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((The two weeks between updates are fine if that's what works best for you. After all the entire epilogue is like a good dessert - you enjoy when it is ready .
A lot happening across the world, but overall it seems that we've got a period of increased conservatism right now...
As for an event, all I can think of right now would be some kind of economic council consisting of politicians, company heads and representatives of the workers to plan how to tackle the future economic policy now that the Long Depression is fading away.))
((The two weeks between updates are fine if that's what works best for you. After all the entire epilogue is like a good dessert - you enjoy when it is ready .
A lot happening across the world, but overall it seems that we've got a period of increased conservatism right now...
As for an event, all I can think of right now would be some kind of economic council consisting of politicians, company heads and representatives of the workers to plan how to tackle the future economic policy now that the Long Depression is fading away.))
((I read that as desert and wondered why anyone would enjoy that.
I'm open to any ideas that people want to try, but they'd have to be player-driven. I find when I get involved I end up posting so much that I don't get any work done on the updates. Doesn't help that I've hit a minor dry spell. At least I'm a bit ahead until I can gather my thoughts again.))
((Hey, to those of you who aren’t regularly on the Discord server, would any of you be interested in coming on this weekend? I thought it might be fun to get everyone on. We could use the EotM deck to play Cards Against Humanity, or perhaps a few rounds rounds of Secret Hitler.
It would probably be most active around:
12:00 pm PST
2:00 pm CT
3:00 pm EST
7:00 pm GMT
8:00 pm CET))
((Hey, to those of you who aren’t regularly on the Discord server, would any of you be interested in coming on this weekend? I thought it might be fun to get everyone on. We could use the EotM deck to play Cards Against Humanity, or perhaps a few rounds rounds of Secret Hitler.
It would probably be most active around:
12:00 pm PST
2:00 pm CT
3:00 pm EST
7:00 pm GMT
8:00 pm CET))
((We haven't done one of these in awhile, so why not. Might be a distraction from the update, but it'll be fun. The EotM deck will seem quite fresh by now and perhaps we might even have more ideas for cards. As for Secret Hitler, I'd like to see the liberals win at least once. ))
((As event I cloud have some if they are realistic:
1: Russians rise against Lithuania.
2: Carlos restores the weighted system.
3: Collapse of the commonwealth with Russians, Germans, Scandinavians, and Byzantines deciding to end the pink blob.
4: Louisiana can into independence !
5: Tuareg Muslim revolt in Maghrebi desert.))
((As event I cloud have some if they are realistic:
1: Russians rise against Lithuania.
2: Carlos restores the weighted system.
3: Collapse of the commonwealth with Russians, Germans, Scandinavians, and Byzantines deciding to end the pink blob.
4: Louisiana can into independence !
5: Tuareg Muslim revolt in Maghrebi desert.))
((1. Who are these Russians you speak of? Sounds like some imaginary nation that has never existed in this timeline. Perhaps you mean the Muscovites who have been under Lithuanian rule for over two centuries.
2. While certainly something the right might pursue, it'd require a supermajority in both the Cortz and Assembly, so would likely fail anyway.
3. The Commonwealth, much like Hispania, is a wide mix of various cultures who generally cooperate for the betterment of all, and their very nation is a union of two peoples. Their collapse would likely herald similar events in Hispania, since the two have very similar relationships between cultures. Not to say that there won't be angry minorities in both.
4. I think Louisiana realizes that breaking free likely means that Hispania's colonies would soon swoop down upon it. Taking orders from France is worth the protection they provide.
5. There will be a lot going on in Africa over the next decade, so a lot of it will be skimmed over or not mentioned at all. I've mostly only focused on those represented as actual states in-game. Assume there are many different native tribes and locals being subjugated and slaughtered with machine guns that aren't mentioned in the updates as borders expand.))
((Keep in mind that until literally one year before the last update ended, Persia was a sphereling and ally of Byzantium, and that only ended because Poland-Lithuania forced them out. I don't see them suddenly attacking a nation they've been friends with for the past few decades.))
The government of Prime Minister Carlos de Garcia e Silva had many problems to contend with going into the 1880s. While the economy was of great importance, Poland-Lithuania reared its head again. Their victory over Byzantium had not only allowed them to humble their rival, but also opened up opportunities in Asia. Byzantium had been forced to back out of Persia, presenting the Commonwealth with a large market and potential route to the Indian Ocean on its southern border. The Lithuanians immediately stepped in to take Byzantium’s place, signing a trade agreement with Persia and attempting to improve ties wherever possible.
Poland-Lithuania’s actions in Persia were viewed as a threat to Hispanian India. Persia’s proximity to India and Arabia made it a valuable buffer and market for Hispanian goods, but also provided a launching pad for those who wished to undermine Hispanian influence in the area. It was no surprise then that the conservative government wished to ensure that Persia remained in friendly hands. With Byzantium no longer watching over Persia, Hispania stepped in. They had once held a dominant position in Persia, but had let it slip in the interest of maintaining positive relations with Byzantium. They would be competing with the Lithuanians for dominance, but at least had something to work off of. It was to be a trade war, with both nations vying for economic control of Persia, and one that would last for decades.
Poland-Lithuania’s interests were not just limited to Persia. Central Asia was host to a few small states who had remained relatively independent for decades. Bukhara, Chagatai, and Afghanistan had somehow survived surrounded by significantly larger powers. Of the three, only Afghanistan had opened itself to foreign influence, having willingly accepted trade and assistance from Hispania. The other two did not have this saving grace, and it made them prime targets.
In late-1880, after troops had left Byzantium, Poland-Lithuania declared war on Bukhara. In a matter of months, the tiny state was overrun. The following year, war was declared on Chagatai, who faced a similar threat. While both states were small, their conquest extended the Lithuanian presence in Central Asia, clearly showing their interest in the region. Now they loomed over Afghanistan, the one thing that stood between a land connection with their sphereling of Delhi. For now, Poland-Lithuania focused on consolidating their holdings, but it seemed likely they would turn their gaze farther south soon enough.
As Poland-Lithuania continued to prove a thorn in Hispania’s side, the Trastámara family did their part to help restore relations with Scandinavia. Ever since the French Succession War, Hispania and Scandinavia had not been on the best of terms. While neither was openly hostile with the other, there seemed no desire to restore what had been lost. Hispania had lost its interest in the goings-on in Northern Europe and instead focused on colonial expansion, while Scandinavia was constantly plagued with internal unrest. It seemed easier to ignore each other and focus on more pressing issues.
In 1880, King Gustav VII de Valois-Södermanland reached out to Emperor Alfons X, seeking to marry his daughter Kaja to one of Alfons’s sons. It was an offer sent with the utmost secrecy, for Gustav was in a delicate position. While trying to cement his rule at home, he had both France and Germany trying to manipulate him to do what they wanted. While France had stronger ties with Scandinavia, they had also practically held him hostage and forced him to marry a French princess. As for the Germans, they had helped him claim his throne, but the old rivalry could not be so easily dismissed. Gustav found himself playing the two against each other, but realized he needed to seek out the help of a third party. It was hoped that this proposed marriage could help repair relations with Hispania, and perhaps serve as a deterrent for both France and Germany from intervening in Scandinavia.
With such an opportunity presented to him, the Emperor gladly accepted. Princess Kaja travelled in secret to Valencia and was married in a quiet ceremony to Prince Cèsar de Trastámara. The marriage was not widely discussed in Hispania, for the Trastámara family hoped to avoid earning the ire of the Valois for meddling in their inter-family dispute, as well as their attempts to vie for influence over Scandinavia. For now, the marriage would serve as the first step towards repairing relations with Scandinavia.
Despite international tensions, when it all came down to it, the economy was the government’s prime concern. The Long Depression was still ongoing, although the sharp fall that had struck in 1873 had been brought to a halt under Prime Minister Attillio Spoleto. Now it was only a matter of reversing the decline and encouraging growth during a period of stagnancy. The liberals called for the lessening of restrictions on businesses to let them operate more freely and spark economic growth, although with many still blaming the business community for the crisis, this didn’t receive much support. The socialists still wanted to implement unemployment insurance, pensions, and other social reforms to put money in the hands of those most affected by the Long Depression. The conservatives, however, had other ideas on how best to solve things.
One of the things that most exacerbated the effects of the Long Depression was the decision by countless states to raise tariffs and trade barriers during its onset. Many nations saw what was happening in the UKA and Canada and how it was impacting Hispania. By raising those barriers, they thought to keep it from spreading to their own nations. In some respects, it worked, with Hispania getting hit far harder than the rest of Europe. However, it also meant that world trade declined, and many nations saw a drop in the amount of goods being exchanged with other states. Those with plentiful resources survived better, such as Poland-Lithuania since they could rely less on trade. The conservatives noticed this and saw in it a solution.
After a consultation between the Cabinet, it was decided that the best way to solve the economic crisis was by increasing Hispania’s access to raw resources and friendly markets. Hispania could no longer rely on other states for trade when they could raise trade barriers at any moment, and forcing those barriers down as with Poland-Lithuania proved far too costly. Hispania was fortunate that it possessed a vast empire. It could draw upon resources from across the world and trade goods with their many colonies and spherelings. There was one area though that remained mostly untapped, ripe for exploitation. That region was the African interior.
In late 1880, Prime Minister Carlos de Garcia e Silva announced that Hispania would be funding efforts to colonize the untamed wilds of the African interior. These lands would supply resources for the Hispanian industry during its current weakened state and provide thousands if not millions of potential buyers for Hispanian goods. Expansion into the interior was also believed to serve as a massive popularity boost for the conservatives. The Hispanian people could look with pride at the expansion into Africa and see their nation continue to spread across the globe and rise above the rest of the world. A fitting distraction when an economic crisis was ongoing.
The timing was also fortuitous. Industrial innovations made the process of opening up Africa much easier than it would have been even a decade ago. Improvements in steam-powered navigation, railways, and telegraphs allowed for easier travel and communication. Medical advances had led to the discovery of various medicines and treatments for tropical diseases such as malaria that often plagued tropical locations. The desolate African interior was now much more accessible and far less deadly. Now was the time to expand Hispania’s presence in Africa.
Hispania was not alone in this endeavour. While Hispania had near control of the entire African coastline, the French possessed a colony or two. With the announcement of Hispania’s intention to colonize Africa, Emperor Charles IX of France made a similar announcement, with the French expanding their presence in the south and extending their presence in their sphereling of Mali. It was a direct challenge to Hispania’s dominance of Africa, a declaration that they could not simply horde the continent for themselves. The Scramble for Africa had begun.
The Scramble for Africa was to go on for a couple decades, with the near complete colonization of the continent not complete until the 20th Century. Hispania focused mostly on the remaining coastline, as well as areas in the north nearer the Mediterranean despite how inhospitable they proved to be. It was a lengthy process, since all the elements of civilization had to be established. Incentives were created to encourage men and women to settle in these new colonies, a promising offer with so many struggling from the Long Depression. Poverty-stricken Hispanians often took up the offer, moving to the far reaches of Africa because they had nothing left back home. This perhaps unintentionally helped alleviate the problems of unemployment and sped up colonization efforts.
Matters in Africa did not consist solely of peaceful colonization. Often local populations were displaced, subjugated, or in more extreme cases, wiped out. When the locals were more organized, possessing a European-style government, matters grew more complex. Kaffa proved a key example.
Unrest continued to be high in Kaffa as the King continued to rely on European advisors and attempted to sideline nationalist radicals. This boiled over in the summer of 1880. A Kaffan general, dissatisfied with the current situation, rallied various Kaffan officers and unemployed soldiers to his cause, calling for the expulsion of the European advisors. When the King then asked him to leave the capital, the General refused and demanded the restoration of an elected government. Threatened with revolt, the King obliged, seeing a democratically elected government dominated by nationalists.
This new nationalist government soon started causing problems. All the King’s foreign advisors were removed, and diplomats were sent home. Ties to Hispania were slowly cut away. No longer would Europeans hold sway over Kaffa. This dissent spread to the population. In June of 1881, Kaffa’s large Coptic population turned on the small Catholic European population living within their country. Violence erupted in the Kaffan capital, with rioters attacking European businesses, with their owners sometimes dragged into the street and killed.
Word soon reached Valencia of these proceedings. The conservative government immediately supported a military intervention in Kaffa to prevent further loss of lives for the European population and to protect Hispanian interests. The new regime was hostile to Hispania and that was a threat to trade in the region. Hispania would not tolerate another nation cutting off trade with them. A full-scale invasion was called for, with troops mustering to march into Kaffa by September.
Kaffa’s resistance was a futile effort against the might of Hispania, but they still managed to drain much of Hispania’s resources. Hispanian troops landed along the coast of the Red Sea and pushed west. The discontent officers united against the invasion and rallied the Kaffan population to their cause, who were quite hostile and resilient to Hispanian occupation. Hispania was forced to garrison key positions as they advanced to prevent them aiding the defending forces. Thousands of men were lost in the advance. Despite that, they pressed onward. By Autumn of 1882, the Hispanian troops had managed to wipe out most of the organized resistance and captured the Kaffan capital, deposing the nationalist government in favour of a more European-friendly one. Hispania was to maintain a presence in Kaffa afterwards to ensure their interests were respected, requiring a heavy garrison force and essentially annexing Kaffa into the Hispanian Empire much as they had done with West Bengal.
The invasion of Kaffa, while necessary to protect Hispanian interests in the region, also proved a distraction from another conflict. Zazzau had a rough relationship with Hispania. A few decades ago, they had attempted to throw off Hispanian influence and go their own way, but a short war had put an end to that. Since then, they had sat and stewed over it, all meanwhile building up their army and importing European weapons. While they had grudgingly accepted Hispanian influence, that did not mean they were happy about it.
In November of 1881, a group of Hispanian soldiers, separated from their regiment in Kaffa wandered into Zazzau. After stumbling upon a village, they demanded food and water, as well as confiscated some arms and ammunition they found to resupply. Offended by the poor treatment by the soldiers, the villagers attacked the soldiers and drove them off. When word reached the Zazzau government, the resentment against Hispanian dominance resurfaced and Zazzau once more declared its independence.
Hispania’s response to this declaration was naturally to respond by force. Troops were diverted to Zazzau when possible. This was easier said than done. Zazzau was located deep in the interior of Africa, only accessible by passing through other nations or inhospitable desert. Transportation had not yet been set up to the north of Zazzau to make reaching them easy and going through Kaffa was difficult due to the existing war zone. Only a few thousand men ever made it to Zazzau, with Hispania’s main focus on defeating and pacifying Kaffa.
The Zazzau War was soon to prove a smear on Hispania’s military reputation. The problems of poor planning and leadership that had arisen during the Siberian War had never truly been rectified, and Hispanian strategy had not been properly adapted to the terrain and environment of the African interior. The Hispanian troops also were plagued by a lack of supplies as the only supply route was through the war zone in Kaffa, with supplies often raided by the locals there. Zazzau had much more effective planning, relying instead on mobility to offset Hispania’s superior firepower, striking quickly at Hispanian troops and then vanishing before a reprisal could be organized. In one instance, Zazzau troops managed to sneak up on an artillery battalion, seizing the artillery and turning them on nearby Hispanian infantry before they could be taken out.
Plagued by blunder after blunder, and seen as a mere sideshow to the much more pressing war in Kaffa, Hispania was force to mostly leave Zazzau to its own devices. When Kaffa was finally occupied and attention could be given properly to Zazzau, the fight had gone out of Hispania. The soldiers were tired and ready to go home, while the government didn’t want to continue to be bogged down in a protracted war in the African interior. As for Zazzau, they had proven their point by resisting Hispania, but were enough of realists to see the writing on the wall. Hispania could still wipe them out if they truly felt the need to. Thus in October of 1882, the two parties met and negotiated a truce, one where Zazzau would remain within Hispania’s sphere of influence but with considerably greater autonomy. This brought the war to an end, but perhaps not with the preferred outcome.
While Hispania continued to expand in Africa, both through peaceful and violent means, the conservative government sought both a way to revive the economy and fuel Hispania’s war machine. As the conservatives drifted further right, the idea of state intervention in the economy became increasingly popular. It had been quite some time since the state had gone beyond subsidies and purchased and managed its own factories. Successive liberal governments had sold off most state factories except for the most essential. The conservatives intended to reverse that.
It was decided that one way to help revive the economy was for the state to purchase or construct factories and pay to operate them. It was thought that even if these factories proved unprofitable, the government could absorb the additional costs, a price worth paying to provide Hispanians with greater employment opportunities and increase production. Naturally the business community was quite hostile to state interference in the economy since state factories would be able to provide lower prices by relying on government funding to cover any losses. The key then was to focus on key industries to minimize this impact and ensure the best benefit to Hispania.
In 1881, the conservative government announced that it would be buying out most factories in Hispania that produced military goods such as arms and ammunition. With the poor state of the economy, this was not a difficult task to achieve as many smaller companies were willing to sell to the government, who provided tempting offers. For those larger companies less willing to sell, they became the victim of strict regulations on military production, limiting production rates and who they could sell to, as well as restricting who could open or operate military goods factories. Those industrialists who had decided to focus on military goods suddenly found their businesses either bought out or suddenly much less profitable as the Hispanian military relied on state-owned factories. The goal was for the state to hold a virtual monopoly on military production, ensuring that the Hispanian military was properly supplied at all times and without becoming a victim of market trends. Perhaps this went against the idea of the free market, but the military would not have to fear sudden price hikes and could rely on a reliable source of supplies from state-owned factories.
As the government focused on economic issues, Emperor Alfons continued to rely on dynastic policies to aid Hispania’s foreign affairs. In 1881, a marriage was arranged between the Emperor’s daughter Princess Caterina de Trastámara and Prince Victor de Trastámara-Montréal of Canada. Relations had been rocky since the two nations had fallen out over Oregon. That seemed in the distant past though, and Canada desired to repair relations, especially since the UKA seemed willing to cozy up to France. The marriage served as a rapprochement, easing tensions between Hispania and Canada.
Going into the new decade, the conservative government had to keep an eye on the growing nationalist movements. The Partito Nazionalista Italiano continued to expand its presence in Northern Italy, while the Enlightenment Party took advantage of anti-European support to build a base in Canton. These were the first parties to appear focused mostly on a specific region of the Empire, but they were not to be the last.
The Philippines found themselves in a similar situation as Canton as a former Asian colony granted the franchise but then ostracized by the Mediterranean Clause. There was much resentment at their situation, but it was focused on a different target and with a different goal. Unlike with the Chinese in Canton, the Filipino population lived alongside a significant Aragonese minority. Over a third of the population of the Philippines was of European descent. This minority wielded significant power in the Philippines, with most government positions in the region held by Europeans. The Filipino majority found itself excluded from power, and in some cases was even blackmailed, bribed, or threatened to vote a certain way during election. Due to its distance from the capital, the unfair situation in the Philippines was often ignored or overlooked in Valencia.
By 1881, the Filipino majority had grown tired of being kept from power and began organizing to oppose the European dominance of local politics. Unlike with the Chinese or even Italians, this movement lacked the latent separatism that drew the support of more radical elements. The Filipino people were surprising loyal, and their problem was more with how they were being represented in government and less with Hispania itself. With this in mind, disgruntled Filipinos formed the Partido Federalista, a party whose main purpose was to renegotiate the relationship between the Hispanian Parliament and the states. They supported greater autonomy, with local populations given more say in affairs related to their region rather than being beholden entirely to a distant central government. Separatism was disavowed as a solution, believed to be too extreme and detrimental to the wellbeing of the Philippines, who benefited from the prosperity of Hispania. With the election still a few years away, the new party focused on rallying support from the Filipino majority. It also reached out to people in Taiwan, who faced a similar situation where a large Aragonese minority dominated politics at the expense of the Christian Polynesian majority.
The changes in Asia were not just limited to Hispania. China, following its unification, had been focused inwards, mostly on quelling what unrest remained from the conquest of Qing and forging a Chinese identity. As that became a reality, China looked towards events in Japan and contemplated how best to rectify its past mistakes. Japan had struggled with how best to reach equal status with the Europeans. They had opted to import Western goods and ideas, a decision that seemed mostly a failure as they became dependent on Hispania. China instead contemplated the ideas presented by the Imperial side that had fought the Shogun. They had wanted to modernize Japan, but on its own terms. This appealed to the Chinese. They would take what worked from the West, but they would do it their way and without destroying the Chinese identity and traditions.
The Emperor of China announced that the government would be enacting widespread reform in the administration, military, and other aspects of Chinese society over the course of the next few decades. The goal was for the Chinese state to modernize to compete with the Europeans. While China had previously enacted a westernization policy under Ming rule decades ago, this was intended to be much more extensive. Administrators and officials were tasked with scrutinizing all aspects of Western society, picking and choosing what worked and what didn’t, and then finding ways to implement the best ideas into Chinese society. Chinese delegates were soon encountered all over the world as the Chinese took a much closer look at the other governments of the world.
Greatest focus was given to the military. China had not forgotten its humiliating defeat against Hispania all those years ago and would not suffer a repeat any time soon. It looked at the many setbacks and defeats that Western armies had faced recently and learned from those mistakes. It took notice of their successes and implemented similar policies. The Chinese army restricted its command structure to make it more streamlined and implemented training exercises to properly prepare officers for command. The Chinese navy, for perhaps the first time in history, was given a massive overhaul as orders were put in place to construct new modern steamships to defend China’s coast.
This whole affair was a massive undertaking, and one not without opposition. More reactionary members of the Chinese government resented the implementation of Western ideas in China and found it offensive to model their military on that of the Europeans. While this was being attempted on China’s terms, it seemed to be a slap in the face of tradition. Protests were uttered by some officials, but the Emperor’s word was law, and he would not let China fall behind again. Reform was to be pursued no matter the cost.
Such monumental movements were certain to have a large impact on Asia, but so too could territory changing hands. There were only so many major colonial powers in the world. While Hispania and France were busy trying to claim what they could in Africa, that left Scandinavia and Scotland to fight over the scraps, and the former was in no condition to fight over anything. Scotland, lacking any interest or a position in Africa, decided to focus its imperial ambition on Asia. Scotland’s interest in the Pacific had grown as Alaska became more profitable and they expanded their presence in Indonesia. There was still an island or two in the Pacific that were uninhabited or settled by primitive tribes just waiting to be claimed.
In 1882, Scotland laid claim to the last uncolonized island in the Pacific, Marcus. It lay near their possessions in Micronesia and served as a waypoint between Alaska and Scottish Indonesia, making it a valuable acquisition. Scotland was not to stop there. The tiny nation of Tidore had managed to remain independent despite European encroachment and had somehow failed to fall under the influence of another power. As Scotland claimed Marcus, they also sent an army to subjugate Tidore and claim their island of Jiholo for themselves. It was a short war, and one that added to Scotland’s presence in Asia.
Following their successes in Asia, Scotland reached out to Hispania requesting to purchase their colony in New Guinea. Hispania had acquired it when they annexed Malwa, providing them with a distant and somewhat disgruntled colony they hadn’t really wanted. Hispania also had less interest in New Guinea than elsewhere. It was a less defensible position and surrounded by other nation’s colonies. Hispania had already sold part of New Guinea to Scotland before, and they seemed willing to do so again. A price was arranged and the territory exchanged.
Over in Poland-Lithuania, 1882 proved a year of both mourning and celebration. In the Spring of that year, King Jogaila V Giedraiciai of Lithuania passed away, less than a year after his wife, Queen Jadwiga I von Wettin of Poland. Their union had brought Poland and Lithuania together, but their deaths would set into motion the last step for official unification of the two nations. With their deaths, both titles passed on to their son, Vladislovas. In widely celebrated ceremony, Vladislovas was crowned as the first Emperor of the Commonwealth, formally unifying the crowns of Poland and Lithuania. With their union, Emperor Vladislovas II dispensed with the name Poland-Lithuania, officially changing the state to the Commonwealth. Catering to the disgruntled minorites in the hopes of unifying the country under his reign, greater autonomy and inclusion in the federal government were given to the various Slavic minorities in the east. The Scandinavians were noticeably ignored, mostly due to their earlier violent resistance. The Commonwealth was to be a union of multiple peoples rather than just two, at least for those who respected the Lithuanian-dominated government.
While the Lithuanian court was celebrating, the Hispanian court was rife with tension. In a surprise reappearance, Princess Peronella returned to court. Rumour had it she had spent the past decade in a convent, a fact supported by her sudden devotion to the Christian faith. She was seem regularly attending church and was often in prayer. It seemed that her time away spent repenting her sins had paid off.
If Peronella’s time away had been meant to subdue her fiery personality, it had failed in that regard. Peronella remained quite outspoken, although her topics of interest had changed. She decried the declining adherence to the Christian faith and lack of Christian values in society. She also became a vocal supporter of women’s suffrage, believing that the best way to instill good Christian values into society and protect the traditional family structure was by giving women a greater voice.
This last one put Peronella in direct conflict with her twin brother, Sanç. She had immediately sought her brother out after returning to Valencia, once more becoming attached at the hip despite Sanç’s protests. While appreciative of her sudden piety, they feuded over their views on women. It was a short argument though, and one brought quickly to an end after Peronella found out how her twin had been treating his wife. The two had exchanged some heated words, and Sanç ended up leaving with more than a few bruises to both his pride and his body. Observers couldn’t help but notice the sudden change in Sanç’s relationship with his wife following that argument as he was seen in public with Rosa more often and treating her with much more respect.
Peronella’s reappearance had its biggest impact on the relationship between the Emperor and his Prime Minister. While the Emperor was glad to have his daughter back and was seen often in her presence, mostly at Empress Khadija’s insistence, Prime Minister Carlos de Garcia e Silva was noticeably uncomfortable whenever his former wife was in the room with him. While the two never exchanged words, Peronella seemingly taunted him when they were attending the same public events by always remaining within his sight. Whenever the Prime Minister went to speak with the Emperor, the Princess always seemed to be hanging around her father. Nothing was ever said about the issue of Peronella’s presence, but it proved a noticeable source of tension.
This was all aggravated by an abrupt downswing in Emperor Alfons’s health. In late 1882, the Emperor tripped and hit his head, blacking out for a minute. After returning to consciousness, the Emperor seemed fine and waved off all attempts to nanny him. Despite his protests that he was fine, Alfons became increasingly irritable, frustrated as he experienced difficultly remembering things and paying attention. After complaining of fatigue and difficulty sleeping, as well as constant migraines, the royal doctor was brought in. It was determined that the Emperor had suffered a concussion, although it was uncertain why he was experiencing such prolonged symptoms. It was suggested that his condition was aggravated due to the injury the Emperor had suffered during the Valencia riots. It was recommended that the Emperor get plenty of rest, but that seemed to do little. For now, the Emperor suffered through the sudden bouts of dizziness, memory loss, and fatigue, but it was certain to have an impact on his work.
With the reappearance of Peronella and the Emperor’s condition, little attention was given to the marriage of Princess Carme de Trastámara to Prince Istvan von Habsburg of Hungary. They were wed in Budapest in 1883, although few Hispanians attended. It was just one of many marriages by the Trastámaras to help improve relations with foreign powers.
1883 was to be remembered more for a disaster that shook the entire world. In August, Krakatoa in Indonesia erupted, sending volcanic ash up into the atmosphere. The eruption was heard thousands of miles away and tsunamis as high as 30 metres struck the coastline of Sumatra and Java. The eruption darkened the sky worldwide for years after and led to the world temperature dropping by over a degree. Many living along the Sunda Strait fell victim to the rain of hot ash or the tsunamis, with skeletons washing up as far was East Africa up to a year after the eruption. Thousands were killed in Sumatra, with Sunda experiencing similar death tolls. After the eruptions died down, it was estimated that over 30,000 people had died as a result of the eruption.
The eruption of Krakatao prompted an immediate response from Hispania. Parliament unanimously supported sending aid to Sumatra to help Hispania’s citizens devasted by the disaster. Food and supplies were shipped to the region to prevent further loss of life. There was also the matter of rebuilding Sumatra’s infrastructure. Most of the coastline had been devastated and ash in the atmosphere had wrecked havoc on Sumatra’s agriculture. The people were suffering, and it seemed it would take some time for the island to recover. All Hispania could do was to save those they could and help rebuild what was lost.
Struggling to deal with the disaster in Indonesia, the last thing Hispania needed was another movement of disgruntled Hispanians. This time at least it was not to be nationalists. The issue of granting the franchise to heathens was a contentious one, a topic as hotly debated as women’s suffrage. It had often been pushed aside since Hispania’s tolerant approach to Christian faiths had provided a valuable incentive for heathens to convert, leading to most of those living in Hispania’s core territory following one Christian faith or another. Yet the colonies still had a significant heathen population. Hindus and Muslims had already caused problems in India, and one of the reason heathens still did not possess the franchise was due to the sizeable Buddhist majority in Canton.
It was the Muslims though that proved most vocal just prior to the 1884 election. While their numbers were dwindling, there was still a noticeable Muslim majority in Hispania’s African provinces. Most of them and their families had been living there for centuries, and due to their proximity to Valencia were fully exposed to Hispania’s parliamentary system. Many of the Muslims in North Africa were not only educated but politically aware. Their relatively small numbers had kept them from being a major thorn in Hispania’s side, but that was not to keep them from speaking up.
With support growing for change, the Muslims living in North Africa formed the Muslim League, a group dedicated to extending the franchise to heathens and opposing voting reforms targeted at excluding heathens. The distribution of seats in Parliament was already biased by ignoring heathens, a clause mostly aimed at Canton but also impacting Hispania’s Muslim population. The group was mostly confined to Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya as the states with the highest Muslim populations, but also saw growing support from the colonies in India, Arabia, Aceh, and parts of Africa. The Muslim League, due to its nature, had a limited impact on politics and was not meant to be a party in Parliament, seeing as its supporters could not vote. Rather it was to serve as a platform for Muslims to voice their concerns and displeasure.
The conservative government was quick to combat this attempt to stir up support for granting the franchise to heathens. While not outright targeting the League, the Prime Minister presented a law to Parliament restricting public worship of heathen faiths and putting limitations on religious gatherings for heathens. This was meant to prevent them from effectively organizing, and essentially set back their agenda. The liberals were not pleased with this development, but they lacked the ability to prevent the law’s passage.
It was with this backdrop that the 1884 election began. The conservatives had a mixed record, one that would define their success. When it came to the economy, growth remained slow, but the decline experienced under the Fraternidad-Moderate government had been ended. Things had not improved dramatically yet, but at least the government had taken steps to fix things. The decision of the government to take a more involved position in the economy by purchasing and operating factories had proved mildly successful with unemployment slowly falling, although it was argued that this was just a costly band-aid and one that would fail to jumpstart the economy as long as private industry was not allowed to flourish.
Perhaps most popular were the conservatives’ imperialist ventures. Hispania planting its flag all across Africa held great appeal to many Hispanians, who viewed the expansion of their nation with great pride. The fact that this was to provide Hispania with new markets was generally supported. The success Hispania was facing with these colonial expeditions was partially offset by the mismanaged Zazzau War, although many voters overlooked the latter due to the footnote it played in the more important and successful Hispanian-Kaffan War.
The conservative government also managed to rally support thanks to its quick response to the disaster in Indonesia. Aid had been sent immediately and that had done much to alleviate the prolonged suffering of those most impacted by the eruption of Krakatoa. It did much to win the support of the people, even in the face of conservative resistance to several franchise and nationalist movements. Many of the liberal and socialist parties attempted to take advantage of this by supporting these franchise movements, but often found that those who could already vote had little interest in letting others receive the same right, especially those who were considered different like heathens. The liberals and socialists had to also deal with their votes being siphoned away by nationalist movements, while conservative voters generally remained opposed to separatism or greater autonomy.
As the results came in, it seemed that the conservatives had managed to hold their ground. Their seats had dropped, but not enough to lose their majority as long as the coalition held together. The liberals saw a reshuffling as votes shifted away from the Marina, Adelante, and Reconquista towards the League, who was now the largest liberal party in Parliament. The Progressives saw significant gains, and after failing to gain more seats for three elections, the Phoenixes finally managed to break past 10 elected seats. The nationalist parties continued to siphon votes away from the liberals and socialists, with the Enlightenment Party doubling their seats and the Federalists breaking into Parliament. In the Cortz, the Union continued to absorb seats from the other conservatives while the League kept growing. The Italians gained a third seat, but generally remained a non-entity in face of the conservative majority.
It seemed that another conservative government was imminent. However, what form it would take was not entirely certain. The coalition had managed to remain relatively stable, but the Emperor was growing increasingly annoyed with Prime Minister Silva. Peronella’s return had heightened tensions between the two, which was further exacerbated by the mismanagement of the Zazzau War and the repression of the Muslim League. Emperor Alfons was not particularly fond of Silva, and his liberal leanings made him quite dismayed by the man’s more reactionary habits. With that in mind, he used their disagreements as an excuse to replace him, hoping that someone else would prove more accommodating. The Union remained the largest force in Parliament, and thus the Emperor looked to their ranks for a leader. He eventually decided upon Miguel de Villanova, hoping that the Imperial would prove a capable Prime Minister.
Assembly
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 13+1
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 136+11
Coalició Caballeresca - 92+11
Hispania's Moderates - 29+12
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 45+19
Parta Marina - 25+9
Adelante - 27+8
Partido Reconquista - 30+17
Partido Popular Progresista - 59+7
Partido Cruzada Social - 7+2
Partido Fénix - 11+2
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 16
The Enlightenment Party - 9
Partido Federalista - 1
Cortz
Independent - 1
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 2
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 29
Coalició Caballeresca - 14
Hispania's Moderates - 21
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 19
Parta Marina - 4
Partido Reconquista - 7
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 3
Central Asia in 1882
Southeast Asia in 1882
North Africa in 1884
South Africa in 1884
* * * * *
((Another update posted. I wasn't very productive this past week, although I was the one before. Hopefully I can keep my pace up. How people find time for all this kind of stuff while they're working is beyond me. ))
While he had a pretty successful term, Carlos was annoyed by the constant stalking of Peronella and by the clear anger the liberal Emperor had against his conservative values. He did his part and in the end he finally married and his firstborn son came, he decided to name him Antonio de Garcia e Silva, he felt like a voice in his head told him to name him like that, probably it was God.
Meanwhile he finally named his company: The White Star Line. The first ship was an Steel ship called "Prince of Hispania" it was a fine ship and of the newest tech of the Navy. The mayden voyage left La Coruña and arrived in Brest, France. Carlos was at the voyage and was pretty proud of what was the beginning of something big.
((Curse you Peronella , I hope this Liberal Emperor dies already ! Btw This rivalry somehow remembered me of Bismarck and Frederik III. ))
((I guess I can toss off my plan of Hispanian fascism begin Integralist ? If we don't get some reactionary Royal that can be used as a puppet in post WWI, then we shall go with Hitler instead of Franco.))
((A period of monarchs and colonialism. And of course, Zazzau is troublesome again.))
The Fénix denounced the conservative policies as counter-productive. The Scramble for Africa would be something any kind of government would be pursuing thanks to the technological progress making it possible, while national factories could only hurt the economy in the long term. At the same time, Fénix politicians had been warning about an utterly fruitless and costly involvement in Zazzau for quite a long time, and so they ensured that this miserable war would not be forgotten.
The revived military branch of the Faixòns took a hit with the government's new policy, but luckily it profited from being recently revived and thus small. The rest of the company had risen out of the Long Depression, and was slowly restarting expansion efforts.
The Faixòns had grown in this period to be a patron of all kinds of cultural works. Artists were supported, in an aim to flock them to Barcelona as innovative minds should. First works of an architect Francesc had grown particularly fond of - a man named Antoní Gaudí - appeared in the city, flagging him further as an eccentric. Another idea had caught their eye though, one that might literally move a lot of people - the idea of modern Olympic Games with their sponsorship. There had been a few regional ones before, but spurred on by the success of the Great Valencia Exhibition, Aurora Faixòn sought once again the patronage of the Crown - Hispanian and Byzantine.
Olympics would offer a chance for the nations to compete in sports instead of the battlefield, but also much more. A way of representating yourself, of making cultural connections. Creating a feeling of unity. These first games would be optimally held in Greece first, though she intended to have them rotate every Olympiad to another city, due to one of the presented goals.
((My next event idea. And though our characters have many talents, it would be better if they do not participate. Perhaps there could be a little discussion about the results in the disciplines? Though of course the participants would mostly be amateurs, it could be nice to have.))
((My next event idea. And though our characters have many talents, it would be better if they do not participate. Perhaps there could be a little discussion about the results in the disciplines? Though of course the participants would mostly be amateurs, it could be nice to have.))
((Yes, those borders are quite ugly. I didn't realize when I first had Scotland purchase land there that it'd lead to that weird corridor right between Scandinavia's colonies. Hmmm, maybe that is worth pursuing.))
((What's the point of naming themselves when they're in the process of being annexed? Also, you can now tell why tiny Zazzau got off so easily with Hispania trying to pacify that giant state next door. ))
((He's not actually playing them, just changing the province ownerships in the last save file. Changing the date would require playing, and that takes time. And if he did play, then that defeats the purpose of the epilogues.))
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