high.
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8. Conclusion
And so by December 950, Fylkir Styrbjörn, Emperor of Russia, once again stood at a junction in the road. Many possibilities for action were open to him: some mutually exclusive, others which could perhaps be pursued concurrently. As ever, he had a few ideas in mind, but would seek the valued guidance of the Þing as to the pursuit of short- to mid-term goals.
“Fylkir Styrbjörn receives advice from the Þing.” A 17th century painting depicting the Emperor on December 950 AD, after his Holy War against Karelia ended prematurely with its High Chief’s sudden conversion to Reformed Germanicism.
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Questions
Ch 117 Q1: Cultural Research Mission. From the pop-up I can tell that cultural tech spread rate is increased – I suppose that should indirectly and eventually increase the research points once counties individually ‘level up’ in cultural tech? Interested if that’s how it works, how significant the effect is and any other illuminating points about this mission. Also is a ‘great philosopher’ of major use or benefit to research (cultural or otherwise)?
Ch 117 Q2: The Assassins. Do I have anything much to be worried about with these guys? Can neighbouring Muslim rulers, for example, decide they want to rub out the Fylkir using them?
Ch 117 Q3: Forts and Attrition. I may have got this wrong, but read the tooltip as saying the fort would only help attrition in pagan lands. Or did it mean attrition there was worse, thus making the fort more useful there, but it might have helped a little anyway in Karvuna? I didn’t want to waste precious gold finding out (this being in Ironman mode, so I couldn’t experiment and scum-save) and per above, I had decided to pull out anyway, thinking the war nearly won by then and one more siege was not going to make a difference.
Ch 117 Q4: Sarpa. Another lesson learned. This whole drawn-out episode has proven something of a farce, I must admit … though a pretty good ‘character-building’ learning experience! On Sarpa, should I now hand it over to the ‘right’ type of ruler, to let them develop it (and eventually pay me taxes)? Or maybe wait for it to ‘turn feudal’ (presuming that is the reason the tribal holding is labelled the ‘wrong type’) so I can develop it myself to later boost the Imperial coffers more directly?
Ch 117 Q5: Hospitals. Seems to me I should probably start to build hospitals in my four core counties, unless the expert advice is that it can be safely delayed for a while.
Ch 117 Q6: Next Steps. Any general advice gentle readers may care to offer on where to next. Peace and development? War? Raiding?
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Endnote:I know it has been a long wait since the last update, but it’s nice to be back. I wish you all a happy new year, and encourage you to view:
The AARlander - 2020: a YeAAR in Review generously edited by @DensleyBlair. It’s a locked thread, but if you wish you can comment on it here (the link is also included at the end of the Review). Please give it a read, spread the word, give the authors some ‘likes’ and join the conversation if you wish.
The Q4 2020 ACAs diligently revived last year by @Nikolai, where voting closes on 31 January.
All these AARLand community initiatives can only thrive with your support, so please do. With the awards, as always, while a vote for this work would of course be greatly appreciated, it is an opportunity to support all your favourite authAARs across a range of game genres and categories. I need to shake off my holiday season sloth and vote in them myself, but will do soon. Hope to see you over there!
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Chapter 118: Glorious Battle (9 December 950 to 24 September 952)
Chapter 118: Glorious Battle (9 December 950 to 24 September 952)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Styrbjörn had been forced to accept peace in his almost-won Holy War against the perennially irritating Karelians; now he had to extinguish yet another peasant revolt in one of his vassal’s Pomeranian holdings and then decide what course to take next. Domestically, the Council was still under the thrall of Jarl Tryggve through a network of favours, blocking the Fylkir’s revocation plans for the disgruntled and faction-playing Chief Pakstyan of Kostroma. Sarpa had been occupied, but it seemed some work would be needed to make it into a lucrative feudal outpost on the Silk Road.
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1. Domestic Affairs
Advice from the Þing and the tomes of Wiki the Red had made clear what would be needed to develop Sarpa further. And for reasons of both religion and lack of local expertise, this would be a good distance off.
But as a precaution, a new hospital was begun in the capital to help guard against the ravages of plague, should it ever reach there.
Chancellor Refil was still working on fabricating a claim on Austerbotn. Suggestions had been made about one day revoking the Silk Road terminus of Tana. Currently, such a revocation would not be possible anyway (even ignoring the desirability of a legitimate claim), as it was owned by former-Jarl Sumarliði, who was leading a revolt against Jarl Hasten of Sarkel (who had usurped the tile from him first). It meant Sumarliði both held a temporary title and was not a direct vassal of the Fylkir, invalidating any revocation attempt.
In more gossipy news, in December 950 Sörkver the Lewd – an old personal enemy and a troublesome pants-man – had been made Steward by High Chieftess Bodil of Lithuania. It must have been too much (of either honour or work) for the old lecher, as he expired as soon as news of the promotion found him! Styrbjörn had a good chuckle.
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Sadder news of another death came in May 951 when Empress Ulfhildr – whose previous dalliances had long been forgiven by the Fylkir – succumbed to her long battle with cancer. Courtiers encouraged him to remarry quickly, but he was not really interested and thought he had plenty of children already (six with of them with Ulfhildr alone).
In religious matters, the slow spread of Germanicism saw the southern county of Sharukan brought to the Allfather on 28 July 951.
By November that year, the various factions remained under control. And it seemed the Fylkir’s brother Jarl Gorm had lost interest in his own faction.
Twelve days later, it disbanded entirely.
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And on 10 March 952, even Chief Pakstyan was getting bored of plotting – he was the last one out of the faction agitating for elective succession in Sviþjod, closing the door as he left. By then, Tryggve’s hold on the Council was fading: in the next four to nine months, the last three favours owed him by Advisors Jarl Totil and Gorm and Chancellor Refil would expire.
On 1 April, Refil finally succeeded in fabricating the claim on Austerbotn - but Styrbjörn did not have the spare 158 gold needed to use it due to exigent circumstances that will be discussed in the sections below. He feigned piety by letting it go. Even while inwardly disappointed.
News that Naumadal, over in Norway, had come to the true faith on 4 June was at least welcome. At a loose end, Refil was sent in mid-June to start fabricating a claim on Tana – with the hope it would one day be available to revoke and that the treasury to have the cash to confirm it.
More satisfying by far was the news in July that the Council no longer objected to the revocation of Kostroma – which the Fylkir duly enforced, finally adding another county to his personal demesne and making Pakstyan bitter and unlanded. Excellent: win-win-win!
It was the ‘wrong’ (ie tribal) type and not easily converted to feudalism, but that didn’t really worry Styrbjörn: this was personal, not business.
By September 952, Germanicism remained one of the three great European religions, along with Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy.
The spread of Norse culture was far more stubbornly tardy. Outside the ‘core Imperial counties’ of Holmgarðr, in Russia it had only spread to Sugrov in Sarkel.
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2. Military and Diplomatic Affairs - The First Wolgastian Revolt
Despite converting to Germanicism under duress, High Chief Pudak of Karelia refused to become a vassal of the Russian Emperor, largely on the basis of cultural dissonance, and also because Styrbjörn’s lack of a de jure claim. The experiment of offering a small financial inducement improved relations significantly, but the effect on Pudak’s attitude to vassalisation was only slight.
With the Karelian Holy War over prematurely, levies were dismissed where possible, while those still in Karelian territory marched home. Styrbjörn remained with the Imperial Guard in Austerbotn: it might be a useful location for a new foray in the region, if it came to that. The Fylkir had his eye of High Chief Pentti of Satakunta as a useful target: his general plan for the coming years was to try to consolidate the Scandinavian hinterland as a reserve ‘fortress’ for the Norse Russian Empire.
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Hrafn commanded the levy army that had been left under arms and previously sent by sea to put down the rebels in Wolgast. He landed with 1,647 men in nearby Werle on 1 January 951 to rebuild their condition after the voyage. By the 16th, Hrafn judged they had recovered enough and set off west.
As he approached the rebels, on 24 January word came that Warchief Palnatoke of the Jomsvikings had joined the Pagan pact against his Fylkir, Styrbjörn – as its only member!
“What a f&$king liberty!” was the Fylkir’s irritated response to this news.
The Battle of Uckermunde in Wolgast began on 26 January, with 1,652 Russian levies taking on 1,408 more lightly armed peasant rebels. It was all over by 17 February, with 94 Russians and 279 rebels killed. Their leader Sambor surrendered and was imprisoned – hopefully he would still be alive when the next blot came around!
Hrafn’s levy army was disbanded – so Russia would be ready for its next gambit.
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3. Holy War for Satakunta
By late February 951, High Chief Pentti had left the Pagan pact – and would now be targeted in a Holy War for the remaining Finnish counties in thre de jure duchy of Satakunta. Styrbjörn hoped to thus link the two halves of his empire, through the crossing from Finland to Uppsala in Sweden.
Pentti’s own levy was small and not too much trouble was expected from any tribal vassals or allies he might muster. The the Guard was poised to quickly strike Satakunta itself from Austerbotn.
It was only later that the Fylkir and his advisers took note of how prestigious and devout Pentti was. But that was in the future. The Guard, with Hrafn leading and Styrbjörn commanding the right wing, set off south immediately. The Swedish vassal levies – almost 600 in total – would muster near the border with Pentti’s holdings on that side of the Gulf of Bothnia. The available Imperial and vassal levies of the Rus heartland were to gather in Kexholm: they currently numbered 3,889 men, a figure which should increase on the march through friendly territory. Finally, the fleet (44 ships) was recalled from Werle to the Gulf of Finland, in case they may be needed.
Regarding Pentti, by ‘later’, the Rurikid Scroll Trove disclosed that the first problem appeared just two days later: scouts brought word that Pentti had called up a tribal army of 2,500 men. The quick strike on Satakunta was suddenly off. Instead, Styrbjörn and the Guard changed course and made for Kexholm to await reinforcements.
As the Russian levies gathered, news came on 10 March that another 2,500 man tribal army had been raised in Satakunta, with the first already on its way south to the Russian outpost of Finland, which would have to fend for itself. This was going to be a harder fight than had been anticipated.
To be sure of the numbers, and now facing a foe with more than 5,000 men under his banners, Styrbjörn decided to spend some precious coin on a mercenary band. He first thought of the Holy Order of the Jomsvikings – 7,700 determined warriors, who could be hired for around a 190 gold up front retainer, though a huge monthly fee of almost 28 gold would apply. Styrbjörn then had 318 in the coffers. But he discovered the Jomsvikings were already under contract to King Steinn of Jorvik!
Of the other companies in the right price range, the Lithuanian Band run by Captain Bukantas would cost 180 gold and a monthly fee of around 9 gold. For that, Styrbjörn would get 1,800 men, with 900 light and 200 heavy infantry, 400 cavalry and 300 archers. Not world beaters, but a comforting addition to the troops already massing. They were retained on 13 March, gathering in Holmgarðr and then marching off to join everyone else in Kexholm.
Just a week later came a welcome bolt out of the blue: not an ally, so much as an enemy of the Fylkir’s enemy. Uoti of Kemi took Pentti’s moment of distraction to raise a substantial host to claim all his lands in Lappi, on the west of the Gulf of Bothnia. He too raised a 2,500 man tribal army to add to his existing force of 1,316 men. This was just as well, as by then Pentti had raised a 2,000 man religious army to add to his two tribal armies! He had over 7,200 now descending on Finland.
By 13 April Finland was under siege and Pentti had succeeded in calling up most of his vassals, who now added themselves to the fun. The Guard was in Kexholm waiting for the rest of the army to join them.
The main Satakuntan army under Valteri soon assaulted the town walls in Finland and took it on 26 April, losing just 98 men. They then headed west to Häme,arriving there on 9 May. But rather than continuing on for Kexholm, where only about 2,800 Russians had yet gathered, Valteri took his army plus some vassal allies and started heading north for Austerbotn. The Russians let them go, hoping they would now respond to Outi’s host which was now intent on ravaging Pentti’s lands in Lappi.
Valteri would be joined by yet another religious army Pentti had raised, giving him a force of over 9,000 men. The only good thing to be taken from this was that he had now exerted almost all his prestige and piety and should not be able to summon any more of these hosts.
Meanwhile, in June one of Pentti’s vassals had appeared with a force of 686 men in Pskov, making for Luki. Troops not yet in Kexholm would now gather in Ingria to form an army to hunt them down and keep the heartland safe.
The next day, the Russians were reassured when word came that the whole Satakuntan force, now numbering around 9,500 (over 5,100 of whom were light infantry) had arrived in Austerbotn and were continuing north to Kemi. Good news indeed.
On 6 July, Styrbjörn took personal command of the detachment in Ingria: he would lead the chase of the enemy force which was now in Luki. The heir, Prince Eilif, was given command of the small force gathered in Sweden. By 12 July, Styrbjörn had just over 1,200 men and set off south, deciding he now had enough to do the job. The chase was on!
A month later, Styrbjörn was in Holmgarðr and Chief Ihavald’s force from Saaremaa was south of them in Toropets, making east for Torzhok. Styrbjörn feinted the same way, causing Ihavald to stop and head south instead, with Styrbjörn now closer on his heels.
In late August, the Satakuntan army was in Kemi and heading south-west for Uoti’s host in Länsipohja. This gave the all-clear for Velmayka to march the main Russian army (now over 5,800 men, around half heavy infantry) to Uusimaa.
In Russia, news came on 29 August 951 that Sumarliði’s revenge was complete and he was Jarl of Sarkel once more after a successful counter-revolt against Hasten.
On 11 September, Uoti had arrived in Lappi to attack a smaller vassal ally of Pentti’s. Uoti had about 3,800 men against 800 led by Duttá of Länsipohja, winning by 21 September with estimated losses of around 50 men against 300 for Duttá. Styrbjörn was very happy to see the Suomenusko fighting each other far off in the frozen north!
Back in Russia, the Fylkir finally ran Ihavald to ground in Vitebsk on 26 September, leading his troops to a resounding victory by 16 October, in which the enemy commander was captured. Styrbjörn revelled in the glory of blood and battle. It also helped to ‘even out’ the relative balance [ie warscore] of the two sides in the Holy War.
As that battle was won, Velmayka arrived in Uusimaa. With some attrition eating away at his large force, plus a couple of sieges and poorer weather on the way, he received permission to spend precious gold on the first Russian siege fort to be used on foreign territory [at last! ].
Even with the Holy War still in full swing, on 2 October 951 Jarl Gorm decided to support a vassal’s claim in the intricately named ‘Jarl Gorm the Lionheart’s Bulgarian War for Ingemar’s claim on Denmark against King Þorolfr of Denmark’. Jarls will be Jarls, the Fylkir noted indulgentlyof his brother in his personal diary.
It was on 19 October that the ‘big one’ between Uoti’s host and the main Satakuntan army began, when the latter caught up with the invaders in Lappi. The battle lasted until around 10 November, seeing Uoti defeated (as expected), losing around 900 of his 3,700 men, with the Satakunatan force of 9,500 taking around 600 casualties – and subject to attrition as they tried to sustain such a large force in poor country.
Back in Uusimaa, by late October Velmayka’s army was snug in its new siege fort, suffering no attrition and reinforcing at a rate of 70 men per month. Which was just as well, as they were now down to 5,145 in strength after some siege casualties (137) and the departure of 478 of Jarl Gorm’s men, off to join his war against Denmark. The tribal fort fell on 11 November [warscore to +11%] and the siege moved on to the Temple of Porvoo.
By early December 951, Styrbjörn’s financial situation was getting a bit sticky, with only around 32 gold left and troop support costs running an estimated monthly deficit of 14 gold. If things got much worse, the mercenaries may need to be let go, to start with.
On 12 December, Bertil finally managed to win one of his repeated attempts to gain a foothold in Britannia, by winning his conquest of Sussex against King Bourchard the Fat of Luxembourg, who still held Surrey and Kent in his English enclave.
Then on 17 December, a decisive blow was struck in the Holy War, with the fall of the rich Temple of Porvoo in Uusimaa[warscore to +63%]. Over 13 gold was seized, no troops were lost and the enemy host was still stuck freezing its arse off all the way up in Lappi. The next Russian move would probably be to bypass Häme and try to take Satakunta itself, to force Pentti to the bargaining table, despite his superior numbers.
Pentti must have made a similar calculation, because the very next day he took a leaf out of the Karelian play-book and announced his immediate embrace of the Allfather and conversion to Germanicism!
But in this case, with funds running low and the enemy still with over 9,000 troops in the field, Styrbjörn was not quite so disappointed to welcome another northern ruler into the Germanic faith at spear-point. And once the various tribal armies in the north dispersed at some point (they remained in the field due to the continuing war with Outi), at least the northern realms should be easier targets next time.
The Holy War therefore officially lapsed the following day, its casus belli now invalid. Due to the financial situation, those levies that could be and the mercenaries were dismissed immediately, while the rest of the army in Uusimaa headed back to Kexholm, the Guard to winter quarters and the levies for dismissal.
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4. Raiding and the Second Wolgastian Revolt
After the troop repatriations were completed and a short period of recuperation, in mid-February 952 it was decided that another great raid should be launched to replenish the coffers and fuel the development of the core Imperial counties. Funds were now slowly building again (thanks to the improved feudal economy in the Imperial Jarldom of Holmgarðr). The levies (Styrbjörn’s personal forces only, not wishing to unduly antagonise the vassals by call on them again) mustered and were toggled to looter after the appropriate ceremony. A limited raider mobilisation could at least be sustained financially.
The troops would muster in three different locations, then the fleet (enlarged further now by feudal ship levies) would pick them up on the way to fame and fortune somewhere in western Europe.
As the ships and troops gathered, yet another peasant revolt broke out in Wolgast on 1 April, this time led by one Havel, yet another disgruntled former soldier. If only some way of gruntling them could be found!
Wolgast tribe was taken and sacked on 20 May by the 2,139 rebels, for no loss (only a 137 man garrison was present, no doubt only just rebuilding after the last revolt). By 2 June, the first (and largest) part of the Russian raiding force (almost 2,500 men) embarked in Ingria aboard a fleet of 70 ships. Hrafn led, with Styrbjörn taking the right flank again.
Not two weeks after the fleet headed off, the reinstated Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel founded an independence faction [875 men - 13.2% strength] – the impudent toad! Well, he could wait, for now.
The fleet picked up the Guard from Finland and other forces from Sweden simultaneously on 6 July and then made for Werle without delay, with almost 4,600 well-armed troops on board. They arrived at Werle on 27 July and began some post-voyage training to regain their readiness. At this point, Styrbjörn decided to swap to the centre and take overall command of the army: these vile rebels would be punished by the Emperor himself. A good warm up event for the raid to come, Styrbjörn noted in his diary on 2 August 952.
As the Fylkir waited in Werle, the ever-active Bertil decided to revoke Breda from his vassal Hrörekr, who refused, war breaking out on 23 August. The odds seemed well in Bertil’s favour. But this was just a sideshow as far as Styrbjörn was concerned. He had rebels to slaughter, and the Russian army had closed on them by 2 September. The battle was soon going excellently and by the 16th the enemy were all routing. In triumph, the Fylkir raised his sword aloft and ordered the pursuit.
As the battle played out, Jarl Tryggve had yet another success, winning his conquest of Belgorod against King Antal of Bulgaria on 6 September. In Wolgast, Styrbjörn was enjoying himself immensely: “They are broken, onward to vic…”
A stray arrow through the eye ended the reign of Fylkir Styrbjörn Rurikid, Emperor of Russia, on 16 September 952 AD. He hadn’t even managed to earn a nickname yet. His reign would necessarily be thought of as a holding period within the Rurikid dynasty, where modest gains had been made and where feudalism had begun to slowly take hold in the Empire. But his grand plans for conquests had either taken inordinately long periods to consummate, or had been thwarted by wily Suomenusko lords acknowledging the Allfather in order to get off the hook when losing Holy Wars. Vale Styrbjörn, grandson of Rurik, now draining a horn with his illustrious ancestors in Valhalla.
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5. A New Fylkir and Emperor
Kind words were said about Styrbjörn’s life and its glorious ending, but he was still stone cold dead. Eilif II inherited the Imperial crown and the Fylkirate, but apart from that only retained the core Jarldom of Holmgarðr as his personal demesne. The other titles his father had gained – the Jarldom of Yaroslavl and the counties of Sarpa and Kostroma – went to siblings. And the Kingdom of Sviþjod went to his brother Sigurðr.
Eilif himself knew his duties, even if his heart wasn’t necessarily in it and it ran against his personal romantic preferences. He knew – and his Council and senior magnates reminded him – that his as yet unfruitful marriage must produce an heir, for the stability of the realm. So he pledged to focus on family and grooming an heir. It would also help his mediocre diplomatic skills [raising the score to 8] while his already strong military ability would be aided by inheriting his great-grandfathers battle axe, the ‘Neckbiter’ [+2 to 17]. All this should raise his chances of siring children – though perhaps he might find time for other romantic outlets in due course.
The new Empress Björg Orming Bertilsdottir would complement her husband's lack of skills in stewardship and learning, at least. She was considered a clever and good woman with a kind heart - if rather suspicious of those around her. Though the relationship between the two was lukewarm – for understandable reasons.
Sigurðr, the Emperor’s younger brother, was now also his heir and had a strong relationship with his Emperor. At the age of 20, did not yet have a wife. He was amiable and fairly smart, but a reputation for cowardice detracted from his military potential. All the Swedish jarls would now report to him instead of the Emperor.
Ch118 Q1: Should Sigurðr be married off?Views on the pros and cons of getting the heir married soon, to ensure a back-up to the main dynastic line, or leaving him unmarried so if he dies the Swedish crown reverts to Eilif would be welcome. Either way, if one or the other dies early without children, it would re-unify the crowns.
Only one main Council position became vacant on succession, with Chancellor Refil resigning [for unknown reasons I didn’t bother chasing up]. A ready replacement was found in the very competent Arnbjörn of Connacht.
The good will of the powerful (and touchy) Jarl Bertil ‘the Devil’ of Brabant was bought off with a position as Advisor. This left the balance of the group split between three factions. It was too early yet for any to be considered loyalists, but that was something Eilif should be able to work on over time – if he was given that luxury.
Technological research in the Empire progressed well enough – and studies into cultural matters was now mature enough to allow the advancement of legalism.
Ch118 Q2: Legalism.I take it this is one I should adopt without hesitation, given it is on the previous wish list for inheritance change. Any contra-advice?
As young Fylkir Eilif II contemplated his unexpectedly sudden elevation, he took note of the family tree through which he could trace his lineage straight back to Rurik, the dynasty’s founder over 80 years before.
More widely, the succession also meant there were no foreign pacts in existence against the young Russian Emperor. More internal factions also faded away straight after Elif’s elevation, except for the fairly powerful Elective Succession in Garðariki faction, led by Bodil of Lithuania, and Sumarliði of Sarkel’s smaller independence faction.
The Wolgastian revolt still needed to be wound up, however, even if it was only the pursuit of a beaten force. This was completed on 24 September and had been a great victory – alas with the Emperor being one of only 91 men Russians lost.
The reviled peasant leader Havel, the ‘Fylkir-murderer of Wolgast’, was thrown in chains, thrashed to within an inch of his life and then left to the mercy of the young Emperor. The only decision was whether to execute him immediately – there were calls for the blood eagle to be inflicted, as the man was a Norseman – or keep him in the hope of sacrificing him at the next Great Blot?
As Eilif contemplated his next steps – most likely the continuation of the planned raid, but he could of course now reconsider – he received a report on the relative strengths (to him) of his vassals.
He was a little surprised not to see his brother King Sigurðr on the list, nor his uncle Jarl Tolir. He mused aloud about this and Chancellor Arnbjörn undertook to seek advice from the Þing.
“Perhaps it has something to do with his being a separate Kingdom, and that Tolir is now his vassal,” ventured Arnbjörn. “Or perhaps his own personal demesne is small and not large enough by itself to register in the ‘top 16’ the scribes have provided here.”
“They are still my vassals though, aren’t they?” asked a slightly worried young Fylkir. “I have received no messages to the contrary and the Imperial Realm has not had any chunks taken out of it – has it?”
“No, all is well in that regard, Fylkir Eilif, as you can see” said the Chancellor as he flourished a current map. “You still rule from Steppe to Shining Sea.”
“And here is the current list of those who owe direct fealty to you – including your brother, King Sigurðr – and the troops they would be obliged to provide if called to war.”
“I can confirm that your Uncle Tolir, as Jarl of Berglagen, is now King Sigurðr’s vassal, along four other jarls and sundry counts. Powerful among them of Jarl Oddr of Vestergautland and Totil of Sviþjod.”
“One final question, Arnbjörn. With the passing of my father, is there any diplomatic reasons preventing me from attacking either Satakunta or Karelia, if I so wished?”
“Ah, nothing, my Fylkir. You would just need a valid casus belli, of course. And a holy war on either is now no longer an option. Of course, High Chief Pentti still has many thousands of tribal and religious warriors under arms. But yes, these are possibilities.”
“Though our treasury may not be able to bear such a burden straight away, Fylkir Eilif,” volunterred a slightly worried-sounding Steward, Godi Åke of Toropets.
“Hmm, thank you everyone, that is all. I’ll await the wisdom of the Þing before deciding what to do next,” said Fylkir Eilif, Second of His Name, just a week into his reign as Emperor of Russia, King of Garðariki and Jarl of Holmgarðr.
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Questions
Apart from the usual seeking of general comments and strategic advice, there are just the specific questions and curiosity about who appears on the ‘rogues list’ page and why Sigurðr might not have appeared on it.
Ch118 Q1: Should Sigurðr be married off? Views on the pros and cons of getting the heir married soon, to ensure a back-up to the main dynastic line, or leaving him unmarried so if he dies the Swedish crown reverts to Eilif would be welcome. Either way, if one or the other dies early without children, it would re-unify the crowns.
Ch118 Q2: Legalism.I take it this is one I should adopt without hesitation, given it is on the previous wish list for inheritance change. Any contra-advice?
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Chapter 119: A Question of Character (24 September 952 to 24 July 954)
Chapter 119: A Question of Character (24 September 952 to 24 July 954)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … The young new Fylkir and Emperor Eilif II was just days into his reign after the sudden and untimely death of his father Styrbjörn in battle against a minor revolt in Pomerania. The peasants were put down ruthlessly soon afterwards, so the interrupted great raid was the next priority. Eilif’s brother and current presumptive heir Sigurðr, who he was very close to, was now King of Sviþjod, though still subject to Eilif. Sigurðr would be allowed to settle his own future there – both with his vassals and matrimonially.
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September-December 952
Eilif II was quite a different person to both his father Styrbjörn and his grandfather, Eilif I ‘the Just’. He was brave and erudite, but also rather cynical; strong in martial skills but mediocre in most others. Despite preferring the company of men, he had made a special effort to foster familial relations and to produce an heir, which he viewed as an important duty – if not a pleasure. His other driving motivation at that time was hatred of his sworn rival, the Sami courtier who Eilif had a well-advanced murder plot against. Ásllat Keite was a master of intrigue, so it was not unreasonable for Eilif to be worried about him.
The raiders had a general plan to head to Italia and look for rich but vulnerable counties to sack. They would aim for the path of least resistance, but their force was now larger and more heavily armed than it had been in the days of Rurik’s early (and disastrous) raid there. And word had come through travelling merchants and despatches from Spymaster Jarl Helgi in Constantinople that the Levant was beset by smallpox and the eastern Black Sea coast by camp fever, so they would be shunned.
Eilif, who had found himself briefly in charge of the raiding host after the death of his father, relinquished command and had no plans to resume battlefield duties until at least his reign was properly secured at home, where he now headed. Hrafn [Martial 23] would take command of the 4,500-plus host, with Gunnarr [Martial 14] the siege specialist on one flank and Velmayka [Martial 23] on the other.
As Eilif returned to Nygarðr, on 27 September he was advised by Chancellor Arnbjörn that he had improved relations with the powerful High Chieftess Bodil ‘the Strong’ of Lithuania [opinion of Eilif to +38]: a good thing for the stability of his reign. He admired the aggressive lord of the Holmings – good Norsemen all and the earliest and most loyal supporters of the Rurikids from the very beginning. Arnbjörn’s next mission was to do the same in Sugrov with the equally aggressive Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel [current opinion only +6], who led the independence faction.
The raiders began embarking from Werle on 29 September for the next phase of their adventure on a fleet of 70 ships: plenty of room for treasure to be loaded aboard.
But there was more worrying news for Eilif on 2 October when his own Spymaster sent him a letter announcing he had started a faction to make himself King of Garðariki!
“Just in the interests of full disclosure, you understand,” was Jarl Helgi’s off-hand closing remark.
The attitude – the liberty! But he’s too powerful for me to do much. Yet … was the pensive note Eilif made in his private diary when he received the news.
As it happened, this kicked off a very active period of factionalism within the Empire during the early phase of Eilif’s reign. There were many comings and goings in the next months, but only the more significant ones will be reported in detail here. But there were many notes in the Imperial journals of the time, indicating faction management was an important and preoccupying issue for the young Emperor. It may have been a significant factor that led him to adopt certain methods he used later in order to shore up his power. Methods quite different to those of his three dynastic predecessors.
Back at the capital, Eilif – his interest piqued by discussions at the recent Þing – obtained a report on the potential for creating a Kingdom of Finland as part of the Empire. Something his father had tried to achieve in two aborted Holy Wars against the Sami.
Perhaps the conquest of three small realms on the Baltic, south of Narva, might permit this to be done. But Eilif would also need more money and a greater reputation for piety to complete this goal.
The money should come from raiding – and the first target would be a stop off at the perennial site of Kernev, currently ruled by the Breton King Pascueten of Breizh. By 8 October the raiders were all aboard and heading there, with salt in their beards and wind in their sails. A smaller fleet of 14 ships, anchored off Flanders, was sent ahead to Italy via Kernev to reconnoitre.
Back at court, Helgi sent another “it’s only family business, nothing personal” letter to Eilif on 29 October, informing him he had called in a favour on the powerful Jarl Tryggve de Normandie ‘the Unready’ to force him into Helgi’s Garðariki faction. It was quickly becoming a genuine concern. Then a month later, the powerful Jarl Bertil ‘the Devil’ joined Jarl Sumarliði’s independence faction. [By then, it was at 36.5% strength, with Helgi’s faction at 68.8% with him and Tryggve alone.]
Around this time, Eilif reviewed his minor court appointments, making his trustworthy (and diplomatically skilled) Chancellor the Designated Regent and shoring up a few other vassal relationships. Meanwhile, King Sigurðr went through a frenetic period of reallocating vassal contracts in Sviþjod, presumably trying to stabilise his own rule against his many powerful and ambitious vassals.
Another factor making the factionalism harder to control in this early part of the reign was discontent on the Council, allowing its collection of zealous or glory-seeking members to plot and connive freely. This was likely to continue for a few years yet.
On 4 December, Hrafn’s fleet anchored off Kernev and his 4,500-plus warriors began disembarking. But back in Nygarðr, a different kind of encounter was taking place …
Over a four day period, High Chieftess Bodil proved an engaging interlocutor to the young Emperor and Fylkir. And with rivals (personal and factional) to contend with, Eilif’s cynicism and curiosity began to lead him down a path none of his forebears had trodden. And a potentially problematic one for a man who was now Fylkir of the Reformed Germanic faith - and thus supposedly Odin’s chief agent in the world of men!
He justified it to himself by arguing that all the Gods deserved his respect – including the darker ones such as Loki and Hel.
But while his mind had started to lead him along a path of darkness, outwardly his dedication to family marched side by side in the light of day. His relationship with the Empress had begun to blossom, despite everything else distracting him.
One of those constant distractions was the active factionalism in the realm. By late December there were only three factions left, one of them insignificant; but one was serious and the other he had been warned was now dangerous. And made worse because his own Spymaster (and reputed kinslayer) Helgi was in charge of it!
Recently discovered and translated secret journals indicate such worries – and his search for ‘alternative solutions’ to his problems – were prime drivers of Eilif’s increasingly dark pursuits at this time.
And the last day of the year found Eilif studying dark tomes in the middle of the long and dark northern winter. His inhibitions began to dissolve away … bringing a hint of a dangerous but exciting future, after a tumultuous first few months of his new reign as Emperor of Russia.
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January-April 953
A new faction – very small at first [5.8% strength], led by a minor chief – was founded on 5 January 953, dedicated to bringing elective succession to the Russian Empire. What foolishness, Eilif noted dismissively in his private journal, it is beneath my dignity to bother responding to it.
Of more concern were some loose lips threatening to sink ships.
But some drunk mayor was not going to stop Eilif pursuing the death of his hated enemy. Especially as the strength of the plot was growing promisingly.
Better factional news came in late January, with Jarl Bertil leaving Sumarliði’s independence faction, taking most of its strength with him. Then just a day later, as revealed in a recently discovered secret personal journal of Emperor Eilif II, contact was made by Hel’s minions. Eilif’s dark journey had begun in earnest. And just to make sure of it, he confirmed his interest with some subtle hints to Bodil.
But it seemed Hel’s people moved slowly and carefully, as February slipped by quietly with the raiders besieging the main walls of Kernevin far off Brittany, where the citadel fell on 6 March. And also in early March, Helgi’s faction had grown further in comparative strength [to 82.9%; this seems due to both Helgi in particular and Tryggve gaining strength, from around 5,000 to 6,000 men combined since December, as no new members had joined.]And just a week later, Jarl Refill II of Vladimir linked up with Helgi, bringing its strength to the brink of outright rebellion.
A bribe was sent first to Tryggve. Other attempts at persuasion would follow, as the increasing tax base grew the treasury even without an influx of gold from the current raid.
On 23 March, a short note signed by Trollmaðr Rikulfr (Jarl Rikulfr Ironside) arrived, addressing the young Emperor as ‘Brother Eilif’, noting his dedication and desire to ‘join the legion of the True Lord’ and advising him to ‘await the messenger – let the Dark One guide you’. Now this was more like it! He quivered in antici…… pation!
April brought news of a new murder plot – against the Fylkir himself! And it wasn’t from his long-time rival. It seemed the wife of his cousin Rikulfr Tolirsson (who like his father had a claim on the Imperial throne) wanted to advance her husband’s prospects!
And while investigating this plot – which Eilif ordered stopped, of course – he discovered that his uncle Tolir, now a direct vassal of Sigurðr, was bedridden and incapacitated with cancer. Rikulfr may soon inherit two powerful Jarldoms. He would bear watching.
A few days later, Helgi himself received a chest of treasure [24.2 gold for +30 opinion] in Constantinople from Eilif, hoping to sway him away from his campaign to claim the Garðarikian crown. And just two days after that, Rikulfr succeeded Tolir – where his ambitions now fostered an open dislike of both his direct liege King Sigurðr and Eilif himself.
Into this frantic rush of events, a new element emerged: Spæmaðr Sigtrygg of the Fellowship of Hel.
And even as Eilif’s initiation into the dark rites of the Fellowship played out, word came of the fall of Kareaz in Kernev and Eilif being hailed as a Viking for the pillaging done in his name. Excellent!
By mid-April, Eilif II – Fylkir of the Germanic Faith – was an initiate of the Fellowship of Hel, with the most junior rank of Spæmaðr. The head of the order, Jarl Rikulfr, was already known as one of those ‘colourful characters’, and now Eilif became aware of a few other traits that had been hidden to the uninitiated.
It seemed that the demands of the role had driven Rikulfr even further into madness, but fortunately he liked Eilif – and was perhaps even physically attracted to him, to boot. It would be better to have him as a friend than an enemy, the Emperor mused to himself. It turned out Bodil the Strong was Rikulfr’s deputy and heir apparent.
Eilif was informed of four levels of expertise within the Fellowship and the powers each one bestowed. As an initiated Spæmaðr, he had a few himself already.
And he decided to exercise one of them straight away, on a worthless Sami prisoner from Satakunta who had languished in Nygarðr’s prison for over 21 years. His accumulation of Dark Power had begun.
The next day, the ‘other’ Bodil (now High Chieftess of Bergslagen) formally renounced her plot to kill Eilif. Just as well for her continued health! After such a busy first half, the second part of the month passed without any more significant events.
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May-December 953
May began well for Eilif, with the earlier blandishment apparently working on Spymaster Jarl Helgi, who left his own faction, leaving Tryggve in charge and lowering its danger enormously [to 38.4% strength]. Helgi then informed him of a plot by the new Jarl Rikulfr of Bergslagen to kill his King, the Emperor’s beloved brother Sigurðr. No doubt part of his attempt to clear the way for his Imperial claim. And there was no way to make him abandon it.
Eilif explored the Council’s view on an attempt to imprison Rikulfr, but only two other members were in favour, even though as a known plot leader the vassals would not have objected. The five dissenters had a mix of reasons for opposing the request. And with everything else happening in a so-far short reign, Eilif was not keen to add a charge of tyranny to the mix. Given what would transpire in coming months, that was just as well. His brother would have to look out for himself in this matter.
Better news arrived on 19 May, with Jarl Tryggve also leaving Helgi’s Garðariki faction, leaving it only a minor annoyance. Though by early June Sumarliði’s independence faction now had five members and reasonable strength [44.4%]. It was appropriate then that on 26 June, Chancellor Arnbjörn reported he had improved relations with Sumarliði. He was left in place to see if he could do even more to swing the violent and ambitious Jarl away from his separatist path.
Further siege victories in Kernev at Langoned (31 May, 44.8 gold) and Kemperle (25 June, 21.2 gold) had followed for the raiders, who lost only 110 men in the entire campaign since December the previous year. By 12 July, the last of the treasure had been loaded up and the troops followed, with the fleet carrying around 210 gold from their thorough plundering of Kernev: the locals had never been able to muster enough troops to interfere.
As the raiders boarded ship, back at court Bodil of Lithuania came to Eilif with a proposition. She had tried this before, but been rejected. But Emperors and circumstances had changed since then.
The problem was that on the one hand his uncle Jarl Gorm was a powerful lord and as a woman, Bodil’s appointment would be considered scandalous by the vassals. On the other hand, Bodil was a very strong candidate as well as being powerful in both the realm and the Fellowship. She would be either greatly pleased or offended, depending on Eilif’s choice. Both currently liked him well, but this would surely change for one of them, no matter his decision.
In the end, Eilif decided to throw caution and convention to the winds: Russia would have its first female Marshal and (known less widely) promote a key Fellowship member into a position of power. Naturally, Bodil was greatly pleased, though the other vassals would grumble about it for the next five years.
Bodil was currently leading troops in the field, so was not yet free for tasking as Marshal of Russia. But she was clearly the most talented appointee on the main Council when they were compared in their respective fields of expertise.
Of course Gorm was now very upset. And given his power, this was not something that should be left to fester. With the treasury in reasonable shape due to a now healthy monthly income balance, gold was sent to take the edge off Gorm’s anger: some of which would fade with time, while some would be more persistent – certainly if a way could not be found to get him back onto the Council at some point.
Ravenna, on the Adriatic coast of Italy, was the next rich province being considered as a raiding target. It belonged to the Doge of Venice. On 23 July, the recon fleet (then sitting east of Sardinia) was sent around to take a look at what was going on there, while the main fleet set sail from Brittany to the Mediterranean.
By late August, the Russian boats of the recon fleet were in the Gulf of Venice – and it was discovered the Serene Doge Adelmio II had his forces mustered and had just begun a war with Count Giulio of Firenze, with a major battle taking place in Ravenna itself. While this might work in the Russian raiders’ favour eventually, for now the area was simply too ‘hot’.
Count Giulio of Firenze had won the battle in Ravenna by 11 September, but the Doge had more troops coming. This whole area would be left alone for now. As at 10 October, Ademolio II had 4,243 men under arms in total – 2,621 of his own levies, another 1,321 from vassals and a small retinue of 300.
So on 20 October, after exploring a range of possibilities, the next target was selected. Lucca may not be as rich as Ravenna and there was a raiding force of unknown size sitting off it, but it was assessed Count Castore would have trouble resisting an attack. Carrier pigeons took the information back to Hrafn’s fleet, which was still en route.
In the meantime, at court the plan to kill Ásllat was coming to fruition: a poisonous viper would be used. Very appropriate, thought Eilif to himself, it should recognise his enemy well enough!
And so it did – though unfortunately, the damage to Eilif’s reputation as a known murderer would probably outlive him! Still, it was good to see Ásllat dead and cold, his face contorted in pain and horror.
As the murder plot was being implemented, a small battle broke out in Lucca between 472 Gentian raiders and a defending Melfi army of 234, on 2 November. Neither should be able to stand up to Hrafn’s far larger force, once it arrived, even if suffering from a long sea voyage and attacking directly from the sea.
Indeed, two weeks later the Russian Vikings were storming ashore and fighting the small Melfi force in Lucca. The entire company had been pursued and wiped out by 4 December, with the looting and siege work starting. Nearby to the south-east, the Doge’s combined army had caught up with and was in the process of defeating the Firenze force now less than half its size, in Firenze itself.
Falki of Hlymrek founded a small ‘Gorm for Russia’ faction on 18 December, but Gorm himself was not yet signed up to it and the threat was as yet tiny [0.4%]. So the year ended with the factions bubbling along at home and the siege in place in Lucca.
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January-July 954
The new year of 954 AD began with Jarl Bertil winning his long-running revocation war against Hrörekr of Breda on 1 January 954. [Note: I’m no longer reporting most of the more minor vassal wars.]
The next day, Helgi re-joined his own Garðariki faction, taking it back up to the ‘clear and present danger’ level [73.4% strength]. And as he’d already been bribed recently, another gift would do no additional good. Tryggve had not yet joined again, thankfully.
But February was brightened with some good family news for Eilif: there may be a new Imperial heir soon and relations with one of his younger sisters had improved.
In mid-March, the castle of Lucca fell, yielding not just 40 gold, but also two members of the Count’s family who could be ransomed for another 36 (and were, of course). Two more holdings (Cascina on 4 May and Pistoia on 22 June) would fall between then and July, but only 35 Russian raiders were lost in the process.
As spring came in Nygarðr, the stress of Eilif’s secret life began to tell on him. It seemed to be a price of being one of Hel’s devotees. But when his first mission was proposed, Eilif was excited to take it on. It would be a strike against those pompous, foolish Godis for whom the dislike was mutual – though they did not of course realise the full scope of their own Fylkir’s disdain and betrayal.
As Eilif prepared for a surreptitious journey to Strassburg, Marshal Bodil became available for tasking and on 6 May was ordered to help organise the army – which should cut around 1/5th of the cost of maintaining the large Imperial Guard, as well as perhaps improving the skills of the commanders.
The same day, Eilif’s preparations were complete and he was approaching Strassburg with a small band of accomplices.
Once inside, his approach was ruthless. Anyone getting in the way had their throat cut, then when it was all done Eilif opted to burn the whole place down rather than grabbing a few gold pieces worth of loot. He could feel the Dark Power begin to course through him.
And while Eilif conducted this bloody mission, the Chancellor reported from Sugrov that between mid-May and early June, he had improved relations with Jarl Sumarliði twice more! Surely, this charm offensive should eventually persuade the combative Jarl to call off his push for independence that seemed so appealing to many of Eilif’s smaller vassals.
Jarl Helgi had received some nasty news on 17 May when he was told his son Vagn had been murdered by some disgruntled vassal. So be it – Now Helgi knows what it feels like to have close family members murdered. And one less potential competitor for me, at least, was Eilif’s harsh private assessment.
Eilif revelled in the completion of his first mission. His Dark Power, already growing by that point, would be greatly boosted. And the desecration of one temple was not enough to dent the overall moral authority of Germanicism, which Eilif still wanted to remain high, for his own selfish reasons as Fylkir.
By mid-July, the raid in Lucca came to an end. All the loot was retrieved by 16 July and there was around 472 gold now sitting with the fleet, as the troops began to board again. And in Ravenna, the Doge had around 5,000 troops fighting and beating an Anconan force (which must have come in to support Firenze) of around 3,150 men. Clearly, some target other than Ravenna or Venice would have to be considered next. That new destination had not yet been decided when the raiders finished loading up on 24 July.
The known world at that time was depicted in a map found with records from the period.
Elif’s treasury had grown as the tax revenue from the core Imperial counties blossomed under feudal administration.
Eilif could sanction progress in legalism [to level 3] at any time he wished, which would allow late feudal administration to be adopted under the civic laws. And that in turn was a criterion for the enactment of primogeniture succession, should Eilif wish to pursue it. But first, he would have to get ten years of ruling under his belt, ensure all his direct vassals had a positive opinion of him and have none of them fighting among themselves – none of which were currently the case. It was a longer-term decision, so was not taken yet.
Factions in the realm were an underlying concern, but none an imminent danger at that time. The diplomatic work on Jarl Sumarliði had paid off – he had abandoned the independence faction, even though four other lords remained in it. Jarl Bertil’s support for elective succession in Russia was enough to make it a mid-range threat. Helgi’s Garðariki faction still simmered away, but at below ‘dangerous’ levels.
On the religious front, in the last couple of years the counties of Pallteskja (17 May 953) and Sussex (20 April 954) had seen Odin’s light. But from the very top of the Fylkirate, an unseen canker ate away at the heart of Odin’s Germanicism – with the Fylkir himself now a sworn and blooded member of the Fellowship of Hel. Its membership was largely composed of unlanded and otherwise little-known adherents. The only three members who had achieved anything beyond the first initiate rank of Spæmaðr were Jarl Rikulfr (at the highest fourth level rank of Trollmaðr), then Marshal Bodil (a Visenkadona) and another second rank devotee, Visendamaðr Kettil.
At some point I will have to examine the rest of them in more detail, to see if they are potential allies, opponents or sources of talent, Eilif jotted in his secret journal as a reminder for later. But I wonder what “25 steps from being Trollmaðr” means or entails?
Questions
Ch119 Q1: The Highway to Hel.Most details will be discovered along the way and I’m happy to learn as I go, so won’t be doing too much consulting of Wiki the Black at this stage. But I am curious as to what the 25 steps represent and how one gets closer. Does it mean there are 25 members ahead of Eilif in the pecking order? Or is a succession of tasks or levels to be ascended?
Ch119 Q2: General Comments and Advice.As always, I’d welcome any comments, suggestions etc that anything above may have raised, regarding the Fellowship of Hel specifically or the way ahead more generally. My general plan at present from here is to find one more suitable, non-plagued raiding target then probably head to one of Russia’s Black Sea ports to drop off the treasure, disband the levies and look for a new conquest target. Either a large one for a Great Holy War, or one of the independent Finnish counties on the Baltic.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Let Ragnarök come! For Hel and Loki!
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Chapter 120: A Kind of Ragnarök? (24 July 954 to 9 March 956)
Chapter 120: A Kind of Ragnarök? (24 July 954 to 9 March 956)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Fylkir and Emperor Eilif II had now added the secret title of Spæmaðr of the Fellowship of Hel to his resumé. Dark deeds had already been done in Hel’s name, but in secret. The latest Great Raid in Italy has just finished its first phase in July 954 and Hrafn was looking for a new target. And so far, Eilif’s factional management had managed to keep the worst threats from boiling over into open opposition. He had ideas for the future … but would the fates be so obliging?
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July-December 954
A shipboard meeting of Hrafn, his two flank commanders Velmayka and Gunnar, plus key officers [ie the commenters of the Þing] soon endorsed a suggestion that the infidel Catholic Pope and his rich city of Rome would be their next target. It seemed there had already been a bit of recent raiding there, but there should be plenty to fill the fleet’s treasure chests. Even if it was by far the biggest raiding fleet the Russian Vikings had ever mustered.
Just four days later, Jarl Helgi was busy again, declaring a claim war on Eilif’s half-brother Ingólfr for Yaroslavl. Eilif had no conflicting claim and his young sibling was no fan of his brother the Emperor. So while seeing Helgi grow even more powerful was not great, Eilif shrugged his shoulders and observed that Ingólfr would have to fend for himself. Which would be difficult, as he could apparently only muster two men-at-arms against Helgi’s army of 3,480!
And the same day the touchy Jarl Bertil once again flirted with the riff-raff of the independence faction, bringing it close to the point of being dangerous. However, Eilif left him on a long leash for now and made no effort to intervene. Jarls will be Jarls, he thought to himself with a little dark humour.
On 3 August, the 14-ship recon fleet anchored off Venice received orders to link up with the main raiding fleet, which had just arrived offshore from Rome. It would give even more room for loot.
A couple of days later, Marshal Bodil showed her worth by improving the skills of Jedvard considerably – he was now a genuine battlefield star.
The raiders arrived in Roma on 18 August – and encountered the first garrison: just 100 men guarding a trade post. They were quickly assaulted and wiped out after just a day for the loss of only four raiders, with around 17 gold looted. But the next siege of Tusculum would be a longer one – and have unforeseen consequences due to the complex politics of the now fractured Italian peninsula.
The same day, back in Nygarðr, Helgi came up with a suggestion for Toropets that Eilif had no problem investing a small amount of gold in.
A few days after the siege of Tusculum began, Hrafn received reports that King Klas of Latium – a Germanic Norse conquering ruler with various holdings on the peninsula – had suddenly turned hostile to the raiders. And had an army of 7,200 men sitting just to their north! When Hrafn sent out a ‘please explain’, he was advised that although the Pope was the sovereign overall ruler of Roma (as part of the Papacy) and had maintained no formal alliances, Klas had managed to gain the Barony of Tusculum as a personal holding at some point in the past. Hence the hostility now it was under siege. The Russians had been oblivious to this when they attacked Roma.
“C’est un raid,” was all Hrafn ventured, with an almost Gallic shrug of the shoulders.
Fortunately though, the reason for the large Latin army was Klas’s war against Spoleto, where the Latins were heading. With any luck, that would keep them occupied and away from the raiders, who would take to the ships if approached by any large force. So Pope Benedictus and Klas would remain hostile for the next six months, and the Doge of Amalfi for a little less time (from the previous raid on Lucca). There were also a couple of minor raids on Russian lands that Eilif had basically ignored – and would continue to do so.
By 30 August, the Latins were fighting a far smaller army of Spoleto, in Spoleto. There was a careful sigh of relief outside Rome. For now.
Back at court, Eilif’s first child was born on 13 September – a daughter. Nice enough, but he had hoped for and expected a boy to become his new heir.
Interestingly, I had a very rare CK2 game crash a little earlier, where the birth came after the last autosave. And this had been a son in that alt timeline. So much for crashes and Ironman mode. Ah well – Eilif may have to recruit a concubine or two soon – maybe next session.
Less than a week later, Bertil decided to leave both the factions he had been in, rendering both innocuous. Helgi’s Garðariki faction remained the only strong group now.
By mid-September, Latium had won their battle in Spoleto, but showed no interest in the Russians. Their eyes were focused on a force of over 6,000 Spoletan troops now gathering to their north-east in Ancona, with another 800 or so marching to meet them from the south.
On 25 September, the two Russian fleets were combined in the Tyrrhenian Sea, bringing it to 84 ships in total – so up to 840 gold could be gathered aboard, if the raiders could find it. At that time, the Latins had intercepted the smaller Spoletan force in Arretium and were presumably going to give them a hiding, but this left the main Spoletan force to recover morale in Ancona.
A Papal army of 2,400 men appeared in the Byzantine province of Gaeta, to Roma’s immediate south, on 3 October but showed no sign of advancing against the far larger Russian raiding force. Nothing more of note happened until the fall of King Klas’s Barony of Tusculum on 24 November, yielding around 58 gold for no Russian troop losses. The fleet now held 574 gold.
In the depths of a frigid northern December, a letter came from Jarl Helgi accusing one Einarr of treason. Eilif did not know who he was and didn’t really care.
But the evidence looked fabricated to Eilif and he was not inclined to indulge one of Helgi’s obscure vendettas, given the other liberties he often took. The man was released, to Helgi’s mild irritation. Eilif may be a Fellowship member, but it didn’t mean he intended to neglect his duty to uphold good governance. In public, anyway!
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January-June 955
An army led by Innocenzo of Spoleto, with around 5,500 men, attacked the Latin Army that had been besieging Arretium (directly east of Roma) in early January. King Klas was leading the Latins personally, with around 7,000 men. This suited Hrafn and the raiders just fine and provided some good entertainment!
As that was happening, the City of Viterbo fell in Roma on 12 January, yielding a rich 93 gold (and a little piety too) for the loss of 234 raiders. The fleet now held 688 gold. Six days later came news that Mozhaysk had converted to Germanicism, which still pleased Eilif, wearing his Fylkir hat.
After a quiet February, early March saw familial affection growing between Eilif and his younger sister Ulfhildr. But if her private diary was anything to go by, this ‘love’ was very heavily qualified, due to a range of grievances and distastes on her part!
In a good mood anyway, and growing a little bored with no new missions forthcoming from the Fellowship, Eilif again took matters into his own hands – literally – by plucking another long-serving prisoner from the dungeons and sacrificing her to Hel’s greater glory and to feed his own dark power.
The budding Spæmaðr thought he should also do something about improving his poor intrigue skills at some point, perhaps after an heir had been produced, to accelerate the slow monthly growth of his Hellish powers.
23 March saw the always ambitious Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel attack King Antal of Bulgaria for Olvia, on the Black Sea coast, west of the Crimea. He was always looking for opportunities, it seemed.
Then an interesting episode played out in mid-April to early May. Eilif had generally reverted to only stopping murder plots he was informed of if they directly affected his interests. Perhaps he felt, as a known murderer and secret follower of Hel, to do otherwise would be hypocritical! But this time, Helgi was informing on his own son. Who was married to none other than his loyal Marshal and Fellowship deputy, Bodil the Strong of Lithuania. And Jarl Syrbjörn’s own wife, for whom he was Seer! His grounds were apparently that she was a ‘depraved manipulator’ - most likely completely true. This whole situation perversely impressed Eilif, but in the end he felt compelled to force Syrbjörn to stop, which he eventually agreed to do.
On 23 April, a small company of 158 papal troops seemed to have (mistakenly) mustered in Roma while the raiders were besieging it [the AI must have forgotten to hold control while clicking]. They had all been wiped out by 2 May for the loss of just one unlucky Russian soldier. By this time, it seemed the (neutral to Russia) Spoleto had managed to expel the Latins from their lands and were besieging Orvieto, to the north of Roma. Even better.
2 May proved an eventful day: Helgi once again informed on himself by declaring he had joined the Elective Succession for Russia faction, giving it considerably more influence, short though of outright 'danger'.
Over in Italy, the Barony of Tivoli fell to Hrafn on 1 June, with over 47 gold taken – and a mysterious locked chest. It was eventually conveyed to Eilif’s treasury, to keep Rurik’s old axe the Halsbitr (Neckbiter) company. One more good haul of gold could see the fleet filled to capacity.
It’s OK, I’m happy to be surprised by whatever it contains – and how it might be opened. Maybe through some event chain, or some such.
On 13 June, Helgi won his easy war against Prince Ingólfr for Yaroslavl, who was no longer a Jarl, just ‘Ingólfr of Sarpa’.
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July-December 955
Marshal Bodil, free of her husband’s murder plot, once more ventured out for conquest, taking on the King Witosz ‘the Tormentor’ of Poland for a second attempt on Zemgale. Their forces looked even on paper, but the Polish King could probably call on more tribal vassals to support him. Bodil was game: they didn’t call her ‘the Strong’ for nothing!
And her picture makes her look like a female Emperor Palpatine these days! Perhaps she will tell Witosz the tragic story of Darth Plagueis one day!
For some reason, the next siege in Roma was the re-taking of Tusculum from Klas [not sure how that happened] on 23 July, with only 15 gold taken, though no troops were lost. The fleet now carried 760 gold – another 80 would fill it.
And whatever allies Witosz may call up to help him, Bodil was once more able to convince the powerful Jarl Helgi to help: he accepted her call to join in her war for Zemgale on 12 August 955. A few weeks later, Jarl Sumarliði completed a trading post in the Silk Road terminus of Tana. Eilif cast jealous eyes upon it, but made no move yet to try to wrest it from him. Maybe some later time.
The next bit of political scandal Eilif had to adjudicate on came in mid-September and involved the Imperial Seer, Godi Hysing ‘the Holy’. It seems his pockets were a bit ‘holey’, coins slipping through them into his personal coffers.
But in this case, Eilif had reasons for not taking strong action. He didn’t want to be bothered finding a new Seer. Frankly, he was secretly smirking at the dishonour Hysing had brought to the Odinites within the Germanic faith. And he didn’t much care about what temple vassal opinion of him was, even though part of him knew that was counter-productive. So Hysing got off with an admonishment but retained his post.
Good news came on 22 September with the sacking of the city of Roma itself, for the loss of another 234 raiders (whose strength was now down to about 3,900 in strength); the almost 84 gold looted was just enough to fill the last space in the fleet’s treasure chests. The troops were soon hopping back aboard for the return voyage. Anchors were raised and the trip back began on 2 October. They were headed to Azov, which had been confirmed as now being free of serious disease, via the Bosporus.
Back in Russia, on 20 October Jarl Tryggve finally won his surprisingly difficult revocation war for Kolomna against (former) Chief Sampo Tsuudit. It seemed he didn’t want it for himself, granting it to a good Germanic Norseman by the name of Þorbrandr soon after, on 3 November. Good for Tryggve, thought Eilif to himself.
Then on 7 December 955, the Russian raiders returned in glory and triumph, carrying by far the largest haul of loot (and thus Imperial prestige) the Empire had ever seen.
After a week of celebration and consideration, there was much to do. First all the Imperial demesne and vassal levies of troops and ships were safely dismissed, which would both save money and assuage the growing irritation of those vassals who had supplied many of the troops and ships for the raid for all that time. This left the almost-recovered Imperial Guard in Azov – and consideration of a possible adventure against the Khazars, who were by now converts to infidel Orthodox Christianity.
A Great Holy War for the remaining territory of the Crimea and its surrounds was one possibility. But Khan Yerneslu was another one of those difficult ‘Liberators’, with a large army and high military skills. He also reputedly had the clashing traits of being both brave and craven! [Would have thought they would be mutually exclusive, but there you go.] And it might bring some powerful neighbours into the fray – such as the Byzantines, Bulgarians or Hungarians.
Eilif was tempted, including the possibility of a big piety boost, but he would have liked the option of calling on the Jomsvikings should things get nasty and he did not yet have the piety to command their appearance. He eventually decided to defer this option for another day – if ever. Instead, the Guard began the long march north to the small Finnish states on the Baltic.
With the influx of treasure, a massive building program was commenced in the four Imperial demesne counties. The main focus was now on long-term revenue boosting, but Ladoga (often the target of northern raiders) would have its fortifications increased, while an extended barracks was ordered in Torzhok.
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January-March 956
As at 1 January 956 AD, even after the big building program was commissioned, the Imperial treasury still contained 267 gold and net monthly income was 12.12 gold (the monthly expenses being about one gold for the upkeep of the Guard (ie. retinue).
On 7 January, given past problems gaining their approval for wars, the Emperor convened a Council meeting to gauge views on possible wars in the three Baltic counties being considered for seizure – either one-by-one, or perhaps even all simultaneously. While the glory seekers thought Livonia and Liivimaa were a bit puny to warrant Russian attention and some Councillors may need a bit or persuasion to vote in favour, all were keen on attacking Saarema.
None of these declarations were made yet, as Eilif wanted the Guard in position first and would use the time to allow his levies to build. In the background, Bodil’s war for nearby Zemgale seemed to be going all right.
While he waited for these developments to come to fruition, Eilif initiated a change to the Imperial laws on vassal obligations. With the number of cities growing as feudalism slowly spread in Russia, he had decided to emphasise tax collection for the burghers of the Empire. Even if the burghers themselves may not like it.
Ch120 Q1: Burgher Tax Obligations.It was only as I was reading this through as I wrote it up that I noticed ‘the mayors tend to favour supply troops for their liege over paying taxes’. Have I made a mistake here, courting disfavour in the search for more money? Or is it still a fair option, given how rich the cities can become?
A political and religious bombshell (if bombs had been invented yet at that time) burst on 15 February. It involved Eilif’s cult leader Trollmaðr Jarl Rikulfr Ironside and Rikulfr’s liege, the Emperor's beloved brother King Sigurðr!
The Emperor had to be careful in this matter, both because of who was involved and to keep his own membership of the Fellowship well hidden. He sought advice from some of the other members of the society.
Ch120 Q2: Rikulfr’s Arrest, Part 1.The event note calls this a disaster, but it was not clear from anything I could discern in mouse-overs etc what practical effect – if any – this might have on the Fellowship as a whole or members individually. For example, does it stop new missions being initiated? Increase the chance of discover of other members via notional torture, interrogation and/or trial of the Trollmaðr? Alternatively, might it be a convenient way to see a leadership competitor eliminated, to help pave the way for Eilif’ rise within the Fellowship? Should I be trying to do anything about this, or just let in run. See a little more below on the specific grounds for his arrest and one option Eilif is considering.
While that worry was put to the side for now, better news came a few days later when Jarl Tryggve announced he had succeeded in introducing feudal administration within his own lands. And his opinion of Eilif had never been higher. Perhaps in part because the older man fancied him a bit …
Naturally, this brought an influx of new cities and temples for Tryggve – and hopefully more troops and taxes available to the Imperial Crown in due course.
As March began, Eilif reviewed the tasks his Council was performing. Two were changed: Steward Åke was reassigned to the capital county to oversee the two projects now being conducted there in Nygarðr and the new city of Holmgarðr. And with Sumarliði now well courted, Eilif’s still disaffected uncle Jarl Gorm was the next to receive a diplomatic mission.
Then more money was invested in the Imperial Guard on 7 March – another boost to its cavalry arm. The rest of the Guard was up to full strength and approaching from the south.
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Next came notice of yet another war of expansion for Jarl Bertil: but it appeared this one had far larger implications for the whole Empire than any of his (many) previous adventures. Taking on Hochmeister Adam the Cruel of the Teutonic Order via a claim on Holstein immediately brought on a dangerous response from King Ogier of the powerful West Francia, despite the fact he had no formal alliance with the Hochmeister.
Ogier was a foolish and cowardly Karling who had somehow gathered enough courage to start a Holy War for Brabant, declared on Eilif himself as Bertil’s liege! Eilif wondered if the recent sacking of Roma and the infuriation of the Pope may have contributed to Ogier’s religious fervour. Anyway, despite his personal weaknesses, Ogier commanded a large army, had many vassals to call upon and his own sizable retinue.
Hochmeister Adam was not a great military power himself – though if his Order was brought in, that could change things. And he was only at war with Bertil, not Eilif himself.
Bertil himself was a very powerful lord, but would be badly overshadowed by the Franks, and his single holding in England was also bordered by Ogier's holdings there. Ogier’s retinue was already present on the border with Flanders.
But Bertil was at least now at least a fervent supporter of the Emperor as a result of the Holy war with the Catholics. And all the other Norse vassals shared the positive view of Eilif as a defender of Germanicism – which despite his private dedication to Hel, he still felt strongly. This was an inter-faith conflict which transcended any internal denominational dispute.
Eilif himself could also muster a large force – though most of it would be distant from the Flanders front and would take some time to concentrate then make it (by ship) to the front.
The religious fervour of the Holy War would boost the numbers the vassals would provide if called. But a number of his most powerful lords were already at war Bodil and Helgi against Poland and Sumarliði against Bulgaria.
Ch120 Q3: Bertil’s Levies.First military question is a ‘procedural’ one: should I just let Bertil mobilise and use all his own levies as he sees fit, or call out the (quite large) element he might provide the Emperor if called to arms? Not sure how the numbers would work in that case. That is, would it be more if I let him mobilise himself, for his war on the Hochmeister and would they then be under my control for the simultaneous war on Ogier, rather than taking a slice via the military screen? My working plan would be to not summon his men yet and see what happens first.
Ch120 Q4: Strategy. The big question though, role-playing religious zeal aside, is whether this fight is likely to be worth it. Brabant is a rich and powerful Jarldom/Duchy, but doesn’t seem to include the Germanic holy site in Zeeland. And it has always been very exposed – I’m surprised the Rurikids hadn’t been so seriously challenged there more in the past.
Also, the Holy War could of course get even bigger, with new fronts opening up or Ogier getting others to join in to help him through France. Maybe Eilif could also gain some Germanic support, but any of that would be secondary and not to be relied upon. While sending the entire army to fight in Flanders would not only delay other plans, but expose the Empire’s heartland to other potential threats closer to home. And having vassal levies called out for a long period will start to erode all that religious fervour over time.
The question for the Þing is basically should Bertil be fully supported and the war prosecuted to the full, or be shafted and Brabant cut loose? Again, my initial response is to Hel with it, bring it on, but I’d be interested in any alternative views.
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In politics, the realm’s factions remained simmering but under control. Only the two that Helgi was supporting – his claim for the crown of Garðariki and a party advocating elective succession in Russia – were of any substance at present. And the fervour of the Holy War may also erode support for factionalism further in the near term.
Eilif also received his more detailed report on the difficult matter of Rikulfr’s arrest by Sigurðr.
The charges were strong (and all obviously true): apostasy, witchcraft and demon worshipping. Even if Rikulfr argued he had been slandered. Eilif did wonder is his close relationship with his brother, and Sigurðr’s craven and greedy nature might be an avenue of recruitment into the Fellowship. But this could be highly dangerous – Sigurðr might denounce him if the bid failed. And even if he was successfully recruited, would that lead automatically to Rikulfr’s release? And (as he had pondered before) did Eilif even want that? A vexing set of questions he would pursue while he considered his response to Ogier’s declaration of Holy War. Perhaps it would not be a good time to risk some kind of catastrophic religious schism within Germanicism (such as the Fylkir being outed as an apostate demon-worshipping warlock, in addition to already being a known murderer and appointer of scandalous Councillors).
Ch120 Q5: Rikulfr’s Arrest, Part 2.Wondering here about what factors affect the chances of a successful recruitment to the Fellowship (Fellowship seniority, dark power, personal relationship, target’s sins, etc). Also, if Sigurðr could be induced to Hail Hel, would Rikulfr be released? If not, could the approach ruin both the brotherly relationship and lead to Eilif’s denunciation and catastrophe for his reign and the Empire itself, at such a critical historical crossroads, with the largest war the Rurikids have ever faced just begun?
Thus stands Europe in March 956 AD, at the start of the Frankish-Russian Holy War over Brabant.
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Questions
Plenty this time, and of course other comments and advice always heartily welcomed.
Ch120 Q1: Burgher Tax Obligations. It was only as I was reading this through as I wrote it up that I noticed ‘the mayors tend to favour supply troops for their liege over paying taxes’. Have I made a mistake here, courting disfavour in the search for more money? Or is it still a fair option, given how rich the cities can become?
Ch120 Q2: Rikulfr’s Arrest, Part 1. The event note calls this a disaster, but it was not clear from anything I could discern in mouse-overs etc what practical effect – if any – this might have on the Fellowship as a whole or members individually. For example, does it stop new missions being initiated? Increase the chance of discover of other members via notional torture, interrogation and/or trial of the Trollmaðr? Alternatively, might it be a convenient way to see a leadership competitor eliminated, to help pave the way for Eilif’ rise within the Fellowship? Should I be trying to do anything about this, or just let in run. See a little more below on the specific grounds for his arrest and one option Eilif is considering.
Ch120 Q3: Bertil’s Levies. First military question is a ‘procedural’ one: should I just let Bertil mobilise and use all his own levies as he sees fit, or call out the (quite large) element he might provide the Emperor if called to arms? Not sure how the numbers would work in that case. That is, would it be more if I let him mobilise himself, for his war on the Hochmeister and would they then be under my control for the simultaneous war on Ogier, rather than taking a slice via the military screen? My working plan would be to not summon his men yet and see what happens first.
Ch120 Q4: Strategy. The big question though, role-playing religious zeal aside, is whether this fight is likely to be worth it. Brabant is a rich and powerful Jarldom/Duchy, but doesn’t seem to include the Germanic holy site in Zeeland. And it has always been very exposed – I’m surprised the Rurikids hadn’t been so seriously challenged there more in the past.
Also, the Holy War could of course get even bigger, with new fronts opening up or Ogier getting others to join in to help him through France. Maybe Eilif could also gain some Germanic support, but any of that would be secondary and not to be relied upon. While sending the entire army to fight in Flanders would not only delay other plans, but expose the Empire’s heartland to other potential threats closer to home. And having vassal levies called out for a long period will start to erode all that religious fervour over time.
The question for the Þing is basically should Bertil be fully supported and the war prosecuted to the full, or be shafted and Brabant cut loose? Again, my initial response is to Hel with it, bring it on, but I’d be interested in any alternative views.
Ch120 Q5: Rikulfr’s Arrest, Part 2. Wondering here about what factors affect the chances of a successful recruitment to the Fellowship (Fellowship seniority, dark power, personal relationship, target’s sins, etc). Also, if Sigurðr could be induced to Hail Hel, would Rikulfr be released? If not, could the approach ruin both the brotherly relationship and lead to Eilif’s denunciation and catastrophe for his reign and the Empire itself, at such a critical historical crossroads, with the largest war the Rurikids have ever faced just begun?
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As the Great Þing assembled in Nygarðr on 9 March 956 AD, Fylkir Eilif II, Emperor of All Russia, had much to consider at home and abroad.
“Are we now to fight a kind of Ragnarók against the Catholics?” was Eilif’s most pressing question in a long list submitted to the wisdom of the Þing.
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Chapter 121: A Busy Few Months (9 March to 31 December 956)
Chapter 121: A Busy Few Months (9 March to 31 December 956)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … The big news of March 956 AD was war with King Ogier of the great Catholic realm of West Francia, brought about by Jarl Bertil II ‘the Devil’ of Brabant’s serial aggression; Eilif still played his double game of Odin’s Fylkir in the open and an aspiring member of the Fellowship of Hel in the shadows; the leader of the Fellowship, Jarl Rikulfr II ‘Ironside’ of Austergautland, remained in the dungeon of his liege – Eilif’s brother, King Sigurðr of Sviþjod.
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March 956
The key decision Emperor Eilif had to make in early March was how seriously he would contest the Francian Holy War for Brabant. Would he sit back and leave troublesome (though powerful and now very friendly) vassal Jarl Bertil to the Christian wolves? Or jump in and make a real contest of it?
He cast around to see if he might be able to spot – even persuade – some of the larger Germanic realms to support the Holy War. But neither Denmark or Norway seemed to be likely options for now. Even if King Þorolfr might have been attracted to Eilif for other … reasons.
King Steinn of Jorvik was also otherwise occupied, winning the Holy War Rögnvaldr ‘the Just’ of Norway was helping him with. But he might be susceptible to an approach on behalf of Hel! Eilif decided to put out a subtle feeler to see if he was interested.
Despite having to go it alone for now, Eilif decided he would fight for Germanicism and to keep Brabant out of infidel clutches and in the Empire. Whether it was Odin or Hel, they were all Germanic Gods: the other religions would destroy them without worrying about which of the True Old Gods they followed.
The fleet levies were mustered (around 70 ships, all from vassals, as Eilif owned no shipyards himself). Most were sent to the Gulf of Finland – those from Sweden with the 1,389-man levy Eilif’s brother the King had contributed. The Imperial Guard and all the other demesne and vassal levies in Russia – another 6,414 men – were ordered to gather in Ingria.
In Brabant, by 11 March Bertil’s vassal levy for Eilif was summoned and ordered to Breda, to gain condition (morale) and get it out of harm’s way: the Francian hordes would soon be summoned and attacking. Bertil mustered his own forces, some of which were likely to be caught in Hainaut by Ogier’s retinue, already marching from Artois.
Of interest, West Francia had some continuing internal squabble over Evreux to distract them: all to the good!
Far away from the fighting, Novgorod Seversky converted to Germanicism on 13 March: perhaps this was a sign from the Gods in support of this great defence of the True Faith?
Despite the all the various wars in progress, King Steinn proved to be a willing respondent to Eilif’s initial overtures.
A short while later, Steinn took the definitive step and begged for help in the many wars he was forced to fight in Britannia.
And it seemed Rikulfr was still able to handle all his correspondence, even from Sigurðr’s dungeon!
By 21 March, one of Beretil’s larger regiments had been caught by Ogier’s Retinue, under Count Guilhem, in Hainaut: it was not going well.
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April 956
By the beginning of April, the running cost of the war was able to be calculated: it was just about a break-even proposition. There was 166 gold in the treasury, with 13.58 coming in and (after the mustering of the levies) 13.28 going out monthly, leaving a bare positive balance of 0.29 gold per month. Enough to sustain the fight long term, but not to recruit and support a mercenary army.
At that time, it was apparent that Bertil would be focusing his own forces on the war against the Teutonic Order: a wise move and a fight he was more likely to win in the shorter term. If he’d tried to stand and fight in Brabant now, he would be destroyed by Ogier’s bigger battalions.
The factions within the Empire continued to lose adherents, due mainly to the fervour of the defensive Holy War against West Francia. Gorm’s faction disbanded, the others were running down and even Helgi had started to lose interest, though he remained in his own faction. The Independence faction would soon disband on 14 April.
The Brabantian regiment in Hainaut was defeated by 10 April and the 596 survivors started retreating towards Gent, having killed just 26 of Ogier's Retinue. On 19 April Count Herbert was besieging Hainaut and would soon have over 4,000 men with more reinforcements arriving. A messenger from Satakunta turned up around this time, but with all the distractions he was ignored for a while.
On 27 April, it was decided this initial phase of the war would be fought by Russia in the periphery: Brabant itself was clearly too ‘hot’ for now. The vassal troops raised from Bertil in Brabant and Sussex (already aboard ship) would head by sea to the Strait of Dover. They would take the fight to the Francian holdings in Britannia, which were quite extensive.
On 30 April, the messenger from High Chief Pentti was finally admitted. The late convert to Germanicism (through an earlier Russian Holy War) was offering moral support for the current conflict. The only problem was that he was fighting off an invading horde and by 3 May it was obvious he could not actually spare any troops at present. Typical half-hearted Finns! Still, at least it is an adherent, Eilif observed – albeit sourly.
A little more information was gained on that Francian fight over Evreux. It was an internal claim war between Burgundy and Anjou: all to the good from the Russian perspective. Though it looked like Burgundy would soon win it.
That day, Empress Björg was appointed to the vacant Court Tutor position (for which she was well qualified) and Eilif’s uncle, Jarl Gorm [Martial 16] was once more made a Russian commander when a slot became free.
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May 956
The Russian force of 1,217 men began landing in Sussex (Bertil’s outpost in Britannia) on 10 May. The Burgundy-Anjou battle in Evreux was drawing to a close, while now Count Herbert had 5,567 men in Hainaut. Eilif was glad they hadn’t allowed his own troops to be caught there.
The first large body of troops (levies; the Guard was still on its way) was aboard the largest Russian fleet (4,279 men on 42 ships) in the Gulf of Finland on 21 May and setting sail for the Waddenzee. That same day, the chevauchée* set out from Sussex under Velmayka, to see what he could do in the largely undefended Francian possessions of southern Britannia, starting with Winchester.
Per Wikipedia, a chevauchée ("promenade" or "horse charge", depending on context) was a raiding method of medieval warfare for weakening the enemy, primarily by burning and pillaging enemy territory in order to reduce the productivity of a region, as opposed to siege warfare or wars of conquest. The use of the chevauchée declined at the end of the 14th century as the focus of warfare turned to sieges. Its legacy eventually lead to the scorched earth strategies used in modern warfare.
This raid actually does involve sieges, but as this is my Francian adventure, I’ve back-cast a bit from the Hundred Years War to use the term for this foray.
Unfortunately for Marshal Bodil, her own war (with her own Lithuanian and Belo Ozeran troops from Helgi) against Poland was going badly. A battle was in progress in Kurzema that saw her forces outnumbered almost three-to-one, due in large part to a mighty allied Venetian contingent of over 6,200 men fighting for the Poles.
At this time, Eilif considered inviting his brother King Sigurðr into the Fellowship. One thing prevented and another dissuaded him: first, he had to wait three months since his last invitation (to King Steinn) before issuing another. But even then, noting advice from the last Black Þing, having Rikulfr in prison – and perhaps executed – wouldn’t necessarily be a bad thing for his own future advancement. A very Hellish way to think of it.
Just two days later, it would prove time for a devotee of Hel to burn. It was not Rikulfr, but another incautious member who had been discovered by a seer working for Jarl Barid of Smáland.
On 30 May, the main Brabantian army (2,204 men under a Commander Hrörekr) was laying siege to the Teutonic county of Holstein.
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June 956
The new castle fortifications (paid for by the last Great Raid) were completed at Aldeigjuborg in Ladoga on 2 June. It should make it a harder nut to crack next time a raiding or war party tried to take it, as they often seemed to.
Meanwhile, the chevauchée ran into a problem when Velmayka’s army arrived in Winchester on 6 June: it was too small to fully invest the castle! This poor research and reconnaissance was put down as another learning experience. Westminster in Middlesex, according to the chastened Russian scouts, should be comfortably within their capabilities. Also, a couple of Francian fleets were spotted: what might they be up to? The answer to that question was as yet unknown.
Three days later, another 836 troops embarked on ten ships in the Gulf of Finland, intended as reinforcements for the main army under Hrafn which by then was sailing through the Gulf of Danzig. More ships would be sent back for the rest in due course. Bodil’s army had been defeated in Kurzema by then, losing over a thousand men to the Poles.
The big news of mid-June would dominate Eilif’s attention for some little time thereafter. And it had nothing to do with the war or the business of the Fellowship. It was the revelation of a massive murder plot, directed at …
… the Emperor himself! His cousin Jarl Falki of Tver was the ringleader and would not renounce the plot if called upon to do so. But Eilif didn’t necessarily want to push too hard yet, given the scale of the Holy War.
Of the seven co-conspirators, four would almost certainly withdraw if asked, but three may not. These others included his own sister Aleta, his veteran commander Velmayka (who had long disliked Eilif) and young Jarl Refil II of Vladimir. Others were minor chiefs or courtiers. Letters went out to each demanding they leave the plot.
Even as Eilif waited for the responses, he refused to cower from these half-arsed conspirators. Instead, despite the wars both of them fought, he found time for a sordid interlude with Marshal Bodil. But although ostensibly against the Odinists, it was to be carried out in Karjala: sweet! One in the eye for those treacherous Karelian bush lawyers. Take that!
Bodil did indeed prove herself to be a most depraved manipulator! Her husband was right. It cemented her friendship with Eilif, who could feel the Dark Power coursing through him. After this horrible expedition was over, he had more of this power, but had not yet advanced within the membership. That was more reliant on the level one had achieved and other skills and traits, rather than raw (and transient) Dark Power.
For example, Spækona Valdava’s traits were particularly well-suited to the Fellowship, among others that could help. If Eilif could develop any of these himself over time, it would increase his relative status at whatever rank level he had attained.
Velmakya found Westminster to be a suitable target when he arrived in Middlesex on 24 June. But to return the favour, a Teutonic army had arrived to besiege Brabant, while the Francians continued to wear down the castle of Ath in Hainaut.
The Fellowship seemed to have sprung into life around this time, as a new mission was offered. Eilif accepted the mission, but delayed commencing it for now. He would take it up when he judged the time was right.
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July 956
The month started with good news: on 2 July, Helgi left his own faction that proclaimed his right to the crown of Garðariki. The faction remained for now, but was virtually powerless without him.
But four days later, news came that Ath had fallen in Hainaut: Francia had lost 201 men in the siege [war score to -7%]. They started the next siege in the county, with 7,656 men. But in Brabant, the Teutons had lifted their siege and were returning east. And the main Russian fleet and army had arrived in the Waddenzee.
The same day, a small Frankish fleet of seven ships appeared in the Gulf of Finland: it looked like they might be off for their own chevauchée! The Guard and over a thousand levies were still in or around Ingria and Holmgarðr. But High Chief Pentti was still too distracted by his resistance to the Savolaksian Conquest of Häme to send any troops to assist.
With around 2,800 men, including the Guard, in place to deal with the expected Francian raiders, on 8 July the main army was sent on to the Strait of Dover. They would look to expand on the current chevauchee in Britannia. As they headed south-west, another Francian fleet of 46 ships was sighted off Mortain, Evreux and Rouen. Their next destination was not noted.
Between 21 June and 8 July, the responses from the challenged murder plotters were received. The bad news came first: the three titled conspirators all rejected the command to desist in rude and insolent terms. But Commander Velmayka deliberately misread the request and said he would desist with a different plot he must have been part of. This fine print was not noticed at the time.
At least Eilif’s sister Aleta agreed to stop, as did Nihka Keite – who Eilif believed must be the brother of the rival he himself had arranged to murder a few years back – and another of the courtiers.
Chap 121 Q1: Plot Stopping.OK, only noticed the thing with Velmayka agreeing to end a different plot as I was writing up the chapter. I should have picked it up when I looked at the updated plot strength, but there was a lot happening at the time and I missed it. I’ll have to go back and try again. Is there any way to specify which plot (if there’s more than one) that they stop on the relevant screen? Or do you just have to keep asking until they stop the one you want them to?
In Britannia, on 20 July the Francian Count Lothaire of Essex had mustered his levy of 323 men there, only to be badly unprepared when attacked shortly afterwards by a handy group of 700 raiders from Memel! What excellent timing! Meanwhile, the main Russian fleet pushed on to The Solent, from where they planned to target Winchester.
Back in Russia, the Francian raiders under Count Guilhem landed in Kexholm. Chief Vladislav was put in charge of the Guard and other levies then in Ingria and sent to attack Kexholm, relying on a heavy superiority in numbers and quality to overcome the river crossing penalty they would encounter.
Two days later, the Francian company was fleeing towards Karjala, breaking their barely begun siege.
On 30 July, Lothaire’s company was defeated in Essex by the Memelian raiders and the remaining 263 men started fleeing west – they would head through Middlesex on the way, bypassing the Russian troops stationed there in their panic. The Memelians (who had lost only one man) headed back to their ships in the Strait of Dover. Hale fellows, well met!
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August 956
In early August the main Russian army, under the leading Russian commander Hrafn and numbering 4,283 strong, was laying siege to Winchester as the good work in Middlesex continued under Velmayka.
The Emperor, meanwhile, received word from Grand Master Rikulfr that Hel was pleased with the recent recruitment of King Steinn of Jorvik, who had been inducted into the coven. The additional power that brought was enough to take Eilif to the next level in his depraved quest for advancement in the Fellowship. Which he requested immediately, of course, but was told it would take time to receive confirmation. Unsurprisingly perhaps, the Fellowship of Hel believed in laborious paperwork!
On 21 August the next small contingent (833 men in ten ships) had arrived in the Waddenzee and was sent on to the Strait of Dover, where it was planned they would reinforce the smaller of the two armies on chevauchée in Britannia. Not so good was the news that Cambrai had just fallen in Hainaut [war score to -14%] just two days later and that the Francians had lost no men taking it. Following that, the monthly budget slipped into a small deficit, now losing 0.18 gold per month, with 166 in the treasury.
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September 956
In early September, it seemed new vassal levies were still being brought into Ogier’s army, with around 1,500 Flemish troops spotted having been just raised in Flanders. And who could tell how many more were mustering in the West Francian interior.
As if wars, Hellish shenanigans, factional strife and murder plots were not enough, on 6 September Eilif decided that he needed some more ‘brood mares’ to help provide an heir, however distasteful he found this ‘duty’. Finding no suitably aged or talented women within the realm, he cast more widely for Germanic Norse women outside it, who were around his own age or younger and willing to come to the court of their own will. Three were soon found and invited to court. They would begin turning up, one by one, in the coming days.
But all this was upstaged by a rude shock on 8 September: reports came in from breathless riders that a large enemy army had landed in Ingria and attacked a small company of levies that had been waiting there for the next available transports. The Russian company tried to escape as soon as they could, but all had been ridden down and killed before they could escape, with Ingria now under siege (ever its fate, it seems).
This new enemy army under Count Herbert was far too strong for Chief Vladislav’s force to attack, especially over a major waterway. Another remedy would need to be sought.
That remedy was to call Hrafn’s main army all the way back to Russia, plus the other smaller contingent of 800-odd men that had yet to land in southern Britannia. Velmakya would be left to continue the chevauchée as best he could. A fleet large enough to move his force was left in the Strait of Dover, in case he needed to be evacuated.
Eilif’s foul disposition was improved with news his promotion within the Fellowship to the rank of Visendamaðr had been approved. At some point, he would get around to exercising some of those new powers – perhaps on a couple of those pesky chiefs still openly plotting his murder. But for now, things were busy enough – he used the promotion as a reason to celebrate (and rebuild his Dark Power) by commencing his next mission. A ‘routine’ desecration of the temple in Perm.
Eilif’s increasingly evil and depraved conduct was highlighted by the fact he did this even as that company of Russian troops was being slaughtered in Ingria. Ignoring all this, he set out with a group of dastardly accomplices on his dark mission.
Once more, the sacrilege was completed without any apparent problems. This time, with the war on and money at a premium, he sold the relics found on the ‘black’ market. Even as he undermined the moral authority of the very religion he publicly led!
17 September – the day the battle in Ingria was lost – found Hrafn on board ship with his army in the Solent, ready to sail all the way back to Father Russia.
“General, one of the local merchants wishes to sell us these cases full of fresh fruit,” said his quartermaster as they prepared to cast off. “Should we buy them?”
“Bah!” shouted Hrafn. “Meat, bread and fermented fish is all I need. Fruit is for Francian pansies and English wimps!” He was eager to cast off to get wind and salt water in his beard.
Chief Vladislav was ordered to take his army around ‘the long way’, north around Lake Ladoga and through Karelia, chasing the smaller Francian army which was already heading that way. It was hoped Vladislav would be able to eventually link up with Hrafn without getting into a one-sided fight with Count Herbert’s large force, which had settled into its siege of Ingria.
By 22 September, all the new concubines had arrived – while Eilif was off on his foul mission to Perm. They were formally made his concubines in his absence. None were outstanding, but all were reasonably talented and Gytha – the pick of them – was a shieldmaiden. Something Eilif found pleasantly interesting … as far as a woman could be found so by him in any romantic sense.
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October 956
The first substantive blow to be struck back at the Francians in the Brabantian Holy War came on 4 October, with the fall of Westminster in Middlesex to Velmayka, including a useful haul of coins and piety. He moved on next to besiege the City of London, which promised to be both an easier and richer target.
Simultaneously, Bertil’s war against the Teutons was going quite reasonably, though the Teutons were about to retake Holstein while the Brabantians main army was in Lüneburg.
In Hainaut, the situation was worsening. On 13 October Valenciennes fell (no Francian casualties) followed by an assault on the 625-man Brabantian garrison at Avesnes, which was taken on 25 October – this time costing the Francians 682 casualties. With Hainaut now completely occupied [war score -28%] Count Guilhem then took his 6,989 men north to Bertil’s seat – Brabant itself.
As this was happening, Hrafn lay dying at sea – a victim of scurvy, and his own hubris. He had been Eilif’s cousin by marriage and his lead commander – a sore loss. A competent replacement was appointed, another Imperial cousin, named Hakon. But perhaps the shock of the news was too much for the Emperor, whose very soul seemed to crack open that same day, letting in something … unspeakable.
Speaking of letting in unspeakable things, the Francians were beginning their siege works in Brabant by 31 October.
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November 956
With the fall of Ingria on 5 November (though it was only a small holding and did not change the balance of the war much), Count Herbert’s army began to march on Holmgarðr itself: a far more serious threat. Chief Vladislav was in Ääninen by then, but in no position to sensibly contest the advancing Francian army, which would soon link up with its other regiment, then in Ladoga.
The Holy War was so far not going very well for Russia. Either bold action or craven surrender to the inevitable would be required. But it seemed the Emperor was ill-placed to provide bold leadership, as the evil of his Hellish pursuits continued to wrack his body and corrupt his soul.
Nevertheless, four days later the main Russian army, now combined to a strength of over 5,000, arrived in the Gulf of Finland. They began to unload in Narva, as the Francian host was still in Ingria and an amphibious assault with unprepared troops [ie 50% morale after the voyage] would likely end in disaster or at least great bloodshed, despite a reasonable numerical advantage. Given West Francia's overall superiority in numbers, Russia could not afford to burn its troops off wantonly unless in dire need.
At that time, over in Britannia, Duke Édouard of Wessex had raised his levy, of whom 745 troops were visible so far in Dorset. Velmayka continued his siege of London, but had his scouts keep a careful eye on developments to the west.
And a check on Ogier’s overall mobilisation discovered that he had now hired over 2,000 mercenaries, bringing his total army to 12,380 and with 285 gold left in his treasury. Hopefully the costs of the war, especially keeping a large mercenary band paid, might begin to eat that away further over the long term. If Russia could stay in the fight that long.
By 24 November, Duke Édouard had 1,275 men in Dorset and two days later they arrived in Winchester, to the immediate west of Velmayka in Middlesex. Fortunately, the same band of 700 Memelian raiders that had proven useful before had landed in Winchester and were plying their trade there when Édouard appeared and a battle began. The Memelians were very unlikely to win it, but they would delay the Francians and hopefully cause some casualties.
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December 956
By 4 December, the battle in Winchester continued and Velmayka completed the sack of London with only light casualties, bringing in welcome cash, piety and swinging the course of the war a little back towards the Russians. Leaving a small garrison, Velmayka started heading to Essex – and the waiting ships in the Strait of Dover. This British chevauchée was over.
Ten days later, the situation in Russia was fluid. Count Herbert was about a third of the way through his first siege in Holmgarðr when the smaller Russian army, now under Commander Jedvard, appeared in Ladoga. Herbert broke off his siege and marched north to engage. And it would be a close-run thing as to whether Herbert might catch Jedvard before the latter could escape to Zaozerye.
Meanwhile, Jarl Gorm had taken command of the main army, which had by now recovered its condition fully from the return voyage and was in Pskov, heading for the capital via Luki; and picking up replacements along the way now they were back in the homeland.
When Gorm arrived in Luki on 29 December, Herbert made the fateful decision to turn around and aim to strike across the river to Luki against him instead. Gorm quickly halted where he was and prepared to defend. He had slightly higher numbers than the Francians, though the latter had more than double the amount of archers. Of course, the river presented a major obstacle to the enemy: Gorm hoped it might be enough to win the day. Jedvard now pivoted to Belo Ozero, to put him closer to a hoped-for link up with Gorm later: win or lose.
As a very eventful year came to a close, Velmayka’s army was safely aboard ship and began sailing south-west along towards the Îles de la Manche, looking for likely targets for a new chevauchée. Bodil’s Lithuanian-Polish War was going from bad to worse, with a number of her own counties now under Polish occupation and a second battle in Kurzema taking place, where 10,760 Polish (and allied) troops were once again in the process of beating the 2,304 men remaining in the Lithuanian-Belo Ozeran army.
But most crucially, an unwell but still defiant Emperor Eilif II wondered whether the Francians would continue their advance on Luki, where a battle was due to begin on 23 January 957 AD. The outcome would almost certainly mark a critical, if not decisive, point in the Franco-Russian Holy War that had started in March that year. Not quite ten months and so much had happened in the frenetic and increasingly demented reign of the ‘Evil Emperor’ of Russia.
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Questions
Just the one formal question this time, but of course more hints, observations and suggestions are always welcome. I will say that the session was played through to the end of February 957, but this seemed the right place to stop for chapter length and dramatic effect: a deliberate cliff-hanger re the potential Battle of Luki.
Chap 121 Q1: Plot Stopping.OK, only noticed the thing with Velmayka agreeing to end a different plot as I was writing up the chapter. I should have picked it up when I looked at the updated plot strength, but there was a lot happening at the time and I missed it. I’ll have to go back and try again. Is there any way to specify which plot (if there’s more than one) that they stop on the relevant screen? Or do you just have to keep asking until they stop the one you want them to?
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Chapter 122: Fire and Sword (1 January to 30 October 957)
Chapter 122: Fire and Sword (1 January to 30 October 957)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … The eventful year of 956 ended with Russia preparing to meet an invading Francian army in a big showdown in Luki, while an even larger Francian army continued to wear down Jarl Bertil II’s holdings in Brabant. Bertil was taking on the Teutonic Order in the war to conquer Holstein that had triggered this whole conflagration. The Holy War for Brabant was the main, but not the only thing that occupied Emperor Eilif II’s attention: factional politics, murder plots and of course the secret business of his progress in the Fellowship of Hel also simmered along.
A righteous upholder of the Germanic Faith in public as Fylkir and leading the defence in a holy war in Odin’s name, Eilif was simultaneously advancing within Hel’s coven and leading a double life of evil depravity in private. Could he continue to balance the two, without bringing the realm or himself to ruin?
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January 957
As Jarl Gorm’s army waited in Luki for Count Herbert’s West Francian army to attack across the Lovai River, the new year brought some good news on the diplomatic front: Bjarmia had pledged to join the holy war. And Chief Sirtya, despite being a cowardly seducer who liked to impale people, could actually bring a couple of decent sized companies to the conflict. He was requested to attach his troops to Jedvard’s army - the smaller of the two in Russia but containing the Imperial Guard, which was then north-east of Holmgarðr.
In the west, with no reasonable targets to hand and needing to rebuild numbers, the small fleet in the English Channel headed back to friendly – and relatively safe – territory north of Brabant, where the main Francian army was currently located.
In Brabant, Leuven fell to King Ogier’s forces on 23 January. The war continued to veer in West Francia’s favour.
That same day, the Battle of Luki began. The Emperor’s uncle Jarl Gorm had a slight numerical advantage and Count Herbert’s men had to cross a major river obstacle. But the West Francians had more than double the archers and had the better of the opening exchanges – until the Russian right flank commander Hakon led a berserker charge and closed with the enemy’s left on 5 February. Although the Francians tried to counter-charge and the Russians also took heavier casualties, the effect was immediate and devastating.
As he waited for word on the outcome of this pivotal battle, Eilif was able to survey the capital’s newly expanded castle town, funded by the last great raid in Italy. Even as war proceeded nearby, the future wealth of the realm remained in the Emperor’s mind as Holmgarðr prospered commercially and as a regional centre of learning.
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February 957
By 11 February, Hakon had broken the Francian left, which now fled the battlefield after having taken terrible losses. Hakon switched to attack the flank of the enemy’s centre, as part of a general melee – where the Russians' numerical superiority in heavy infantry also began to assert itself. The Francian centre broke after just a day of this treatment, leaving their right battle to fight on by itself as they were in turn flanked. By 16 February, the whole Francian army was retreating in disorder.
As this phase of the battle was progressing to a clear Russian victory, on 12 February Jedvard’s army (about 2,800 men in Belo Ozero) was ordered to march to Holmgarðr, to see what use might be made of them in the aftermath of the apparent victory in Luki.
In the west, on 19 February Velmayka took command of the troops that had just landed back in Westfriesland – their strength had now recovered to around 1,150. They would wait there for further orders, given Ogier still had over 7,000 men in Brabant.
When the pursuit of the West Francian army from the Battle of Luki was finished, a great victory had been won and the balance of the war swung significantly back towards Eilif’s favour. This had been vital to offset Francian success in Brabant itself. Herbert fled south-west in panic to Pallteskja, with Gorm following behind at a more deliberate pace, now with a considerable numerical advantage.
With that front safely in hand, Jedvard was ordered to pass through Holmgarðr and then head to Ingria, to rid it of its Francian occupation.
In Brabant, Ogier still maintained the upper hand on the ground and a larger overall army than Eilif – with who knew how many other Francian vassal levies or Christian allies who might come to his aid. As mentioned before, the small Russian army in the west had returned to the continent on 19 February. The Francian siege in Brabant continued unhindered. To the north, Brabantian and Teutonic forces chased each other around – where Jarl Bertil had the clear advantage in numbers and had occupied a good number of Teutonic holdings.
By 25 February, the allied Bjarmian army numbered 691 men and was in Pomorye, still with orders to eventually link up with Jedvard in Ingria. In his capital, Eilif pondered his new powers as a Visendamaðr – and considered how he might use them to visit grief on Ogier. As an active foe, a tainted touch could be used, but Eilif would need more Dark Power to be capable of that. More conventional means would have to be employed – for now.
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March 957
As March began the Francian army was being shadowed in Russia and Jedvard made for Ingria. Then yet another of Bertil’s holdings fell in Brabant. Once more, Ogier was asserting the advantage in the Holy War where it really mattered. Something would have to be done about this, but Eilif’s attention was divided by the need to see off the threat in Russia first.
By mid-March, it was clear Herbert was fleeing west, continuing into Poland after he arrived in Pallteskja. But Gorm would need to keep an eye on him for a while longer, in case they returned after their panicked retreat ended. He arrived in Pallteskja himself on 20 March and stayed put, awaiting developments and reports from his scouts.
On 19 March came interesting and somewhat surprising news: Eilif’s brother King Sigurðr had released the leader of the Fellowship, Jarl Rikulfr Ironside, from his dungeon. It was not clear whether a sum of gold had changed hands or whether it was simply an act of mercy.
As March drew to a close, Eilif once more checked to see if he could secure the support of the Jomsvikings. However, his reputation for piety was still not sufficient [at 171.523, with 192.5 needed]. It seemed that Count Herbert was continuing west, heading to the Baltic coast at Zemgale as he made it to Latgale on 30 March with his 2,258 remaining troops.
In political news from his brother’s court in Sweden, it seemed Sigurðr was now trying to curry favour with his Hellish senior jarl through the exercise of mercy and giving a new court appointment. A definite turn-around from being imprisoned for demon-worshipping!
Rikulfr’s known ambition to become King of Sviþjod surely couldn’t be helping relations, though his farcical façade of maintaining a “religious life of contemplation, prayer and meditation” while being a stark raving mad, drunken and possessed chief of the Fellowship of Hel was at least a bold and amusing ploy. Clearly, the four blood rivals he had accumulated within the Fellowship could also be a threat to his well-being.
The next improvement to Eilif’s core demesne came on 31 March, with the expansion of the barracks at Yamsky Gorodok in Torzhok.
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April 957
On 18 April, Jedvard arrived in Ingria. With the siege likely to only take around a month and a half, he settled in to that rather than wasting good men of the Guard assaulting the town walls. Gorm was still keeping watch on the Francians as they retreated through Latgale, just over the Russian border with Poland.
In Brabant, yet another holding fell the next day.
That same day, news came that Jorvik (with the help of Noregr) had succeeded in winning the Christian English Holy War for Ulaidh. There was hope this might free them up to support Eilif in his struggle against mighty West Francia.
With no major West Francian force visible in southern England and wanting to do something to wrest back a little initiative, on 23 April Gunnarr (the siege specialist) was given command of the small army in Westfriesland, taking ship head for a raid on Ogier’s holdings in Essex.
The following day, news came of Bodil’s final defeat in her 2nd Lithuanian Conquest of Zemgale. Even with Helgi’s assistance, Poland and its powerful allies were simply too strong for her.
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May 957
On 3 May, Gunnarr arrived off Essex and began unloading his small army.
The latest new castle town improvement at Starya Russa in Toropets was completed on 8 May, another addition to Russia’s growing prosperity.
But this was entirely overshadowed by a seismic change in the war announced on the same day: Eilif received probably the most welcome letter from a foreign leader in the entire history of the realm, since its founding by Rurik ninety years before in 867 AD.
Warchief Palnatoke – one of the outstanding generals of his age – was bringing his own levies and the army of the Order to help Germanicism defeat the Christian assault on Brabant. All without any need for Eilif to expend any piety or treasure on either their hire or upkeep. This changed everything, of course. Gunnarr immediately stopped his landing in Essex (which he had not yet completed) and headed straight back – this time to Zeeland, a little closer to the action. Palnatoke was requested to join him there. Gunnarr was back on the continent by 20 March as the Jomsvikings began their march over from their castle in Werle.
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June 957
More good (though less momentous) news came on 2 June when Ingria was reclaimed with no losses. By then, Gorm's army was in Pskov and making for Narva: Herbert had disappeared further west – presumably back onto the ships that had brought him over. The main Russian fleet of 58 ships would eventually take as many troops as possible back to Brabant, to assist with taking on Ogier’s army and reclaiming the lost holdings that would hopefully be begun with the help of the Jomsvikings.
Jarl Falki’s simmering murder plot against Eilif (his cousin) came to the latter's attention again in mid-June, with some new plotters having joined (including one of his new concubines, Gytha the Shieldmaiden) [it had risen to 75.1% strength again]. Another wave of demands to cease and desist was sent out to the plotters for whom there was any chance of agreement.
As June was drawing to a close, Velmayka took the ‘core’ western army on the road to Breda as the advance guard of the Jomsvikings was approaching Gelre via Osnabrück and the Francians were still occupied in Brabant. Gorm and Hakon were brought over to serve as the flank commanders.
In Russia, there was a delay as the army in Ingria needed to be split into two contingents, where most of the Guard (all but one company) was able to fit into the space remaining on the boats waiting for them in the Gulf of Finland. Gorm’s former army had already boarded. Tryggve's force was embarking by 28 June.
All the replies to the latest murder plot demands were received by 29 June. Two (Jarl Refill and Chief Roman) still refused to desist, but the rest (including Velmayka - at last - and Eilif’s concubine Gytha) were no longer backing Falki.
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July 957
On 6 July the main Russian army was all aboard and began the long voyage back to Brabant. A smaller force would remain in Ingria, to put out any ‘bushfires’ that may erupt.
By 14 July, Velmayka was waiting in Breda for the Jomsvikings. And then reports were received of a large new mustering of troops by the Duke of Flanders – over 2,000 men in total.
A week later, it was noticed with some amusement that 1,000 of the Flanders troops had tangled with around 450 raiders from Helsingland in Rouen – all good distraction. And on 25 July, Rikulfr was back in prison again, once again accused of demon-worshipping.
By the end of the month, the Jomsvikings advance guard (775 men) had joined up with Velmayka in Breda. Their main body was in Gelre. Meanwhile, the Bjarmian army (691 men) had crossed over to Uppsala, so was ordered to join Velmayka as well – they would have a long march through Denmark.
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August 957
By 1 August, Falki’s murder plot was growing again [back to 53%], with Eilif’s sister Princess Aleta rejoining. Eilif may have thought it was understandable people would be trying to kill him – after all, he was not averse to it himself – but it was so irritating, especially when family became involved. Once more some cease and desist notices were issued. But not to Aleta yet: it seemed she had joined the plot so recently it was not yet feasible for her to be called out of it.
But when the two responses were received, at least Jarl Refil was finally dissuaded, even if Chief Roman remained implacable.
“’May my humours rot in my living body’, eh?” Eilif mused to himself with grim amusement. “He may find that happening to him, if he doesn’t watch out.”
Except it probably wouldn’t be worth so much Dark Power to use a tainted touch on such an inconsequential nobody, when an arrest warrant and armed guard would probably be cheaper and quicker. All in good time.
On 8 August, a Francian fleet appeared in the Waddenzee and started disembarking troops, possibly to Gent. It looked like it might be Count Herbert, returning from his defeat in Russia. Four days later, the whole Jomsviking army had made it to Breda. With a fairly large temporary advantage in numbers, especially the heavy infantry of the Holy Viking Warriors, it was decided to march on Brabant without delay, before other Francian contingents in the neighbourhood concentrated there.
By 18 August it was confirmed – Herbert’s army had landed in Gent, and initially began to besiege it. But the very same day, the main Russian fleet arrived in the Waddenzee with an extra 5,700 men and started disembarking in Breda. But Velmayka and Palnatoke did not halt to wait for them to land and then gain condition after their voyage: they continued to advance and the Vladislav and Tryggve could catch up when they were ready.
On 22 August 957, the greatest battle yet to be fought by the Rurikid dynasty began at Aarschot [how appropriate ] in Brabant. Warchief Palnatoke took command of the centre, with Jarl Gorm on the (attacking Russians') right and Hakon on the left. The Francians had no commander on their left, opposite Gorm, as the battle started. The opening exchanges continued until 29 August when Herbert’s army joined the battle, his fresh troops almost evening up the numbers. By 30 August the fighting remained fairly even on the Russian left and right, while Palnatoke had gained a distinct advantage in the centre, and was now up against Herbert, who had assumed command opposite.
As the battle in Aarschot continued, good news came, with Eilif’s fellow Hel adherent King Steinn casting his lot in the Holy War to defend Germanicism in Brabant.
And on 30 August, the reinforcing Russian army (the 5,700 men now under Chief Vladislav’s sole command) landed in Breda and made straight for Brabant without waiting to regain full condition. It was felt their presence on the battlefield was more urgent. They should arrive in Aarshot some time towards the end of the second week of September. Whether the battle would still be going then was another matter.
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September 957
In the first week of September, the character of the battle changed quite suddenly: while skirmishing on the Russian right and centre continued fairly evenly and Palnatoke maintained his significant advantage, the melee on Hakon’s left flank that began on 31 August went quite heavily in favour of the Francian division. Just two days later, the Russian left broke and Palnatoke was outflanked. By 6 September, the situation in the centre had been completely reversed: the Jomsviking Warchief was powerless to prevent the centre breaking, suffering horrendous casualties. Gorm was now on his own, badly outflanked, fighting all three enemy divisions and the battle seemingly lost.
But Gorm managed to hold on until a triple horn blast behind him signalled the arrival of Vladislav’s still somewhat seasick relief column on 12 September. Palnatoke rallied in the centre and was back in the fight: the hairs on the back of Gorm’s head raised, as if the Gods themselves were behind him. The effect on the enemy’s weakened centre, whose warriors had found themselves on the edge of victory and were now in despair, was immediate. They fled south and Palnatoke now returned the earlier favour on the Francian right flank with his own outflanking move, while things remained evenly poised on Gorm's right flank.
A week later, Gorm had finally prevailed in a tough fight and joined the others to attack the enemy’s heroically beset right division, which would continue to resist the entire Russian host until they too finally broke on 21 September.
All that was left now was the pursuit of the narrowly defeated Francian army, which together with the final phase of the battle made up for the heavy Russian casualties earlier on. What would surely stand as the critical battle of the whole war was over by 28 September in a glorious but hard-fought victory for the forces of Germanicism. By 1 October, the Russian forces were still not ready to assault the prodigious walls of Leuven, should they wish to do so.
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October 957
Just as events were decided in Brabant, a report came to Eilif on 1 October that the erstwhile solid and longstanding alliance between Bodil and Helgi had ‘broken down’. Eilif wondered whether it was because of the recent failure of their war against Poland. Questions were asked. And the answer was soon clear. The stress of life had proved too much for the High Chieftess of Lithuania, Marshal of Russia, deputy of the Fellowship of Hel – and close friend of the Emperor.
A great figure in Rurikid history of this period had passed onto … somewhere, but probably not Valhalla. Another female Holming – High Chieftess Ingrid – took over the Jarldom of Lithuania.
With the rush of events in Brabant, Eilif did not get around to filling the vacant Marshal’s position until 12 October, opting for an existing subject and ‘safe pair of hands’, Mayor Gnupa of Spångsholmr. He looked like he would be a loyal and competent administrative head of the army – even if he was a coward by reputation. Russian Marshals normally commanded logistics rather than armies anyway – and Gnupa would be no exception. The Council was still divided in its leanings and none were seen as devoted loyalists of the Emperor’s Party.
Back in Brabant, by 2 October the Russians were ready to assault. Wanting to get things resolved as quickly as possible and with the numbers provided by the Jomsvikings, Velmayka launched three assaults in a row against the still-small Francian garrisons in Brabant. The whole province had been freed of the Ogier’s yoke by 12 October as Velmayka and Palnatoke took their men south to Hainaut. The casualties had been very light and by then, the balance of the war had finally swung in Russia’s favour.
With Bodil’s death, a man known as Knut became the new deputy of the Fellowship. And the recently-promoted Eilif was the only other ranked Visendamaðr left. This put him third in the current hierarchy, with Rikulfr in prison again but still maintaining his position as Trollmaðr.
The Russians arrived in Hainaut on 24 October and found Ath’s high walls heavily enough garrisoned (550 men) that an assault was not conducted. They settled into a siege.
By that time, the now ageing (and devoted) Jarl Bertil’s war against the Teutonic Order to conquer Holstein was also progressing well.
King Steinn’s levy had been mustered and was asked to generally seek enemy counties to besiege – perhaps they would attack Ogier’s holdings in southern England?
October ended with Russia and its allies now firmly ahead in the Holy War for Brabant, but the fighting was far from over.
At home, the factions were of minimal concern – with Refil II opting out in August, only bit players remained, with Chief Kalle of Ingria reviving the faction to establish elective succession in the Kingdom of Garðariki at the end of August, while other minor players came and went.
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Chapter 123: The Cross and the Rune (1 November 957 to 25 August 958)
Chapter 123: The Cross and the Rune (1 November 957 to 25 August 958)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … West Francia’s Holy War for Brabant had turned decisively in Russia’s favour, first with an important win at the Battle of Luki in early 957, followed by the entry of the Jomsvikings on Emperor Eilif’s side in May. At the climactic Battle of Aarschot (22 August – 1 October 957), a massive and hard-fought contest that swung first one way and then the other, Germanicism won a decisive victory over the Christian forces of King Ogier of West Francia.
The fighting went on, with the rest of October being largely devoted to re-taking Brabantian holdings that remained under Francian occupation. Jarl Bertil’s own war of conquest against the Teutonic Order – which had sparked the wider war – was also progressing well. King Steinn (who Eilif had recently inducted into the Fellowship of Hel) joined the defence of Brabant against the Christians on 29 October.
At home, Eilif had now moved to number three in the Fellowship of Hel's heirarchy after the stress-related death of High Chieftess Bodil Holming, Marshal of Russia, on 1 October. The factions in Russia had sunk to negligible power and the long-running plot against Eilif’s life by his cousin Jarl Falki of Tver had been ameliorated but not extinguished. Jarl Rikulfr ‘Ironside’, head of the Fellowship, had been re-arrested by Eilif’s brother King Sigurðr of Sviþjod for demon-worshipping.
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November 957
Jarl Rikulfr of Bergslagen (not Ironside) died an accidental death on 2 November: for once, there were no suspicious circumstances. His infant son Þorsteinn became Jarl, but though he seemed destined for a brilliant career, it would be a very long regency, with his uncle as heir to the jarldom. His regent had better work hard to keep him away from ‘accidentally’ drowning in barrels of malmsey wine!
On 22 November, Ogier’s main army under Count Guilhem had rallied and was spotted in Amiens, heading east for Vermandois. The main Russian army remained at siege in Hainaut, ignoring them. A band of raiders appeared in Brabant on 25 November but did not stay, heading west for Gent. Then on 30 November, the Duke of Flanders once again raised his levies – to what purpose was as yet unknown. Not all the vassals of King Ogier who had mobilised their levies had done so to help him: many seemed more intent on settling internal squabbles than helping their king fight for Brabant.
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December 957
By 3 December, Eilif noted Falki’s murder plot against him had again gained adherents and strength (Falki and four co-conspirators, including Eilif’s sister Princess Aleta [at 72% strength]). Yet another round of demands to stop was issued.
On 5 December, Guilhem’s army was in Vermandois and heading around the Russians in Hainaut to Liege. It looked like they would attempt to circle right around to Brabant. Velmayka kept up the siege in Hainaut and would react to the Francian move if necessary, but preferably not to either break his siege nor split up his strength. On 6 December, the raiders were in Gent, but did not have the strength to besiege the holdings – just scour the countryside. They too were ignored. The Flemish levies seemed to be heading south-west – away from Hainaut.
On 7 December, Chief Kalle of Ingria disbanded the faction trying to bring elective succession to the Rurikid-controlled Kingdom of Garðariki.
21 December brought Guilhem to Liege and he was indeed headed for Brabant, which he would reach a week later. At that time, the Russian siege of Ath in Hainaut had an estimated 24 days to go. More allied Germanic contingents were arriving by sea (from Jorvik) and overland (from far Bjarmia). The pieces were being set for the next phase of the conflict.
King Steinn’s army, commanded by a Mayor Björn, made landfall in Gent on 27 December, ignoring the raiders there. Given they were now on the continent, Björn's orders were changed to join with Velmayka’s main force in Hainaut.
As the year drew to a close, four out of the five murder plotters, including Falki himself, had responded with undertakings to cease and desist. Only the recalcitrant Chief Roman refused to withdraw from a plot that by then even Falki himself had abandoned. Roman’s time will come, Eilif mused to himself, a nasty grin forming on his lips. For now, the Emperor bided his time – like a patient spider sitting in the middle of a web.
Meanwhile, the arrival of Count Guilhem in Brabant sparked a series of assaults that would continue into early January, designed to wrest the initiative back in West Francia’s favour.
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January 958
Three of Bertil’s holdings in Brabant, where the garrisons had found little time to rebuild, fell in quick succession to West Francian assaults that began on 28 December 957 and finished on 3 January 958.
More irritating news came on 8 January, with Bodil’s heir High Chieftess Ingrid of Lithuania reviving the ‘Elective Succession in Garðariki’ faction on 8 January. It was a far cry from the days when Eilif's good friend Bodil had ruled the roost there.
Two days later, the Jorvik contingent had joined the main army in Hainaut, which was still waiting to finish the siege of Ath. And finished it was on 12 January: it had been quite an expensive one, with over 800 men lost. Velmayka pondered whether an assault first up might have actually cost fewer men, as well as taking a fraction of the time.
In any case, he immediately set off with the whole army to attack Guilhem in Brabant, ignoring a number of smaller West Francian armies and raiders milling around in Flanders. He wanted to strike a mortal blow to crush Ogier’s main force as brutally and decisively as possible.
While this was playing out, far away in the lands of the Bulgarian Empire Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel finally won his conquest war for Olvia on 15 January, bringing the city of Cetatia Alba and the Temple of Ophusia with it.
The next major battle of the Brabantian Holy War began at Leuven in Brabant on 19 January. This time, the Russians and their allies outnumbered Guilhem by more than two-to-one. The outcome was never in doubt: Warchief Palnatoke assumed tactical battlefield command and by 30 January had broken the enemy centre while fighting was still in the skirmishing stage. He turned on the enemy’s right flank and the next day a general melee broke out, the Francians suffering crippling casualties. Both enemy flanks broke by 2 February, precipitating a rout and pursuit.
While this battle was still in its early stages, Noregr and Karelia both joined the Germanic side in the Holy War.
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February-March 958
The pursuit at Leuven ended on 10 February, with another crushing win recorded for the forces of Germanicism, with a large part of the West Francian army destroyed.
While Velmayka prepared his army for a series of assaults to win back the enemy-held locations in Brabant, a scandal broke out within Eilif’s own household. This time it was his concubine Aslaug playing up – with some count from Radstofa. The Emperor was more worried about appearances than any emotional impact. Though this Count Chichayka would go into his black book and any bastard that might emerge from the illicit affair would have poor prospects.
The small garrisons Guilhem had left in Brabant took only four days to overcome in three assaults that caused minimal Russian casualties.
With the war now leaning heavily in Eilif’s favour, the army headed back to Hainaut on 16 February to finish the job there.
The auspicious news continued for Eilif, one of whose concubines finally seemed to have ‘produced the goods’: the Emperor would have another child – this time he hoped for a son and heir.
In Hainaut, on 27 February the siege of Cambrai began – and unlike that of the castle of Ath, this should take far less time. The West Francian army was fleeing south in disarray, while the Flemish army had concentrated in Artois: to besiege it, it was believed!
And King Ogier was now known as ‘the Tormentor’: he must have been taking out his frustrations on his subjects, now that his once-great army was in tatters.
Eilif’s half-sister Princess Vigdis turned twelve on 3 March and Eilif had to choose an educational focus for her. She would learn philosophy and religion, under the tutelage of Empress Björg (who also served as Court Tutor). Eilif thought the time may come soon that he may wish to cement some alliances by dynastic marriage with fellow Norse realms, given the Christian challenge that might continue to grow in the clash between the two religions in Europe.
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April 958
As the Holy War continued in a quieter siege phase, Eilif sought to build relations with the new High Chieftess of Lithuania, making Ingrid Lawspeaker of Russia on 2 April. Five days later, the remains of the West Francian main army, now under the command of Count Herbert and numbering a little under 4,200 after gaining some reinforcements, was spotted in Reims, heading north to Vermandois. It seemed they were game enough to try their hand again. Recent reinforcements and the joining of allied contingents now saw the Russian army to over 13,400 in strength. The latest West Francian move was of little concern to them.
In Flanders, the Duke had broken his siege of Artois to advance west to Boulogne with 1,700 men, where Count Robin of Artois (with about 900 men) was about to defeat a smaller Flemish company of 340-odd men. It was deduced that the Duke was fighting a revocation war against his count. Good clean fun to keep them out of the Holy War.
Cambrai fell to Velmayka on 12 April [warscore 58%], for no Russian troop loss. The siege of Valenciennes was next and should also be fairly quick [31.6% every 12 days]. Five days later, the fight in Boulogne had intensified. Agents reported that Duke Lothaire II of Flanders' War to revoke Artois was edging slightly in Count Robin’s favour [5%], but this would likely change after the current battle was over, where the main Flemish army now outnumbered them by more than two-to-one after reinforcing the battle in Boulogne. Herbert was in Vermandois and once again treading the path to Liege, presumably then to Brabant.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
May 958
This time, Velmayka had no qualms about splitting his army to deal with the latest incursion. He kept the bulk of the Russian Imperial Guard and levies with him to continue the sieges in Hainaut.
Vladislav would take a number of small vassal levies, with the Jomsvikings and all the other allied contingents ordered to attach and accompany him to Brabant to see off the latest West Francian advance.
Vladislav set off straight away, but was advised the allied contingents were not ready to move and would be a few of days behind him. But by then, the enemy were back in Brabant and he did not want to delay the attack, lest they retake holdings in the meantime yet again. He hoped the allies would not be too far behind, or his small advance guard would be slaughtered.
As it happened, the Battle of Mechelen began in Brabant on 17 May and the Russian centre division was immediately routed. But the two flanks hung on and the allies were just two days behind, arriving on 19 May. This time it was the West Francian centre that folded straight away, as Palnatoke took over the battle and went straight into a melee across the whole field, while causing horrendous casualties to the enemy centre (over 1,200 of their 1,600-odd men killed in the first clash, though not without some sharp initial Germanic losses too). Three days later, the whole enemy army was shattered and in rout. Victory was completed on 30 May and Count Herbert himself taken prisoner on the field after losing three quarters of his army.
The next day, Vladislav took the victorious army back to Hainaut.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
June-July 958
With the Holy War almost won (Valenciennes had been taken by siege in the interim), Velmayka wasted no time in taking on the small West Francian garrison left in Avesnes, assaulting it from 4-6 June. All Brabantian land was now free of occupation and the war overwhelmingly Eilif’s favour – but Ogier was obstinate and refused to concede. Rather than wait for the holding of Brabant to gradually bring Ogier to the bargaining table, the Russians struck out for West Francian territory. They would force Ogier to concede by taking some of his own land. Artois was the first target: it may well be weakened from recent internal strife.
Velmayka arrived in Artois on 15 June and found a large garrison (1,149 soldiers) in a formidable castle [4.5 fortification level], now directly ruled by Duke Lothaire II of Flanders. It would be a siege, then. A week later Vladislav arrived in Hainaut and was sent south with the allies to Vermandois.
Back in Russia, on 29 June a host of 980 raiders from Ääninen was seen heading south for Ladoga, where they were due to arrive on 1 August. The troops left in Ingria began crossing the Lovat River and would make it to Ladoga the day before, on 31 July. It proved enough to discourage the raiders, who left for other easier targets. Eilif was happy so long as they were not raiding his personal demesne lands.
The despised Chief Roman of Vyazma’s next irritating ploy was to found a puny independence faction on 7 July. A second mark against him in the Emperor’s black book. The man must have a death-wish. On the same day back in the West, Jarl Hroðgar had arrived in Beda with a contingent of 1,017 men from Noregr to boost the Germanic cause. He was given orders to join Velmayka in Artois, to help even up the numbers of the two Russian forces then operating in northern Francia.
On 9 July, Ingrid of Lithuania responded to the favour shown her recently by disbanding her short-lived (and poorly supported) faction to bring elective succession to Garðariki.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
August 958
Jarl Hroðgar duly reinforced Velmayka in Artois on 6 August: Velmayka now had 6,689 men there, while Vladislav and Palnatoke had 7,470 in Vermandois. Both the sieges continued routinely, with no large West Francian army of any type in sight.
With things in the war moving quietly to a satisfactory solution, in mid-August Eilif decided it was time for a little more Hellish fun. He took up with another member of the coven – Valdava of Azov – for a short escapade in the local countryside. Chronicles of the time recount the horrors perpetrated (unknown to them, by the very Fylkir who was supposed to protect them and keep them in Odin’s light), while Eilif’s secret journal noted the benefits he accrued from this latest foul episode.
Once more, taking the extreme path provided Eilif with a greater reward. In the process, it cemented his cruel streak, while liberating him from the stress such doings had caused him to that point, also boosting his Dark Power. And he gained big boost to tax intakes and a new friend within the Fellowship. Even though the local people would be most unhappy – for which he cared little, in his manifest arrogance and callousness.
When he returned from this debauched trip, Eilif learned that Rikulfr Ironside had once again been released from his brother’s dungeon, on 19 August. Eilif was torn between the morale boost this gave the Fellowship and his desire to see Rikulfr handily despatched, so he might advance his own position at the top of the coven.
As the Emperor contemplated his current personal standing, word filtered in from the ‘ignorant scum’ of his own holding of Holmgarðr, where his latest atrocity had been perpetrated. And the Evil Emperor continued to care not a whit. Just let them rebel and see what transpires, he noted grimly in his private journal on 24 August.
And the reason for his confidence was soon apparent: the very next day, the Holy War for Brabant was won! The fall of Bethune in Artois was enough to convince Ogier that his war was lost. For his share of the spoils (a little more than half, with Warchief Palnoke of the Jomsvikings getting most of the rest, and King Steinn a small share), Eilif received a massive reparation payment and a boost to his prestige. The moral authority of Catholicism would suffer for the next 20 years and that of Germanicism boosted commensurately (enough to make up for the effect of Fylkir’s Hellish indulgences).
Whether a coincidence or to help celebrate the victory, Trollmaðr Rikulfr issued a new mission to Eilif, which he accepted. Another temple desecration, the timing of which he would decide in due course.
Eilif was currently around half way to his goal of the next promotion to Seiðmaðr [506/1,000 Dark Power]. He must also serve three years in his current rank before he would be eligible for promotion.
Only two factions remained in operation within Russia – neither of them a threat.
But Eilif was faced with a decision: what next? At previous Þings, advisers had counselled retaining the services of the Jomsvikings by rolling straight into another war that would see them transfer the contract. But their strength had been significantly eroded in the fierce fighting for Brabant. And Eilif had plans for something far closer to home – expanding his holdings in Finland so a new kingdom could be founded to govern it under the Imperial crown.
So on the day the treaty with Ogier was signed, Eilif allowed the Jomsvikings to return to their castle in Werle to recover from their just exertions in the Germanic cause. The levies would return to Hainaut for disbandment and the Guard (Retinue) eventually for ships back to Father Russia. Bertil seemed to have his own war against the Teutonic Order well in hand by then and was currently winning a large pitched battle up in Westfriesland, where his army had finally brought Hochmeister Wojuta’s main force to bay.
Eilif would now decide on his next adventures, both for the expansion of his realm and his bloodthirty and depraved pursuit of advancement in the Fellowship of Hel. And perhaps a few vendettas might be settled at home, too …
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Endnote. So the AAR is all caught up with gameplay again. Once more, I have not posed any specific questions, but comments and advice and suggestions (both technical and strategic) are, as always, welcome.
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Chapter 124: The Finnish Wars (26 August 958 to 31 December 960)
Chapter 124: The Finnish Wars (26 August 958 to 31 December 960)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … After the victory over West Francia, Emperor Eilif II of Russia looked to a short period of peace and reorganisation, before the next target for expansion was struck. And those plans were for Finland – taking sufficient counties to declare a Kingdom.
Eilif still sat at number three in the Fellowship of Hel. The Trollmaðr, Jarl Rikulfr ‘Ironside’ II of Austergautland, had been in and out of his liege King Sigurðr’s dungeon for some time now, but was currently free. The latest research on the secret papers held in the Rurikid Scroll Trove makes clear the dichotomy between Eilif as successful Emperor and Fylkir of the Reformed Germanic Faith on the one hand, then his dark side as a sadistic and evil Hel worshipper in private. This inner conflict continued to become starker as time went on and he sank further into rapacious depravity while meeting with more public success and accolades.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
August-October 958
Jarl Tryggve ‘the Unready’ of Ryazan launched another war of conquest on 28 August, this time for Galaz against King Antal of Bulgaria.
The Russian political factions were stirring a little after the end of the Brabantian Holy War (and the ‘defender of the faith’ effect it had conferred on Eilif), with Helgi founding a faction for himself to be King of Garðariki on 4 September, while other minor players also came and went from different groups – none worth worrying about.
The love-hate relationship between King Sigurðr and Jarl Rikulfr was on show again in September, with the influential Jarl appointed to his king’s council and made a commander in Sviþjod. Eilif himself did not like his Trollmaðr at all, but fortunately Rikulfr seemed to quite like him.
It took until 12 September for the armies to return to Brabant from West Francia, at which point the levies were dismissed while the Imperial Guard marched for the ships that would take them home for their next task. That same day, Jarl Bertil won a decisive battle against the Teutonic Knights in Westfriesland, capturing Hochmeister Wojuta in the process. Bertil would have his prize after a week of peace talks. It provided a neat footnote to the larger Holy War Bertil’s original attack had sparked.
On 23 September Eilif’s second child was born – but it was another daughter, to his concubine Gloð. A son and heir still eluded him for now, but he did keep performing his duty – no matter how uninterested he was in its physical aspects.
At this point, Eilif decided Russia would once again begin to dabble in dynastic alliance building with his Germanic brethren, starting on 9 October with a proposed betrothal of his 16 year old sister Princess Ulfhildr to Borkvard Hvitserk, second son of King Steinn of Jorvik (who Eilif had personally recruited into the Fellowship). The arrangement would bring with it a non-aggression pact.
Steinn agreed soon after, which Eilif followed up immediately with an alliance proposal, which was also accepted promptly.
A similar proposal made to King Rögnvaldr of Noregr for one of his daughters to become betrothed to a Rurikid boy was deemed not acceptable due to ‘political concerns’. Denmark was currently in the midst of a fierce civil war, so Eilif would wait to see how that finished before proposing anything to them.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
November-December 958
A build-up of factionalism in late October to early November prompted Eilif to do a bit of ‘opinion management’, when Helgi’s Garðariki faction began to gain momentum (to 62.5% strength). ‘Gifts’ were sent to Jarls Helgi and Gorm on 8 November. And by 2 December Helgi had quit his own faction, halving its strength. Other minor troublemakers lurked in their own little plots, but were largely ignored. Though names were being taken.
The Imperial Guard was sitting off shore from Narva by 11 November. They began disembarking, while the other Guard company that had been up in Pomorye helping to deal with a small raid also began to head to Narva to join them. The next expansion target would be in that vicinity.
The next piece of political management came from an opportunity in early December, when the untimely death of the Steward, Godi Åke, saw a rare political appointment made to the main Council: Gorm would be better suited as Marshal (and may one day take it up), but he was competent enough as an administrator to be selected for the vacancy. Eilif really wanted to work on his powerful and aggressive uncle to see if he could win him over.
Falki of Hlymrek (learning 17) filled the Court Physician appointment Åke had held
Ch124 Q1: Physician. So do people think it’s worth searching for a specialist on the ‘open market’, or should Falki do? NB: this isn’t the same Falki who so insistently plotted to kill Eilif!
The opinion barometer returned to low between Rikulfr and Sigurðr on 10 December, when the Trollmaðr was once more imprisoned on charges of demon worshipping.
At that time, Eilif decided to start purging his remaining disaffected vassals, especially the traitors and trouble makers. The first was Chief Roman of Vyazma, a recidivist plotter and known traitor. No-one – vassals, the Council even Roman himself – complained when his title was revoked. Eilif soon began the process of converting it into the ‘right’ (ie feudal) type of holding by upgrading the hill fort to the next level.
An incident that occurred on 18 December illustrates the difference between Eilif's public persona as Fylkir and private life as a senior Hel-worshipper. It may have been cynical, but in a way being a zealous Germanicist was not incompatible: he just preferred one God over another, was how Eilif justified it to himself in his private writings.
On the ‘dark side’, Eilif kicked off his latest desecration mission for the Fellowship on 18 December – it would be against the Temple of Raivola. Between 25 December 958 and 12 January 959, the staff attending the temple were killed on the way through and the relics burned (for +10 Dark Power, money not being a problem at that time). The whole nasty enterprise boosted Eilif’s advancement (+200 Dark Power) and lowered Germanic moral authority for 30 years (-1%). A satisfactory result for the Dark Fylkir.
While that mission was being conducted, Vladislav of Roslavl became the next malcontent to be purged. His chiefdom was revoked and no-one objected to that either (Vladislav being a tribal barbarian and a Slavic Russian to boot). The upgrade of the fort there would have to wait, as Vladislav had conveniently purchased a weaponsmith that was still being built.
Eilif’s half-brother, the 15 year old Prince Ingólfr of Sarpa, was another unhappy vassal (-15 opinion), but there was not ‘due cause’ for a revocation of his title. The Council would approve it, but all Eilif's vassals would be unhappy at the arbitrariness (-15 opinion).
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
January-April 959
With a commander’s slot to fill, early in the new year Eilif cast about for the best Norse Germanic warrior available in any realm. Top of the list was one Botulfr Alfrsson Stenbock, currently a commander in Smáland. Eilif had another reason for inviting Botulfr he did not disclose more widely. He had a wife, but at the job interview Eilif picked up … something else he found attractive in the young man.
On the factional front, Gorm left Helgi's faction on 8 January and its last member – Chief Kalle of Ingria (another tetchy vassal) left on 31 January, at which point it disbanded. Eilif was well pleased with the results of his recent political efforts. No important factions were left.
Prince Ingólfr came of age on 12 January and in less than two weeks was agitating as a pretender to the Imperial throne. Which seemed very unlikely, given he had no troops of his own and no other members in his faction (ie zero strength). But it did establish him as a long term ‘issue’ to be managed.
On 20 February, news arrived from Eilif’s brother in Sviþjod: the powerful and well-supported Jarl Totil had gone from factional posturing to outright revolt against his King. This fight would prove to be an extended one.
Only eight days later, Jarl Oddr the Young declared a West Geatish Claim on Austergautland against Jarl Rikulfr Ironside. Sweden was a hotbed of agitation these days, but Eilif would let them all fight it out without getting involved. Unless he felt his own interests were threatened.
Totil was nothing if not ambitious: in mid-March he proposed a betrothal between his son (also called Totil) and Eilif’s sister Princess Gyrið. This was declined: it might not be good for family relations with Sigurðr. Of course, if Totil were to win, then maybe …
Between mid-April to early June, Eilif’s diligence in ‘plowing the fields’ certainly produced a bountiful crop, when two of his concubines and Empress Björg all became pregnant!
Eilif celebrated the news of the first pregnancy that night – with a bit of torture and cruelty for one of his dungeon’s inmates. He would return to the same theme later in the year. [Game note: A bit of role-playing here, no gameplay reason for doing it, other than the off-chance it might cause some nasty trait that would be handy in the Fellowship.]
One of the younger commanders, Hakon, was improved by Mayor Gnupa the Marshal on 21 April (from 18 to 20 martial), making him one of the leading Russian generals, behind the ageing Velmayka.
On 22 April, King Steinn of Jorvik launch a claim war on Briezh – where King Pascueten had significant holdings in Wales. It wouldn’t be long before the consequences of the Jorvik-Russian alliance were made clear. Eilif did not want to suffer the dishonour of being known as an alliance breaker and was happy enough to make the declaration. Though for now, he had no intention of sending any troops: he had is own plans and hoped that Steinn could look after his own interests.
As April ended, Sigurðr’s war against the Swedish Revolt was still in its early days (0% warscore). He had an existing campaign against King Simon the Fat of East Francia to conquer Pfalz in Germany to distract him, which , Sigurðr was currently winning (+58% warscore).
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
May-December 959
Seer Hysing had good news about the flowering of Norse culture in Holmgarðr – if Eilif was willing to pay. Which he was: he may be an evil Hel-worshipper, but in public he was a keen patron of the arts and learning.
Two days later, the full Imperial Guard had joined up in Reval, under Velmayka’s command. This was the signal for a war of conquest to be declared. Chief Ihavald of Saaremaa was the target. A holy war could have targeted both of his counties (Läänemaa and Saaremaa), but past ‘convenient conversions’ by Finnish chiefs had put Eilif off this approach. The vote was a close one in the Council (the glory hounds were not keen) but Eilif’s vote in favour broke a 4-4 tie.
The Guard was soon marching south and Eilif’s main personal demesne levies were mustered. Vassal levies were not, to keep down costs, avoid alienating touchy lords and to hog all the glory from what was expected to be an easy campaign.
On 18 May, the same day the Guard arrived to besiege Läänemaa, Vihavald called in Chief Kaleva of Kemi to join him, who duly accepted. Vihavald could only muster 400 men in Saaremaa, who never directly challenged any of the Russian armies, each of which far outnumbered him. And Kemi only mustered a company of 375 men, who started marching south but were similarly ineffective and scared off without a battle when they finally neared Russian territory.
At home, the prickly Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel founded an independence faction on 31 May, but by himself he only posed a low threat (14.9%). The other three extant factions were even weaker. 1 July brought news of an alliance between Jarl Refil II of Vladimir (another inveterate factional plotter) and Sumarliði. Eilif would keep an eye on this, but again was not really worried.
Chancellor Arnbjörn had good news in mid-July when he advised relations had been improved with Jarl Gorm. Together with the earlier ‘gift’ and the appointment as Advisor, he was now a strong supporter of the Emperor, despite the other baggage that remained between them.
Having had some fun earlier with Count Herbert, he was ransomed in July on his own recognisance for a hefty 70 gold. He returned home to Verdun in East Francia on 23 July, only somewhat scarred by his experience. Though calling Eilif a ‘narrow-minded infidel’ was a bold comment as he left the dungeon.
On 30 July, the first group of levies arrived in Läänemaa and were sent straight on to Saaremaa, from which Vihavald’s small army had (perhaps wisely) fled south some time before.
The siege of Läänemaa was won on 16 August (94 Russians, 915 enemy killed) as this ‘quiet war’ continued uneventfully.
On 11 September, a minor member of the Fellowship was burned by one of the provincial seers. Eilif simply shrugged his shoulders: there were more minions being recruited than lost to burnings and others causes.
The siege of Muhu in Saaremaa was won on 27 October (no Russian, 362 enemy casualties). The Temple of Hiiumaa was next.
On 9 November came the news Eilif – and the Empire – had been waiting for: his concubine Aslaug had given birth to a son and heir! Young Styrbjörn would be drilled in duty and encouraged to be diligent. Once he was out of nappies, anyway.
In early December, the reinforced hillfort (level 3) was completed in Vyazma and, with a healthy 920 gold in the treasury, another 144 gold was invested in a stone hillfort.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
January-March 960
Two more sons for Eilif were born in the first half of January 960 – the previous lack of male heirs had suddenly become a surfeit!
Then on 21 January, the siege of Hiiumaa was completed without any Russian losses (1,082 garrison troops killed). With that, Chief Vihavald’s lands were fully occupied and the war was over.
The infrastructure in Läänemaa was too primitive to allow the hillfort there to be expanded to the next level, even if Eilif wished to (which was doubtful). But he hung onto this county for now.
All the levies that could be disbanded on home territory were, while the 2,040 men in Saaremaa had to march back to Läänemaa first, or be disbanded with heavy losses. And as soon as the peace was concluded, the threat perception of Eilif increased and defensive pacts – both Pagan and Christian – started forming against him.
The Guard started marching to Kexholm for the next planned Finnish War on 25 January when Livonia joined the Pact, removing it from the ‘low hanging fruit’ basket.
The next day, Rikulfr was once more released unharmed from Sigurðr’s dungeon. He was made a commander again on 3 February.
In the meantime more Finnish realms (among others) piled into the Pagan Pact in quick succession: Karelia (27 January), Liivimaa and Satakunta (both on 2 February). With time running out for easy Finnish targets, war was hastily declared on Lappi on 7 February, before the Guard was even close to being in position. Again, Eilif's demesne levies only were mustered.
But in his haste, Eilif had made a mistake he would later rue.
Helgi came to the Emperor in mid-February with a simple – and relatively inexpensive – plan to improve security. Once more, Eilif made an outlay and the improved measure would eventually be introduced on 1 July.
A bit later that month, word came that Jarl Sumarliði’s independence faction had disbanded. It turned out that was because he had died ‘under suspicious circumstances’! One of his enemies must finally have caught up with the active and combative Jarl. His son Refr faced a long regency. If he could survive it.
By 27 February, the Lappi army (around 1,800 strong) had largely assembled in Satakunta – and started heading for the Russian-owned county of Finland. But it transpired they were not planning to besiege it, but were running all the way to Sweden.
The Russian regiments made their slow way to the front for the next month. In late March, a stray report made mention of West Francia – and a new King there. Eilif asked for more detail about what may have happened to his previous opponent, King Ogier.
It transpired Ogier was not dead, but had been deposed a few months after his humiliating defeat in the Brabantian Holy War. He was now just the Duke of Valois, owing fealty to King Raimbaut – another member of the Karling dynasty.
On 31 March, the weaponsmith was completed in Roslavl and the Emperor shelled out 147 of his remaining treasury of 766 gold to make the hillfort there a stone one. It would take almost another year to build.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
April-July 960
One of the Lappi regiments left Satakunta a bit late, and on 2 April blundered into a regiment of Belo Ozerian soldiers on their way to different fight: 348 Lappi were up against 543 Belo Ozerians. The Belo Ozerians had won by 23 April (105 Lappish and just 27 Belo Ozerians killed): a very handy outcome for Eilif.
Eilif was now keen to see some legislative reforms finally pushed through. First was the adoption of (Level III) legalism (which had been available for some time). It was pushed through on 12 April (costing 297.6/486.1 culture tech points). It unlocked laws for high centralisation, late feudal administration and regulated inheritance.
Eilif wanted to push through late feudal administration, to enable primogeniture inheritance. But all seven current council members were opposed. They would have all supported a change to high centralisation, but Eilif was not satisfied with that. He would have to bide his time and work on the Council – and satisfy the other criteria for that major change.
On 21 April, King Sigurðr signed an alliance with Jarl Tryggve: whether this may provide any material help for his wars was unknown.
Next came news that yet another Catholic crusading order had been founded. It is like a plague of cockroaches, noted Eilif to himself.
On 14 May, the main Lappi army of 1,448 men ran into 906 troops of the Swedish Revolt in northern Sweden. Excellent news: two birds, one stone remarked Eilif succinctly in his official journal. The final result wasn’t known, but by 1 July 1,410 Lappi warriors were besieging Angermanland to its north, just across from their own border.
It wasn’t until 24 May that the first Russian contingent – the Imperial Guard (1,919 men) reached Satakunta, where they found and massacred a small platoon of Lappi troops (22 men) for no loss. The siege began on 26 May. At this time King Steinn’s war against Briezh was going in his favour (+14%).
With the siege of Satakunta well progressed and Eilif’s levies beginning to draw close, on 21 June two vassal fleets totalling 56 ships were mobilised from Sweden. They were ordered to make to the Gulf of Bothnia, ready for ferrying duties to the Lappi heartland.
Victory in the siege of the tribal holding of Satakunta came on 1 July (94 Russian, 247 Lappi killed). Two weeks later, two armies were ready to embark from there as the siege work on Ulvila in Satakunta continued. The garrison was minimal so it would be quick, with an assault deemed unnecessary.
Ulvila fell just two weeks later with no Russian no casualties(warscore to +51%).
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
August-December 960
The rebellious Jarl Totil made another betrothal proposal in early August, which was again rejected. By 11 August, two Russian armies had landed in Länsipohja: about 1,900 men stayed to besiege it, while 1,550 men headed to Lappi, where a small enemy force had been camping.
A battle was fought in Lappi from 5-26 September which the Russians won, losing just ten men, the Lappi losing 102 of their 271 troops.
October was marked by celebrations for the marriage of Princess Ulfhildr to young Borkvard of Jorvik, who had just come of age, cementing ties between the two Norse dynasties.
The siege of Länsipohja tribe was completed on 8 October, with 47 Russians and the whole 1,153 man garrison killed (warscore 72%).
All this good news led Eilif to celebrate as he liked best – in private, among his Fellowship members. This took the form of a Grand Summoning – a most unwholesome exercise, if his private diary recording the ritual is to be believed. Eilif’s Dark Power was further advanced – a good thing for him, as his rival and heir to the leadership of the Fellowship Knut had since progressed to the next level – as well as having superior intrigue and personal characteristics for doing evil.
There were more dark doings in late October to 20 November. A new and interesting mission was accepted by Eilif, who was always keen to advance his position. And his increasingly deceitful ways would help. Though it also came at a cost, with a recurrence of magical corruption striking him, which would last for another three years.
The siege of Bygdeå in Länsipohja on 2 November 960 (again, no Russian casualties, 220 garrison killed) brought the Second Finnish War to a successful conclusion. However, the pleasure of this small and easy victory turned to ashes in Eilif’s mouth when he realised the mistake that had been made at the start of the war.
That’s right, I’d clicked the conquer Lappi box rather than Satakunta itself (not really paying attention there), confusing the realm’s title with the province I was actually after. Of course, Lappland (as it is now known) is not within the de jure Kingdom of Finland. Duh!
The time, effort and attraction of additional threat perception had been sacrificed for a county of some marginal longer term value for the creation of a ‘Norse Fortress’ in Scandinavia. But it was of no use to the gathering of Finnish land that was the short term goal of Russian expansion policy. In any case, the usual post-war levy stand-downs and troop repatriations were commenced.
A consolation was the conversion of Vyazma to a fully feudal (and there the 'right' kind of holding) after the completion of a stone hillfort there on 17 November.
The city was granted to a new baron, but the new temple was allocated to Jarl Refil, part of the political campaign to get all the principal vassals lined up as supporters of the Emperor.
By early December 960, the two pacts formed to resist Eilif’s expansionism were strong. Of immediate concern was the Pagan Pact, which now included all the Finnish realms Eilif might want to claim. This would give him some pause for thought.
While he pondered next steps, two more building projects were commenced, bringing the treasury down to a still-comfortable buffer of 358 gold.
Steinn’s war had been going well enough in net terms to this point, but it looked like he might be in for a bit of trouble, with a very large enemy army now mustered in Wales and Jorvik itself partly conquered and under siege.
As the year drew to a close, Eilif’s diligent application to his ‘Imperial duty’ saw his concubine Gloð pregnant again on 23 December. Factional influence was minimal (only three left, none higher than 10% strength).
Feeling a celebration was in order and seeking some distraction from the ‘Finnish Impasse’, Eilif sought his entertainment in the by-now traditional way. He would begin his mission to possess Queen Elin, as assigned to him by Rikulfr. It would cost him some Dark Power, but he was sure a success would more than repay the investment. And by now, the Dark Fylkir was beyond worrying about the fate of his soul: that was already sealed, no doubt.
The year ended with that ('pre-paid') practice range being completed in Lappland. No more investment would be made there at that time.
While all these events had been happening over the last few years, a small but steady stream of counties had converted to Reformed Germanicism: Perm (20 November 958), Kolomna (13 December 958), Pinsk (6 August 959) and Ashli (31 October 960).
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End Note. This chapter reports the first half of the long session I just played through. While next steps have been taken, speculation on what has transpired or suggestions for what should have been done are always welcome. And the various suggestions for Great Holy Wars made previously have been filed away for the mid-term and will be returned to. Just the one simple question below, but any advice on matters arising is of course also very welcome.
Question
Ch124 Q1: Physician.So do people think it’s worth searching for a specialist on the ‘open market’, or should Falki do? NB: this isn’t the same Falki who so insistently plotted to kill Eilif!
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Chapter 125: A Hel of a Ride (1 January 961 to 28 May 962)
Chapter 125: A Hel of a Ride (1 January 961 to 28 May 962)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … the war against the Lappi had been won, but a mis-wording in the fine print of the original declaration meant the ‘wrong’ county had been taken when it finished – not the de jure Finnish one Russia had been aiming for. King Steinn of Jorvik’s war in Wales continued, ostensibly well in favour of the King Eilif had inducted into the Fellowship, but with enemy forces now moving into Jorvik while Steinn’s main army was in Breizh.
But at least the ‘drought of sons’ Eilif had been enduring had broken, with three born in the last little while, giving an heir and at least two spares and another child on the way. Meanwhile, to help counter the Christian threat, Russia was finally entering the dynastic marriage market again – having started with Jorvik (which Russia was already allied to). Eilif was now seeking dynastic ties with other major Norse Germanic realms which could also be parlayed into alliances.
The Trollmaðr of the Fellowship of Hel, Jarl Rikulfr ‘Ironside’ II of Austergautland, was back out of King Sigurðr’s dungeon yet again. Eilif still stood at number three in the membership seniority. And the Dark Fylkir was about to venture on another mission for the Fellowship as he sought to ruthlessly advance his position – at the expense of his physical and spiritual health.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
January-June 961
The mission to possess Queen Elin of Karvala (an independent Norse petty kingdom carved out of Bulgaria, on the western coast of Black Sea) began in early January. By mid-February it had proved a success, gaining Eilif a loyal servant and a large boost of Dark Power.
But Knut – a long-standing member and the current Society Heir – had advanced a rank in the meantime, firing the need for Eilif to do the same in order to keep pace.
Trollmaðr Rikulfr was once more seemingly back in Sigurðr’s official favour, having been re-appointed to his Council as an Advisor in mid- February.
In November 957 young Jarl Þorsteinn Rurikid of Bergslagen had come into his office as a mere baby after the untimely accidental death of his father. At the time, with an adult uncle as heir, there was speculation that the regency of the brilliant lad would likely be a very dangerous one.
And so it proved in March 961 when the wife of that uncle arranged to have young Þorsteinn murdered. It made her High Chieftess and her husband (Falki Rurikid) Jarl. Even though neither liked the other: Falki considered her a dishonourable murderer – even if it had been done in his name!
As Eilif continued to bide his time, High Chieftess Ingrid of Lithuania – who had proved far less friendly to Eilif than her predecessor Bodil – found herself the subject of a revolt in the name of increased Council power.
The fighting would ultimately end a little over a year later, with the revolt defeated and its leader Hroðulfr imprisoned.
March 961 proved to be a pleasant month for the Emperor: his hopes regarding the handsome new commander he had recruited the year before came to fruition, while his wife was kept happy with a gift for Empress Björg.
“Happy wife, happy life!” grinned Eilif as he related the episode to Botulfr a couple of days later – in his bedchamber!
Not long after that, the stone fort was finished in Roslavl and thus the castle upgrade option was available. It was quickly taken, turning it into the ‘right type’ of holding for a feudal lord such as Emperor Eilif.
And the new city thus created was given to Eilif’s troublesome half-brother Prince Ingólfr: an active factionalist and one of the vassals Eilif wanted to sway to a positive opinion of him – for future legislative purposes. A majority of the Council approved the transfer – though it was not unanimous.
Ch125 Q1: Lower Titles to Vassals in One Demesne Counties.In this case, whether Ingólfr reallocates it himself or not, is granting a subordinate title to an already landed vassal (and possible opponent) a mistake, or fine? Eilif wasn’t going to keep it himself and needed the opinion boost, but I’m not sure if this could be one of those decisions that comes back to bite you.
In early April, King Þorolfr of Denmark appeared to have survived the challenge to his authority where Jarl Gorm of Bolghar had been backing a claimant against the king. So Eilif proceeded to negotiate a betrothal between one of his half-sisters and one of Þorolfr’s sons. Not his heir, but both were almost of age and it was enough to forge a non-aggression pact through marriage ties.
Þorolfr approved in late April and in early May Eilif followed up with an alliance proposal – which Þorolfr accepted by the 20th. The Germanic Alliance was building – and handily, the move it plucked Denmark out of the anti-Eilif pagan defensive pact.
Less than a fortnight after his proxy claim war against the King of Denmark had petered out, Jarl Gorm ‘the Lionheart’ found himself facing a claim revolt war of his own – led by one Asbjörn on behalf of another claimant named Falki (no details of who these people are were found in the surviving records of the Scroll Trove).
Old Chief Kalle of Ingria – long a difficult customer with a low opinion of Eilif – died on 17 April 961. But his son and heir of the same name, known as something of a lazy and gluttonous coward, was not much better disposed – though at least it wasn’t hatred. Another political target the Dark Fylkir would need to work on.
At this point, Eilif put his first legislative cards on the table: he floated the idea of adopting late feudal administration with the Council. By that point Jarl Gorm was a loyalist and supported the measure, but none of his colleagues did. Eilif left the proposal on the table for now, to see if anyone would change their mind.
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July-December 961
Alas, by 5 July Gorm had sided with the Zealot faction on Council and not even he was in favour of the law change any more. The proposal was left on the table, looking somewhat lonely and forlorn.
On 15 July, the long-running revolt against Jarl Totil af Munsö of Sviþjod ended inconclusively after he died of the accumulated stress – probably a stroke or heart attack. His son Hrörekr was elected to the post but didn’t last two months as Jarl, with another of the af Munsö clan (a cousin named Arni) installed after a factional demand in early September.
Eilif’s concubine Gloð gave him a fourth son on 23 July. Young Helgi would be schooled in thrift.
The need to select an educational focus for his latest son must have reminded Eilif of his own focus in life. With plenty of children and heirs now, he switched his attention to an area he was weaker in and that was holding him back within the Fellowship: intrigue. The boost would do his standing some good and, he hoped, lead to some more learning opportunities down the track.
By mid-August 961, King Steinn’s war to claim Perfeddwlad from King Pascueten of Breizh had shifted to the Breton’s favour. It was time for Eilif to aid his ally materially: Eilif’s personal and some of his vassal levies were summoned and, with the Guard, they began to muster in Flanders and Ingria. The vassal fleet levy was also summoned.
Coincidentally, in early September 961 the ever-grasping Jarl Bertil launched a war to claim Lincoln from England. They would be in the same neighbourhood, as the main Russian contingent was slated to land first in Jorvik to begin expelling the Breton occupiers.
Rather inconveniently, on 10 October Russia’s best field general, the veteran (though religiously opposed and hence unfriendly to Eilif) Velmayka Mescheravid, disappeared under mysterious circumstances. Eilif hoped it wasn’t the work of one of his Hel brethren. In any case, a replacement was needed and this time an existing Russian was well enough qualified for the job – another Mordvin (but, unlike Velmayka, the Chief of Austerbotn was Germanic).
Jarl Refil de Normadie of Vladimir was the next to get itchy fingers, fancying himself as a possible King of Garðariki. Eilif was not impressed. Fortunately for the longer term health and prosperity of Refil, by the end of October he had agreed to end agitating and begged forgiveness.
The closest Russian levy contingent to be raised were troops in Flanders, where Eilif had made an exception by calling on Bertil to provide troops (otherwise relying largely on his own men). They sailed down to Breizh and began assisting Steinn with the reduction of enemy strongholds in Domnonia.
And despite his private relationship with the Emperor, Botulfr was still expected to do his duty as a commander, serving as a flank commander in Hakon’s small army in Breizh.
The earlier grant to Prince Ingólfr may have done some good, as his independence faction (never a significant threat anyway) disbanded on 2 November. A couple of weeks later, the main Russian army landed in Jorvik, with Hakon slipping over to take command. A Breton army of around 2,000 hovered nearby in Chester, but made no move against Hakon’s larger force.
On 23 November, Eilif’s recent bad works brought him to the point where he was qualified for promotion to the rank of Seiðmadr – the same as Knut. He applied straight away and it was approved by Rikulfr three weeks later.
On 6 December, Eilif’s private journal recorded an approach by his cousin Malmfrið to kill Ormr Gunnarrsson. Two of his sisters were part of the plot, so Eilif thought ‘why not, a good bit of sport and a family bonding exercise all rolled into one’.
His thrall Queen Elin (her possession would last for up to a hundred years, so essentially it seemed permanent while Eilif lived) joined in too: the more, the merrier (except for Ormr, and Eilif cared not what he might think). Good job!
On 15 December, Monkontour fell to Russian forces (now under Botulfr’s command, no Russian casualties) and the balance of the war began swinging back to Steinn a little [warscore -5%]. A good way to end the year.
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January-May 962
January remained largely quiet, but on 2 February Paimpol fell to Botulfr with no Russian casualties [warscore to +3%]. The unloved late feudal administration proposal still had no supporters on Council, so it was formally withdrawn from consideration on 21 February 962.
But in the Fellowship, the Dark Fylkir was making better progress. His recent promotion and the improvement in his intrigue skills had made him the Society Heir by 2 March: by the very slimmest of margins over Knud.
The same day, the formalisation of the marriage between Princess Vigdis and Prince Dag of Denmark was proposed and accepted by King Þorsteinn on 14 March, when the ceremony was celebrated.
On 6 March, Jarl Tryggve landed with another contingent of almost 1,500 men to commence the liberation of King Steinn’s holding of Dunholm. A timely intervention, as the balance of the war had swung slightly back in favour of the Bretons by then.
Nine days later, Jorvik was retaken by Hakon for the loss of 167 troops as he moved onto the next occupied holding in the county [warscore to 0%].
In mid-March, Jarl Helgi’s mission in Constantinople swung into action again. The bonus went to economic advances this time and provided just enough to allow another advance to be made: it was sunk into castle infrastructure. There was also enough accumulated knowledge for another military advance and it was put into improving heavy infantry (now the backbone of Eilif’s feudal army).
With Jorvik now freed of Breton occupation, Hakon began marching his army south-west to Chester on 17 March, where the enemy were no longer in place (they were temporarily out of Russian or Jorvik view).
By later in March, Prince Ingólfr’s view of Eilif had deteriorated again and he was back at his scheming, founding a faction to install him as Emperor this time! He was very ambitious for a man with only his Rurikid name and few troops to call on. The calling of his levy fleet had been enough to put him a little off-side. But nonetheless, a small gift was sent his way: Eilif wanted his vassals happy in case an opportunity for important legal moves arose.
When Hakon arrived in Chester at the end of March he spotted the Breton army in Perfeddwlad – the main target of the war – further to the south-west. With now double their numbers, he set off immediately.
The battle began on 5 April and another hostile army (it never made a move, so its exact allegiance was not checked) of over 5,200 men was spotted. Hakon disregarded them for now and got on with the job of thrashing the Bretons.
By 18 April melee was joined on the left flank – the Russian’s strongest. The enemy right broke two days later, putting their centre under heavy pressure.
As the battle in Perfeddwlad played out, word came on 9 April that Gorm had defeated Asbjörn’s revolt, the latter now languishing in a dungeon.
As the next day, Pomerania declared a war to conquer Stettin. High Chief Wratislav’s army would soon begin its march to attack the county – and for now, would have some latitude as Russia focused on the main game in Britannia.
And down in Breizh, Sant-Brieg fell to Botulfr’s men on 15 April with no casualties [to +8% warscore]. That completed the occupation of the county of Domnonia, so the contingent of 775 troops headed to the ships, bound for Britannia.
Another new Russian army of around 3,100 men arrived in Dunholm, where Tryggve already had about 1,500. Botulfr, who had sailed over by fast ship from Breizh, took command of this new army and started heading to Wales, in case that other hostile army decided to venture north as the battle of Perfeddwlad continued.
And on 18 April, Eilif was told that High Chieftess Ingrid of Lithuania was now known as ‘the Monster’. Good for her, he noted in his most secret ‘Black Book’. Perhaps I should try to recruit her to the Fellowship, like her predecessor did for me.
The battle of Llanelwy in Perfeddwlad was drawing to a conclusion as April lengthened into May. The enemy centre had broken under the pressure on its exposed right flank, with the final melee charges going in to the enemy’s left by the 25th. Soon all were in retreat and the pursuit was finished and victory declared by 4 May.
It had been the single most significant action in the whole war so far and shifted the balance well into the Jorvik-Russian Alliance’s favour. Eilif’s contribution to the war was now assessed to be a third of the total effort.
Back home in Russia, the new castle town expansion was finished in Aldeiguborg in Ladoga. The country was thriving, but no money was yet allocated for further construction.
Botulfr’s army arrived in Chester on 12 May and began to besiege Breton holdings there, while Hakon did the same in Perfeddwlad. On 18 May, the small ‘Elective Succession in Garðariki’ faction led by Falki of Hlymrek disbanded. There remained no credible internal threats to Eilif’s rule from his vassals.
Then on 24 May 962, the news arrived that had been half expected for years but never seemed to come to anything further. Trollmaðr Rikulfr had been caught by the latest Seer of Sviþjod. But this time, there would be no dungeon for the Jarl of Austergautland.
This time, Sigurðr had run out of patience and sent him straight to the stake. To other Fellowship members, Eilif was obliged to feign sorrow and anger. But inwardly, he was ecstatic. Because he had recently overtaken Knud in the running as successor for the top job, it was the Dark Fylkir who now held both the top job in Germanicism and that of the Fellowship of Hel! [By just that 0.5 points! The intrigue focus change really paid off.]
Eilif took a moment to review the new powers he now wielded, including those he had acquired on promotion to Seiðmaðr.
As he regarded the power to Absorb Lifeforce, he must have wondered whether it would be worth having many more children … and he also wondered what such an Unholy Child would be should that ever be something he pursued. And the increased sway over Fellowship members could be a big incentive to recruit more of them. The Seiðmaðr power of Dark Healing might also be worth exploring at some point.
Ch125 Q2: Dark Powers.Any guidance on the value, effect and effective employment of these latest new powers available to Eilif would be helpful.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Questions
Just the two at this point – there will be more at the end of the next chapter, which will finish off reporting on the last session I played. But this seemed like a good place to stop, so I put in a few more screenshots to flesh out the illustration and left the rest until the next chapter.
And please remember, I highly value just general comments (like with any AAR) on the story and events, as well as responses to the questions. I can never really be sure I’m holding my readership otherwise, so the odd little ‘hello’ from Lurkerdom is always greatly appreciated. It doesn’t need to be long or detailed, the shortest acknowledgement is always warmly welcomed.
Ch125 Q1: Lower Titles to Vassals in One Demesne Counties.In this case, whether Ingólfr reallocates it himself or not, is granting a subordinate title to an already landed vassal (and possible opponent) a mistake, or fine? Eilif wasn’t going to keep it himself and needed the opinion boost, but I’m not sure if this could be one of those decisions that comes back to bite you.
Ch125 Q2: Dark Powers. Any guidance on the value, effect and effective employment of these latest new powers available to Eilif would be helpful.
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Chapter 126: A Dark Reflection (1 June 962 to 23 June 963)
Chapter 126: A Dark Reflection (1 June 962 to 23 June 963)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Russia’s now strong support for King Steinn of Jorvik’s war in Wales continued. The decisive battle of Llanelwy in Perfeddwlad in April-May 962 had shifted the balance well into the Jorvik-Russian alliance’s favour. But a Pomeranian war to claim Stettin was the latest diversion to be reckoned with while the main Russian army was engaged in England and Wales.
The most important personal news of the recent period came on 24 May 962 with the former Trollmaðr of the Fellowship of Hel, Jarl Rikulfr ‘Ironside’ II of Austergautland, captured yet again but this time burned at the stake. Due to some timely actions in the lead up to this, Eilif was able to slip just ahead of his Hel Brother and competitor Knud to claim the mantle of Trollmaðr for himself.
And the Emperor was still trying to see his way to some significant legislative changes, in the face of Council opposition and some recalcitrant vassals.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
June-August 962
With the war still going in Wales and the recently declared conquest of Stettin to contend with, more distracting news arrived on 1 June with a large peasant revolt in Austerbotn. Such were the realities of a sprawling empire!
To add to Eilif’s distractions, word came around a week later of a plot by his concubine Aslaug to kill him! How naïve of her to think she could get away with it. Clearly, she wanted her only son Prince Styrbjörn, the heir to the Imperial throne, to inherit early! While giving her patronising credit for trying, Eilif told her to cease forthwith. While keeping her as concubine – his confidence and arrogance were growing.
Then on 12 June High Chieftess Ingrid ‘the Monster’ of Lithuania was mad enough to found a faction for elective succession in Garðariki. After having a good laugh, Eilif ignored it. Though Ingrid may well need to be either recruited into the Fellowship of dealt with … somehow else in due course.
Over in Wales, victory came in the siege of Rhuddlan on 22 June [warscore 59%], for no Russian losses. But Jarl Bertil’s well-progressed plans to conquer Lincoln came to an unexpectedly abrupt end on 1 July when a major revolt broke out in England and ownership of Lincoln went to the rebel faction – thus invalidating Bertil’s casus belli.
9 July brought the liberation of Dunholm by Jedvard’s army, again with no Russian loss, meaning all of Jorvik’s home territory was now free again [warscore 63%]. That force of 2,290 men then embarked on waiting ships the next day: he would head over to deal with the Stettin invasion while the bulk of the army (around 7,500 men in two armies) remained in Wales, conducting sieges.
In mid-July, an army of 1,581 Jorvik troops joined Hakon’s army of 4,448 men in Wales to reinforce the siege of Denbeigh, while Jedvard sailed for Pomerania. Denbeigh fell (no Russian losses) on 27 July [warscore to 80%].
Four weeks later, victory came in the siege of Llanelwy (again no Russian losses) and with it, the enemy’s will to fight on broke. Negotiations – which would be led by King Steinn (now known as ‘the Butcher’), of course – began to formalise Jorvik’s conquest of Perfeddwlad. Eilif’s support would allow him to share in much of the glory [41%] from the victory.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
September-October 962
While Steinn’s discussions with King Pascueten of Breizh continued, the tribal holding of Austerbotn fell to the peasant rebels – who started slaughtering some of the inhabitants. The same day, Chief Skuli of Pinsk died, leaving his county to the Emperor.
This relatively poor county was not worth surrendering another – better – title for (Eilif was already at his maximum ‘reasonable’ holding limit). So he sought to heal his rift with Ingrid by granting her the title in mid-September, as Pinsk fell within her area of influence anyway. The Council – of which two members were now Loyalists – agreed with the grant unanimously.
Steinn’s conquest was formalised on 5 September. The relationship between him and his spiritual leader was cemented ever stronger.
On 19 September, Jedvard’s army of 2,284 men landed to the east of Stettin, which was at that time besieged by 1,233 Pomeranian troops, and began to regain condition after the voyage from Jorvik. With the peace in Wales, Eilif’s top commanders were free for reassignment: Jedvard was relieved and Hakon took command of the centre, with Virdyan on the right flank and Botulfr on the left.
Back in England, the elements of the main army were on their way back to Russian territory. With 32 ships left at the Dogger Bank off Jorvik, the first force of just over 3,000 men took ship on 23 September. The other 4,500 would need to wait for the next relay of ships, on its way back from Pomerania after dropping Jedvard off.
By this time, King Steinn was almost totally dedicated in sentiment to Eilif, though marriage ties, the honouring of the alliance, Eilif’s reputation as a Viking and now – more than any one of these – respect for Eilif’s position as Trollmaðr. [Now a powerful reason for recruiting important characters into the Fellowship, it would seem.]
On 1 October, the first (3,000-man) Russian army to leave England was embarked and headed to Austerbotn, to deal with the rebel scum who were infesting it. Though by 11 October, the Ostrobothian Peasant Revolt (as it was known) army had moved on and was laying siege to Kexholm.
Of interest, at this time the Jomsvikings had been hired by the Germanic convert High Chief Pentti of Satakunta, who was in trouble in a war that had seen Uusimaa partly occupied by a Nylander peasant revolt. Palnatoke’s 7,700 fierce Germanic warriors were in Reval and approaching Narva by then, but had quite a long march all the way around the Gulf of Finland before they could come to Pentti’s aid.
Late October 962 brought the beginning of the reckoning with the Pomeranian invaders of High Chief Wratislaw in Stettin, with the start of the Battle of Soldin on 23 October.
The enemy’s force was overwhelmingly concentrated in the centre, with no troops at all on their right flank and few on the left. Soon both the Russian flanks had come to the aid of Hakon in the centre and Pomeranian morale was plummeting.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
November-December 962
The Pomeranians had broken by 10 November and the pursuit had ended on the 19th, with a clear Russian victory. As the enemy routed southwards, Hakon headed straight for Wratislaw’s capital of Rana.
Meanwhile, Eilif was very happy for his lover when news came of the birth of a daughter to Botulfr. For the Emperor, it was a familiar and happy example of duty (siring children and commanding troops in battle) and pleasure coexisting side by side.
Back in Jorvik, some winter attrition was beginning to gnaw at the troops left there. When the second Russian fleet (42 ships) arrived at the Dogger Bank on 27 November, the bulk of the remaining Russian forces (4,012 men) began to embark. The rest (482) would march south to Bertil’s county of Sussex, where the levies could be safely disbanded.
On 7 December, the 3,000-man army landed in Austerbotn, where Gunnar took command and began their recovery from the voyage while siege lines were drawn. Two days later, the last army from Jorvik (4,000 men) was on board and sailing home – to the Gulf of Finland.
A day later, Pentti lost his war to the peasants – the Jomsvikings hadn’t been able to relieve them in time. Though this may make the county an easier target for future conquest now a bunch of heathen peasants were in charge.
In Pomerania, Hakon arrived in Rana on 12 December and began a siege. But the general lull in action let Eilif indulge in a grand summoning that had been suggested by a Sister in Hel, Svanhildr. When told there were risks, Eilif was dismissive. The summoning took three days and was a success and presented the opportunity to kill an old rival for free: bonus!
Up in Austerbotn, on 19 December no assault was deemed necessary by Gunnarr against the small peasant garrison (only 94 men) as they would surrender soon from lack of morale anyway. And indeed it ended with no Russian loss on 30 December – a good end to the year. Botulfr (a better general than Gunnarr, who was more of a siege specialist) was now placed in charge of the 3,000 men and began marching them to Kexholm to confront the Ostrobothian rebels.
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January-March 963
The siege of Kexholm tribe was lost to the rebels on 15 January, but their greed had delayed their departure, as the army returning from Jorvik was passing southern Sweden and Botulfr approached from the north.
Over in northern Germany, the Pomeranian army (now numbering fewer than 800 men) had rallied and was heading back to Rana, but on 19 January blundered into a force of 825 raiders from an obscure Russian vassal (of a vassal), Chief Tóll of Reval! Hakon laughed heartily when he got this news up in Rana.
By the end of January, the Russian fleet bearing the last army repatriated from Jorvik started disembarking its human cargo in Kexholm, timed to coincide with Botulfr’s advance from Austerbotn. The rebels would soon be the meat in Russia’s salad sandwich!
Early February saw the latest assessment of Council politics regarding the prospects for the change to late feudal administration. With Jarl Gorm and Seer Hysing now in the Loyalist party, with his own casting vote Eilif only needed one more member to vote with him to pass the law. He reviewed options to sway various members, but thought the cost of buying favours a bit too high. Though a gift to the Marshal, Mayor Gnupa, was more affordable. He handed over the gold.
In Kexholm, the Battle of Raivola began on 6 February, with an attack by Botulfr’s army from the north. By 11 February, the ship-born contingent had reinforced the fight and the peasants’ centre had broken. They were all on the run by 18 February.
Though petty bickering between Marshal Gnupa and Spymaster Jarl Helgi [still nominally a commander of Russia, apparently!] broke out on the 18th to sour the occasion a little..
Nevertheless, the rebellion was defeated by 22 February after the devastating victory in Kexholm. Another potential candidate for the next Blot soon wore chains in Eilif’s dungeon.
In early March, Eilif began standing down levies to save money, as the monthly deficit was running at a little over 14 gold (against a treasury of 520). But the 4,000 man army embarked their fleet again and started sailing down the Baltic to Pomerania: Eilif wanted to now make a rapid end to the last war of the moment. Certainly the Wratislaw’s small remaining army would not be causing any problems: on 550 were now left, having been defeated in their battle with the Russian freebooters and now in panicked rout westwards. The rest of the ships, at port in Finland, were stood down to save money and lessen the anger of the vassals who had provided them.
In the period from mid-March to early June 963, Spymaster Jarl Helgi excelled himself in Constantinople: three separate troves of papers were delivered to Nygarðr, boosting economic advances twice [+100 points] and military learning once [+50 points].
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April-June 963
The recent savings made in military upkeep meant the monthly deficit was down to just three gold by the beginning of April (treasury 517 gold).
On 26 April, the extra 4,000 Russian troops arrived by ship in Rana – and were immediately thrown into an assault on the walls of the castle of Rugard. It was expensive in troops, but quick and effective.
Its capture was not enough to enforce a complete surrender on Wratislaw. But it was enough to suggest a white peace – which would in effect be quite a handsome victory for Eilif, given the Pomeranian had been the aggressor. The offer was accepted on 11 May.
Though the note from Wratislaw was perhaps the most insulting ever delivered to Eilif. Had he known the dark powers now available to the Russian Emperor, he may not have made so free with his insults!
A week later, Gnupa came to Eilif with a proposal to improve security in Torzhok.
“Why not – see to it, Marshal Gnupa!” was the Emperor’s beneficent reply.
The main army was back in Werle from Rana by 21 May, allowing the levies to be stood down safely, leaving just the Imperial Guard, which soon embarked on the waiting fleet to make its way back to Mother Russia.
Eilif’s sometimes troublesome younger brother Prince Ingólfr, the recipient of a new city title the year before, disbanded his faction for elective succession in Russia on 24 May. By the end of the month, the Guard was sailing back home.
The most significant news though was that Marshal Gnupa had now come on board the Loyalist faction on the Council, without the need for any further influencing. This gave the Dark Fylkir his bare margin of support necessary to enact the institution of late feudal administration in the Empire. The law was passed two days later.
The same day, Ingólfr’s other faction seeking the Imperial crown was also disbanded. And the next day, Jarl Gorm declared another war of eastward expansion, taking on Cumania for Yaik.
Of course, the real reason for the latest legal change had been to pave the way for the introduction of primogeniture rule in the Russian Empire. Now only one disgruntled vassal stood in the way – Chief Kalle (the Younger) of Ingria.
All it took was an appointment as Merkismaðr to make him just friendly enough to make the difference [+1].
That day Eilif, Second of His Name, Emperor of Russia, Fylkir of the Reformed Germanic Faith and (in private) Trollmaðr of the Fellowship of Hel, proclaimed the change of the Imperial succession to primogeniture, with all four of his sons filling in the line of succession before his brother Sigurðr at fifth in line.
It was the second big recent development for Eilif, after becoming leader of the Fellowship just over a year before. In many ways, this latest triumph put him up as one of the great figures of the early Rurikid dynasty, alongside its founder Rurik and his grandfather Eilif I. His achievements made him appear in retrospect a kind of dark reflection of his illustrious namesake.
Eilif now reviewed his current position and holdings, as he found himself with two titles too many with the legal change. The bottom three in relative value – of the ‘wrong type’ as tribal holdings – were the recent acquisitions of Lappland, Smaleskja and Läänemaa tribes. Two of them would have to go.
A range of de jure Ducal and other weak claims could be pressed if desired on the behalf of vassals, and the High Chiefdom of Pomerania could be usurped.
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The Great Þing of June 963 – an Assessment of the State of the Known World
Eilif’s next task was to consider the way ahead now that all his recent wars were over and his great legislative changes wrought. First, the state of the current Pagan and Christian defensive pacts was assessed. All the remaining Finnish counties remained part of the Pagan grouping, though ties with the other great Germanic realms meant Jorvik, Denmark, and Noregr were not. The Christian pact had shrunk considerably.
Only one small faction remained to trouble Eilif at home.
The main realms then bordering Russia proper were Cumania, Poland and the Byzantine Empire, which had expanded up to the north of the Caspian Sea. In the West, West Francia remained the largest nearby power, but they had been soundly beaten in recent years.
The main religious threats on Russia’s borders were both Christian: the Catholics in Western Europe and now expanding into Poland; and Orthodoxy in Byzantium, the Balkans and also spreading into Central Europe, though providing a wide buffer to Sunni Islam in the south. Germanicism had now spread widely in Russia and even into the Eastern Steppe. Two more counties had become Germanic in the last year or so.
Norse culture was far slower to spread, with little beyond the core counties of the Emperor’s demesne having converted beyond Scandinavia in Russia and a few patches in the Low Countries and England.
In trade and the economy, the Russian capital and surrounding counties were beginning to shine out as centres of wealth, slowly spreading in the backward Russian countryside from that centre. But access to the Silk Road and other major trading routes was not yet available to the Emperor.
In addition to the quest to create the Kingdom of Finland as a subordinate Imperial title, two others were possible right now, without any further conquests. Eilif was keen for the advice of the wise gathered for the Þing as to whether he should aspire to create either or both of these (he could if desired create one such title immediately). His preference for consolidation purposes was still to try to create Finland in the mid-term – but that could be done concurrently with creating say the Kingdom of Konugarðr.
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Question for the Great Þing
Ch 126 Q1: The Way Ahead. The general question for the Þing is a broad one: whither next for the Russian Empire?
Q1A: Defy the Pagan pact and look to go conquering Finnish counties?
Q1B: Declare the Kingdom of Konugarðr?
Q1C: Start active recruiting to the Fellowship and/or start exercising some of those Dark Powers (once the Dark Power points to do so are there)?
Q1D: A Great Holy War declared on a suitable nearby target?
Q1E: Consolidation and renewed raiding for a while, as the threat reduces and the Pagan pact starts to dissolve?
Q1F: And of course, any other general advice or commentary on recent events or future options.
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Helheim: the most recent discoveries of the Rurikid scroll trove reveal Eilif II and his achievements in the first part of his reign to be great in many ways, if evil and abhorrent in others. Modern scholars consider him to be a dark reflection of his illustrious grandfather and namesake, the founder of the Russian Empire.
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Chapter 127: The Finnish Line (23 June 963 to 5 May 964)
Chapter 127: The Finnish Line (23 June 963 to 5 May 964)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Victory as an important ally of King Steinn of Jorvik had been won and various other revolts and invasions had recently been defeated.
Emperor Eilif was now Trollmaðr of the Fellowship of Hel as well as the Fylkir of Reformed Germanicism and had just implemented primogeniture inheritance laws for the Russian succession. This should secure any inheritance for his heir (which barring some disaster would be one of his four sons). Though there was a bit of disquiet among the vassals at the latest change and some excess perceived Imperial landholdings.
Eilif now needed to decide what he would do next, at home and abroad …
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June-July 963
The recent legal change had renewed resentment among Eilif’s vassals, turning opinions sour and temporarily dissolving the Loyalist party in the Council. These relationships would have to be repaired over time. His most opposed vassal was Chief Kalle of Ingria. Not a powerful magnate, but he ruled one of the founding chiefdoms of the old Petty Kingdom of Holmgarðr, founded by Rurik.
Eilif sought to bring Kalle into line by inducting him into the Fellowship.
He also discovered he couldn’t make another recruitment attempt for three months, so a prospective attempt to woo Jarl Refil would have to wait. By 10 July, it became clear Kalle was not interested. A Plan B would have to be contemplated, but was not urgent.
The Imperial Guard was back in Kexholm on 28 June after returning by sea from the victory against Pomerania. As they regained some condition after their voyage, many realms had started to leave the Pagan and Christian defensive pacts by 2 July [threat down to 5.2%].
Under the new legal regime, Eilif had two more titles (nine altogether) than his vassals were comfortable with – it was part of what was setting them against him. He decided he’d better fix that and in the end decided to hang on to Läänemaa for now, giving Lappland to Virdyan and Smaleskja to Jarl Refil.
And it suddenly turned two of his least supportive vassals into two of his most loyal. Kalle was the only vassal left with a negative opinion at that point.
This taken care of and the Guard having partly recovered their organisation, Eilif’s decision was made: he would resume his quest to gain the right to establish the Kingdom of Finland and thus eventually secure the ‘back door to Russia’.
There was a new Chief in Karelia – the young Chief Ahma, who had already gained the nickname of ‘the Brute’. But he had made the foolhardy decision to maintain the old Suomenusko ways – and leave the defensive pact against Eilif. The hated Karelians would be the first target – but a simple conquest of Häme rather than another holy war the Ahma might slither out of by converting.
The Council only approved this by a bare margin, Eilif breaking the deadlock: the glory hounds didn’t think the challenge was substantial enough, but zealot and pragmatist votes plus Eilif’s tie-breaker were sufficient. Apart from the traditional enmity with Karelia, this conquest would link their holdings in Finland.
All the other remaining Finnish realms were in the pact, as Eilif had not waited for it to dissolve completely, impatient for some action and disdaining the small states remaining in it. The other target would be Tartu, held by the young High Chief Hüvameel of Livonia. That brought the rest of the Finnish pact members – and others in Germany and Poland – into the war, so no more declarations were made. This war was far more popular with the four glory hounds on the Council.
The initial belligerents were concentrated in northern Finland, Livonia-Lithuania and some in Germany.
The levies were summoned: there would be 3,033 from Eilif’s personal demesne and 3,601 from the vassals, dispersed far and wide, in addition to the Guard recovering organisation and numbers in Kexholm.
Next, Eilif’s two Norse allies were called. Both would answer around mid-July, and while they would unlikely prove necessary, it was done for form’s sake anyway.
By the following day, the main theatres of action were becoming clear in Finland, Livonia and northern Germany. Russia would not seek to contest Germany, concentrating on the two conquest targets.
Not wanting to wait for the far-flung levies to concentrate against quite a large enemy presence in and around Livonia, ten days later Eilif called in the Jomsvikings to deal with that theatre, while he concentrated on Finland and the north-east.
Then, not even three weeks into the war, news came that King Steinn of Jorvik, Eilif's Brother in Hel, friend and ally, had died ‘of poor physique’ - he had never been a robust man. This also broke the alliance and took Jorvik out of the war.
The new King Þorbjörn Hvitserk was well enough disposed to Eilif, but the preferred leader of Jorvik from the Russian perspective was his younger brother; the current heir and Eilif’s brother-in-law, Bjorkvard of Perfeddwlad.
By the end of the month, the list of belligerents in the two separate wars had firmed up. If the war with Livonia could be won, it would leave Ahma very much isolated. And any gains made on the peripheries by Livonia’s allies would evaporate.
With the Jomsvikings adding their strength, at this point Russia had 16,100 men under arms, which should prove a comfortable margin for any anticipated challenge by their combined opponents.
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August-December 963
A small fly in the Imperial ointment was the news on 2 August that Jarl and Spymaster Helgi was once again dabbling in factional politics, agitating for the reintroduction of gavelkind succession in Russia. It was no surprise he would be against primogeniture succession!
The ever-busy Jarl Bertill II the Devil of Brabant started another of his wars on 22 August, this time seeking to revoke Breda from Ormr the Blind – for reasons Eilif was unaware of and did not bother to explore. Soon after, word came that Jarl Tryggve had had a rare loss, failing in his attempt to conquer Galaz from the King of Bulgaria, which had started way back in August 958.
Back in the Finnish Wars, Ugra came under siege by Bjarmian forces on 5 September. Next Läänema, which only had a single man recruited for its garrison when attacked by the Livonians, fell to them on 12 September. Eilif remained unconcerned, even as Russian forces manoeuvred to reverse these losses.
By mid-October, the Jomsvikings were in Tartu but did not yet wait to invest it: a chase around Livonia began as Palnatoke sought to run down the main enemy army.
The main battle of the war began in Häme on the same day. The Guard led by Hakon had been reinforced by around a thousand levies and had advanced to engage the main Karelian army as it tried to pass north.
As skirmishing began, the enemy left had almost twice the strength of the opposing Russian division, led by Eilif’s lover Botulfr. The Russian centre vastly outmatched their counterparts. While overall numbers were not that different, the enemy were mainly light infantry and archers, while the Russians were strong in pikemen, heavy infantry and cavalry. Botulfr’s flank had wisely engaged their opposites in melee by 30 October and this is where they began to assert control after the difficult start.
By 3 November, the enemy centre had broken and Botulfr was asserting his tactical advantage. On 9 November, he had slaughtered one of the enemy’s commanders (to Eilif’s prideful delight) and broken their left for the loss of only 30 men since the battle began. By 21 November the enemy’s persistent right had also broken under the assault of all three Russian divisions, who pursued.
When that ended on 29 November, a convincing Russian victory had been won and the Karelian war’s progress strongly advanced. And one of the other Karelian commanders had been taken prisoner. The siege of Häme could now begin, as Russian forces fanned out to put other Karelian holdings under siege.
But as a harsh winter set in, Häme could support no more than a thousand troops, so Hakon’s army split up, the larger contingent heading south to the far more prosperous Uusimaa.
On 6 December, the results of three sieges were announced: two losses and a win. Palnatoke had never caught up with the Livonian and pact army in Reval or Läänemaa, but assaulted the latter quickly when it too proved to have only one unlucky man guarding it! [Or ¾ of a man: perhaps he had lost a leg and was unable to flee with the rest! ]
Pact forces in the south had moved on from Pinsk to Minsk, the latter coming under siege on 20 December. Again, this was ignored. Two days later, Ugra fell in the north, but the Bjarmians had waited too long: a Russian army under Gunnarr was set to catch them by 2 January.
On 24 December, Eilif’s fractious younger half-brother Prince Ingolfr was again playing factional games, joining those pushing for elective succession in Garðariki. By then, Palnotoke was on his way to Tartu, the target of the conquest war against Livonia and its pact allies.
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January-March 964
The Jomsvikings arrived in Tartu in late December 963 and were ready to conduct an assault – which Eilif ordered, on the basis that it wasn’t his own levies dying, who would take time to replace – and it was all over on the first day of the new year of 964. Livonia was defeated, Hüvameel deprived of his land and Tartu renamed Dorpat, under Russian dominion.
Note the ‘Battle of Anklam’ was a minor (unreported by me) skirmish in north Germany when levies were raised with a small enemy contingent in place, which won as the Russians had no organisation.
This also meant that all other territory taken by the pact partners (such as Ugra) reverted to Russian control and the battle that was due to start the next day against the Bjarmians in Ugra never happened.
The threat Eilif posed was again ratcheted up. The other war was just against Karelia – with just the one more county needed to enable the creation of the Kingdom of Finland, should Eilif wish to. The Jomsvikings – who were expensive to maintain with a budget in deficit – were dismissed. Four different sieges of Karelian holdings remained in progress.
Uusimaa tribe fell to Russia on 27 January and the siege transferred to its temple. A few days later, with the vassals complaining again, Eilif decided to transfer Dorpat to his eldest son and heir. But before he did so, he ensured Styrbjörn could not be married or betrothed without his father’s permission.
Ch127 Q1: Dorpat to Styrbjörn.He was due to inherit this anyway and Styrbjörn didn’t have a very good opinion of Eilif, so I ‘what the helled’ and gave it to him. Fair enough, or a mistake? One thought was he might be made King of Finland in time, but will cross that bridge when I come to it.
Dynastic politics was the next item on Eilif’s agenda. With the loss of the close relationship with King Steinn and the associated alliance with Jorvik, attention turned to Noregr. A betrothal proposal was made and soon accepted for King Rögnvaldr’s daughter Linda to one of Eilif’s (quite a bit younger) sons, Prince Helgi.
By early February the budget deficit had been greatly reduced to 9.37 gold per month. More levies were stood down to cut costs further.
Feeling a bit restless with the war now very routine, Eilif’s dreams were plagued by one of the members of the Fellowship. Always taking the path of aggressive violence in such matters, mid-February brought some welcome entertainment for the Dark Fylkir.
This earned him a reputation as an impaler, which he was rather pleased about. It would be good if that was to become my nickname, he wrote hopefully in his secret journal. It certainly further burnished his martial and learning abilities, which was always welcome.
The Temple of Porvoo in Uusimaa was the next to fall to Russia on 4 March [warscore 82%] as the sieges wore on and the main Karelian army stilled wandered in the north after its panicked rout.
Back on the political front, Jarl Helgi’s gavelkind faction was the only one of even mild concern. He had become disgruntled again – Eilif made a note to see if he could figure out the main causes and perhaps do something about it in due course. Not yet, though.
While doing this administrative housekeeping and still running a small deficit, Eilif searched the dungeon for ransom prospects and found two: one taken recently, another some time before, who could now be ransomed to his own estate for a very tidy amount.
Ääninen fell, for the loss of 56 Russian troops, on 14 March [warscore 97%]. Two days later a Russian army of over 1,400 levies was in Kexholm and ordered up to Austerbotn, when a force of fewer than a hundred Karelians was in the final stages of a siege. They were too late to save Austerbotn, which fell on 19 March [warscore 96%]; they would have to be satisfied with revenge instead.
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April-May 964
Chief Falki of Hlymrek formed a small independence faction on 6 April, but would be no threat unless more powerful lords began to join it.
On 23 April, a Russian army of 1,466 men (no commander) fell on the 85 Karelians, led by High Chief Ahma himself. Four days later Hakon, with around the same number of men, reinforced and took charge of the battle. By the time the pursuit was ended and victory declared on 1 May, just one Russian soldier had died and the enemy force had been wiped out, the Ahma escaped.
On 24 April, Eilif had followed up the recent betrothal to formalise an alliance with Noregr: Rögnvaldr was very enthusiastic and soon accepted!
On 4 May, Hakon began an assault to retake the lightly held Austerbotn: it was over the next day, as was the siege of Häme, the original object of the war. Ahma could see it was all over.
The peace saw Häme renamed Tavastehus and brought Eilif over the threshhold to declare a new Kingdom of Finland.
Ch127 Q2: Kingdom of Finland.Eilif now has the cash and piety to do this now. Should he, or maybe hold off? If he does, should he keep it, or perhaps give it to his heir (ie like an early inheritance)?
Eilif now stood in a powerful position, though would need to divest himself of a county again to keep his vassals happy: it would probably be one of either Läänemaa of the newly acquired Tavastehus (more likely). Again, next steps would be contemplated, whether another war or raiding to rebuild a large surplus.
Northern Finland was now more inter-connected, but the border remained rather gory. Some more judicious conquests there might be useful in due course.
While perhaps a merchant republic (much mooted in the Þing) could be declared if the Duchy of Estonia could be created; declaring the de jure Duchy of Livonia was not yet possible.
Ch127 Q3. Merchant Republic.I quickly read Wiki the Red on this, but have never done it before. It seems to be something like first create the duchy, and then allocate it to a lord mayor of/in a coastal county? Or is it more complicated than that? If that’s pretty much it, do people think it should be a higher or lower priority than founding Finland?
Continental Russia had expanded its borders incrementally once again. Colouring the whole of Finland and the north ‘Russian green’ held great appeal, to create that secure bastion the Rurikids had long aimed for. But Khazaria and Mordva also represented enclaves it might be neat to eliminate. While a Great Holy War against Poland, or indeed England, had also been much discussed in recent Þings.
The anti-Russian defensive pacts remained comparatively small, but would be expected to grow again now that Eilif’s threat had increased once more. But at least Denmark and Noregr, as allies, would not be joining the pagan pact while those relationships lasted. Unfortunately, both Khazaria (Christian) and Mordva (Pagan) were current pact members. Though Poland was not. England still seemed to be in civil war.
Eilif’s thoughts turned again to Jorvik and his desire to see King Þorbjörn either brought back into an alliance or out of the way before he sired an heir, so that the Emperor’s brother-in-law- might accede to the throne. Given Þorbjörn was neither a vassal, courtier or rival, Eilif’s Hellish abilities were of little use here. A murder plot was another option, but would need to be built if it was have any hope of success.
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Questions
Ch127 Q1: Dorpat to Styrbjörn. He was due to inherit this anyway and Styrbjörn didn’t have a very good opinion of Eilif, so I ‘what the helled’ and gave it to him. Fair enough, or a mistake? One thought was he might be made King of Finland in time, but will cross that bridge when I come to it.
Ch127 Q2: Kingdom of Finland. Eilif now has the cash and piety to do this now. Should he, or maybe hold off? If he does, should he keep it, or perhaps give it to his heir (ie like an early inheritance)?
Ch127 Q3. Merchant Republic. I quickly read Wiki the Red on this, but have never done it before. It seems to be something like first create the duchy, and then allocate it to a lord mayor of/in a coastal county? Or is it more complicated than that? If that’s pretty much it, do people think it should be a higher or lower priority than founding Finland?
