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Ch. III.iii: The Greek City-States
The first Roman war with Macedonia ended in 266 BC and brought most of that kingdom's heartland under Roman control. By defeating Philip IV and capturing the homeland of Alexander the Great, Rome staked its claim as the next great world empire and the heir of Alexander's military legacy. Rome's Pontifex Maximus, Postumus Cornelius Scipio, hailed the victory as a divine omen, signaling that the Hellenic gods had chosen Rome over Greece and blessed the Roman mission to conquer the region. With the gods' favor, he insisted, Rome was to conquer all of Greece.

With the Kingdom of Macedon under its control, the next step was for Rome to campaign south to subjugate the great Greek city-states, homes of ancient democracies and great philosophers. In doing so, Rome could claim all of Greece's legacy for its own. In 233 BC, just three years after the conclusion of the Macedonian campaign, the Consuls Volesus Fabius Victor and Tiberius Claudius Corvus ordered Rome to war.

Southern Greece was at the time divided between two principal leagues of city-states organized roughly along geographical boundaries. In the north, Archon Aphrodisios Alexarchides of Aetolia led the eponymous Aetolian League, which included Amphissa, Boeotia, Elatea, Thebes, Lepreon, Dyme, and Delphi. Southern Greece, meanwhile, was aligned under the Spartan League headed by Basileus Areus I Agiad, and included Azania, Heraia, Tegea, Messenia, and Troizen.


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The Aetolian League was Rome's first target, as it bordered both Roman Epirus and Macedonia and thus provided an easy target for an attack on multiple fronts. After the Roman fleet blockaded the straits between the north and south, Roman soldiers flooded down into the city-states, besieging and attacking many of Greece's most prominent cities all at once. These cities were mostly well-defended and heavily fortified; while the Greeks could not oppose the Romans in the field, they did make their sieges long, costly, and difficult.

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But fortified as they were, those cities could only hold out for so long, and the Aetolian League was defeated in just two years. Rome took possession of most of the league, extending its reach as far as Delphi in the east and Achaea in the south, seizing the great Temple of Zeus at Olympia in the process. Emboldened by a second victory in Greece, the Romans then set their legions loose against the Spartan League a short two years later. This campaign, however, would not prove as simple as the one in the north.

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The first phase of the war proceed well enough, and saw Azania and Heraia subdued with little incident, owing to their small armies and limited defenses. However, while his northern allies were falling to Roman sieges, the Spartan Basileus was preparing his warriors to make a stand against their Roman foes. He gathered a force of nearly 10,000 elite Spartan warriors and took them north, prepared to meet the approaching Romans.


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Postumus Cornelius Scipio was elected Consul early in the war, and took command of the Roman legions marching their way through Greece. Postumus was a great and charismatic priest, but he lacked any understanding of military procedure or tactics. After the fall of Heraia, his advisors suggested using Rome's large navy to assault Sparta from the south, bringing legions ashore and marching on multiple cities at once. But Postumus rejected this advice, and instead led his men on a march south through the narrow mountain pass to the Spartan border city of Megalopolis.

There, the 65 year-old Spartan Basileus, Areus I Agiad, had dug his men into the pass to make a stand against the Romans. Outnumbered three-to-one by Roman legionaries, the Spartans blocked the entire pass, daring the Romans to either turn back or overcome the phalanx in a straight-ahead clash. Postumus, believing in his numerical superiority, ordered his men into a head-on charge. More than 30,000 Romans went on the attack, soon joined by another 12,000 coming from the north to reinforce them. Shoulder-to-shoulder, the Spartan warriors held their phalanx and fought viciously as waves of legionaries crashed against their shields and spears. For days, the Romans assaulted the Spartan position, and each night fewer returned to camp, bloody bodies littering the mountain pass at the feet of the Spartans. Appius Claudius Centho, that term's Co-Consul, begged Postumus to withdraw and flank the Spartans from the south by sea, but ego would not allow Postumus to give up his assault. He continued to order his men forward, refusing to permit Areus the satisfaction of repelling the Roman advance.

Ultimately, as fatigue set in, the weight of Rome's numerical superiority gradually wore the Spartans down, and the pass did fall, allowing the legions to advance into Megalopolis and Sparta beyond. Almost 4,500 Spartans perished in the fight, but they allowed Rome its victory only at a great cost of human life. Nearly one quarter of the Roman legionaries present at the battle died -- just shy of 9,000 men, twice as many as the Spartans had lost.


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The victory in the pass at Megalopolis was the turning point of the war and led to Rome's ultimate victory against the Spartan League, but such a staggering loss of life in what had been considered a simple campaign left an embarrassing stain on Postumus' legacy. While he would be recognized by history as the man who conquered Sparta, he would also be dogged by the humiliation of his costly victory for the rest of his life. Still, the campaign broke the Spartan league and brought most of southern Greece under Roman occupation, continuing a string of seemingly unstoppable victories by the ever-expanding republic.

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With both the Spartan and Aetolian Leagues defeated, Rome spent the next several years subduing what remained of the independent Greek states. Messenia, Megara, Thebes, Eretria, and Boeotia fell to Rome, and by 250 BC the Romans were overrunning the last Greek provinces still ruled by Macedonia.

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By the end of 246 BC, Rome had successfully occupied the entire Greek mainland, with just one exception. Macedonia had been expelled into Asia Minor and all of the mainland city-states had been subjugated, but portions of Achaea and Arcadia remained under the protection of a kingdom far more powerful and imposing than Macedonia had ever been: the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt.


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Under Kleopatra I Lagis, the kingdom had built up a sizable navy and ruled over a far-reaching kingdom, having taken land in Canaan and Syria from the collapsing Antigonid Kingdom, as well as having pushed southward against Kush and Blemmia. In order to fully secure the Greek Peninsula, Rome would have to go toe-to-toe with the strongest remaining Diadochi kingdom -- which would undoubtedly pose Rome's stiffest challenge yet in its journey for Mediterranean dominance.
 
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(a) Yay for a new RedTemplar megacampaign!

(b) Egypt looks like a beast; good luck.
 
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I need like an alert or something every time you start a new megacampaign. I at least seem to be lucky to find them before they get too far in. :p

I can't say I know much about Imperator, but I can certainly appreciate a good Rome AAR, especially one that's set to span over 4000 years. :)
 
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I need like an alert or something every time you start a new megacampaign. I at least seem to be lucky to find them before they get too far in. :p

I can't say I know much about Imperator, but I can certainly appreciate a good Rome AAR, especially one that's set to span over 4000 years. :)

Well, I don't know that much about Imperator either, except what I've gleaned from wiki reading and watching some tutorials. Of course, given the mods I'm using, everything I do should come crashing down spectacularly when the third century hits, anyway! Looking forward to shaping this world over the long haul.
 
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(a) Yay for a new RedTemplar megacampaign!

(b) Egypt looks like a beast; good luck.

Africa in general, between a wealthy/powerful Carthage and Egypt, is a foreboding place. When the time comes to fight there I'm sure I'll have a tough campaign omy hands,
 
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Ch. III.iv: The Ptolemaic Conflict and the Sacking of Alexandria
In the middle of the third century BC, Rome embarked on a campaign to subdue the Greek peninsula. Macedonia was decisively defeated to give the Romans a strong foothold in the region, and the independent city-states, aligned in their various leagues, fell in rapid succession as Roman troops marched ever further south. Finally, Rome had claimed nearly the entire peninsula; but one more great obstacle stood in the way of total Roman domination of Greece -- the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt.


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Ruled by the septuagenarian Queen Kleopatra I Legis, Egypt was one of the most powerful kingdoms in the world at that time. It was the most prosperous and powerful of the Diadochi kingdoms following the Seleukid Empire's collapse into endless civil wars and sweeping invasions by horsemen from the north, and boasted a large navy, a robust economy, and a strong military. In every respect, Ptolemaic Egypt would be the strongest competition Rome had yet faced in its quest for expansion.

The Roman Senate was well aware of the threat posed by the Egyptians, and so they were keen to look for a way to win the remainder of Greece without becoming bogged down in a protracted campaign against Kleopatra. Hoping to avoid war altogether, the Senate expressed interest in simply purchasing the land from Kleopatra outright, but every overture made by the Romans was swiftly rebuffed. Appius Sempronius Brutus, the young commander of the Roman Navy, suggested a naval blockade to hold the Egyptians at bay until they lost interest in defending overseas provinces, but this was deemed both too risky and too slow of a process.

It was that term's Consul, Tiberius Claudius Corvus, who suggested the bold strategy of striking directly at the heart of Egypt in an attempt to keep Kleopatra from even being capable of responding to the threat in Greece. In 246 BC, Tiberius took to the sea with nearly 60,000 Roman legionaries and hired mercenaries, setting sail for the crown jewel of Egypt: the Ptolemaic capital at Alexandria.


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With 50,000 hostile Romans suddenly establishing a shocking and unexpected siege of her capital, Kleopatra gathered an army of just under 30,000 men and marched to relieve Alexandria. She arrived outside the city on July 25 of 246, personally leading her men as she assaulted the Romans in the largest single battle yet fought in Roman history. Nearly 80,000 warriors clashed outside the great Egyptian city in a battle that pitted Rome's disciplined heavy infantry against a variety of Egyptian cavalry units, including camels -- a new enemy never before faced by the Romans.

Under Tiberius' skilled tactical direction, the legions made effective use of defensive square formations to resist the swift charges of Egyptian horsemen. Kleopatra's forces, especially her large force of camel-mounted spearmen, fought an evasive battle of maneuver, always trying to outflank the Romans and attack them while they were disoriented or had their flanks exposed. But the Romans held their formations with remarkable discipline, leading to a long, drawn-out battle that saw surprisingly little hand-to-hand fighting. Only in short, concentrated bursts did intense melees break out, always ending quickly as the Egyptians swept around to reposition for another pass.


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This lengthy battle dragged on for over a month, but Kleopatra's forces eventually began to tire themselves out against the seemingly unshakeable Roman legions. The Egyptians finally broke and fled in August. They had killed 9,000 Romans, but had lost 7,000 of their own men -- a much larger number proportionate to the size of their force. All the while, however, Tiberius had sent a second, smaller force of 6,000 men to land further east along the Egyptian coast. With Kleopatra and her army engaged in Alexandria, this smaller force began a series of violent and brutal raids throughout the Nile Delta.

This series of raids would be known in Rome as the "Egyptian Terror," and saw Egypt's vulnerable heartland brutally scourged by a roving force of 6,000 ruthless and bloodthirsty legionaries intent on breaking the will of Kleopatra and her people by using any form of violence they could conceive of. Thousands were put to the sword or died by fire as Roman soldiers tore through Egypt's largest cities, leaving burning buildings, looted temples, and scores of corpses in their wake.


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All across the Nile Delta, these 6,000 legionaries traveled from city to city visiting death and destruction on the Egyptians. Egypt's wealthiest cities saw their treasures looted, their people sent back to Italy in chains, and their homes and shrines burned to the ground. Kleopatra's people were being slaughtered in historic numbers, and her great capital was slowly being choked out by a 40,000-strong siege and a strangling naval blockade that left Alexandria without any hope of relief.

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Meanwhile, as Roman soldiers were laying waste to the Nile Delta, a much smaller force of local levies and mercenaries were occupying Ptolemaic Greece with nearly no resistance. Only a scant 2,000 men stood against the Roman conquest -- with city after city burning across the sea, Kleopatra was unwilling to spare any troops to fight to defend her Greek territories. These were quickly occupied, and with his goal secured, Consul Tiberius pressed Kleopatra to make peace.

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The beleaguered Egyptian Queen was all too eager to conclude a peace agreement with Tiberius. The Romans were unwilling to fight an extended war, and Kleopatra was unwilling to see countless thousands more of her people put to the sword by ravaging legionaries. She conceded her Greek holdings to Rome, and Egyptian Terror -- known in Egypt as the "Terror of the 6,000" -- came to an end as the legions sailed home victoriously. With Kleopatra's surrender, Rome now controlled all of Greece, and the years-long campaign to unite the Greco-Roman world could be considered completed.

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But while Tiberius Claudius Corvus would receive a hero's welcome home and be forever remembered as the man who first forced Egypt to bow before Roman dominance, his history-making victory came at a high cost to his sanity. When he returned home from the war, Tiberius was tortured by the weight of the brutality he had ordered. Haunted by the tens of thousands of Egyptians who were mercilessly slaughtered at his command, he descended into severe depression and eventual insanity, living out the next 17 years in constant agony before finally embracing death at age 71. Victory belonged to Rome, but it had cost much.

Ch. III.v: Carthago Altera Est
With the surrender of Ptolemaic Greece by Kleopatra, the Roman mission to create a unified Greco-Roman nation was completed. Rome's borders were larger than ever, and the integration of the Macedonian and Lepontic populations ensured that sizeable levies were able to be raised on short notice, even in conquered territories.

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The Republic was also thriving economically, thanks to the extraordinary wealth which the scourging of Egypt had brought back to Rome. In an ostentatious show of Roman grandeur, the Senate ordered the construction of a great lighthouse in Ostia, which was to be gilded from top to bottom -- with the uppermost portion plated in gold taken from Alexandria, in memory of Rome's conquest over Egypt. In every respect, Rome was advancing at an ever-faster pace. But now, with Greece conquered and with the Roman army growing stronger, it was time to address the most pressing issue directly in Rome's back yard -- the Punic presence in the Mediterranean.

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As Rome was expanding its influence eastward, Carthage had been doing the same to the west. Carthage controlled most of the west African coastline and portions of Mauritania and the outer Atlantic coast, and was building a significant presence in Iberia, as well. But most importantly, Carthage controlled the island of Sardinia and the western portion of Sicily -- regions which Rome claimed to be part of its natural sphere of influence. For many years the Senate had been wary of engaging a great power such as Carthage, but the Republic's stunning victory over the Egyptians emboldened them, leading to Consul Appius Claudius Russus' famous declaration on the Senate floor in 244 BC:

"Carthago altera est." Carthage is next.
 
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In this universe, will there be a need for multiple Punic Wars seeing as Rome is stronger than it was in OTL?

Absolutely, if only because of the way I:R's warscore makes it more or less impossible to break down large nations in a single war.
 
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One imagines that the other powers have finally taken notice of Rome, having both taken Greece and brutally defeated one of the Hellenic states.
 
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One imagines that the other powers have finally taken notice of Rome, having both taken Greece and brutally defeated one of the Hellenic states.

As it stands, with the other Diadochi suffering conquest or rebellions, the three leading powers are Rome, Carthage, and Egypt. And the Mauryans in India, but they're far enough away that they don't do much to influence the Mediterranean.
 
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All of Rome's energy and weight will be turned towards Carthage. Considering what they did against Egypt, this will be a real clash of the titans.

Fantastic chapter as always!
 
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The war against Egypt went surprisingly well. Hopefully that bodes well for the future conflict against Carthage.
 
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Rome being overpowered in every paradox game...what's the play here? Get wrecked and rebuild the empire in every game till stellaris?
 
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The war against Egypt went surprisingly well. Hopefully that bodes well for the future conflict against Carthage.
Carthage is going to be a big one, and it's about to get pretty darn bloody, I can tell you that.

Rome being overpowered in every paradox game...what's the play here? Get wrecked and rebuild the empire in every game till stellaris?

I thought about doing some small tribal start, but ultimately I came to the decision that this game will always be based around Rome, and any storytelling is going to have to heavily account for Roman involvement, and so I may as well start the campaign in the driver's seat. It'll be interesting to see how my own Roman conquest stacks up to history's, and there may be some fun points of divergence where I may purposely pursue or spare a region of the world if it looks like something interesting is happening there. And from what I understand, the Crisis of the Third Century mod should make sure the Roman Empire collapses spectacularly.

From CK onward? I actually don't firmly know what I'll do. Maybe I'll play a Roman remnant trying to rebuild the empire. Maybe I'll jump to Spain, or Greece, or some other interesting tag that develops in the post-Roman world. I like to take a little bit of a 'wait and see what the game throws at me' approach with my AARs, but I don't expect a series of Roman reconquests in every game.
 
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Carthage is going to be a big one, and it's about to get pretty darn bloody, I can tell you that.



I thought about doing some small tribal start, but ultimately I came to the decision that this game will always be based around Rome, and any storytelling is going to have to heavily account for Roman involvement, and so I may as well start the campaign in the driver's seat. It'll be interesting to see how my own Roman conquest stacks up to history's, and there may be some fun points of divergence where I may purposely pursue or spare a region of the world if it looks like something interesting is happening there. And from what I understand, the Crisis of the Third Century mod should make sure the Roman Empire collapses spectacularly.

From CK onward? I actually don't firmly know what I'll do. Maybe I'll play a Roman remnant trying to rebuild the empire. Maybe I'll jump to Spain, or Greece, or some other interesting tag that develops in the post-Roman world. I like to take a little bit of a 'wait and see what the game throws at me' approach with my AARs, but I don't expect a series of Roman reconquests in every game.

To be fair, after EUIV, owning the Med is not all its cracked up to be, esepcially if your empire is entirely inward facing towards it, which Rome (classiclaly) is. When the silk road stops being the most valauble trade route partway through EUIV's period, the Empire is suddenly caged by the Med rather than enriched, and will lose out to colonial empires unless they shift focus towards ocean trade and manage to go global.

Or I suppose they can massively increase their eastern holdings either by absorbing eastern Europe and doing Russia's OTL colonisation of the steppes, or going deep into Arabia, Persia and eventually India.
 
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To be fair, after EUIV, owning the Med is not all its cracked up to be, esepcially if your empire is entirely inward facing towards it, which Rome (classiclaly) is. When the silk road stops being the most valauble trade route partway through EUIV's period, the Empire is suddenly caged by the Med rather than enriched, and will lose out to colonial empires unless they shift focus towards ocean trade and manage to go global.

Or I suppose they can massively increase their eastern holdings either by absorbing eastern Europe and doing Russia's OTL colonisation of the steppes, or going deep into Arabia, Persia and eventually India.

Very true, especially when you need those Atlantic-facing provinces to make colonization a realistic prospect. I will probably try to make sure I keep my hands on some of Iberia, but for now the goal is just to build up and grow the republic. Eventually the shift to empire will come, Christianity will rise, and the third century will blow the whole thing to hell, and then I can decide how to tell the story of picking up the pieces in CK3 and beyond.
 
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Very true, especially when you need those Atlantic-facing provinces to make colonization a realistic prospect. I will probably try to make sure I keep my hands on some of Iberia, but for now the goal is just to build up and grow the republic. Eventually the shift to empire will come, Christianity will rise, and the third century will blow the whole thing to hell, and then I can decide how to tell the story of picking up the pieces in CK3 and beyond.

One interesting thing might be that the empire is relatively stable and secure throughout the middle ages (after being rebuilt of course) but then the outlying and rather put upon and ignored provinces far away from Rome and Byzantium slowly start to become the most wealthy, well connected, militarily important etc places. The east coast of Iberia and the British Isles suddenly become really valuable instead of basically pointless. Likewise Morocco.
 
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One interesting thing might be that the empire is relatively stable and secure throughout the middle ages (after being rebuilt of course) but then the outlying and rather put upon and ignored provinces far away from Rome and Byzantium slowly start to become the most wealthy, well connected, militarily important etc places. The east coast of Iberia and the British Isles suddenly become really valuable instead of basically pointless. Likewise Morocco.

I am excited to dream up how things might go differently like that! The early game is inevitably about rapid Roman expansion, but as various interesting scenarios crop up around the world, I'll be taking some time to look at them in side-story posts as well. Egypt and England are both seeming like they'll be interesting watch, at this point.
 
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Egypt is another funny one. Probably the most important and wealthiest region of any empire...until it isn't.

But then Suez happens and it's important again. But also dams happen so no rich farmland.

An Egypt that's powerful and important up to the modern day probably requires the province/state to stretch south all the way to the source of the Nile at Lake Victoria, so the river is totally under it's control.
 
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Nice to see you back from your hiatus @RedTemplar. A surprise to be sure, but a welcome one. This AAR looks good so far, can't wait to see what you cook up, especially since it looks like the Punic Wars are about to begin. Carthago delenda est!
 
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