France
GC 1936 Hard/Aggressive
Version 1.02
For the Republic!
France at War and the Struggle for Survival, 1936-1947
I. Descent
“As long as decent nations stand united, we have nothing to fear in this world. Unfortunately, the decent nations are now terrified of the world.”
Security Minister Joseph Paganon
Minutes, Annual Cabinet Review
2 January 1936
Chapter 1: The Brewing Turmoil (January – June 1936)
France emerged as a victor from the Great War, but its post-war gains were insignificant. France acquired minor German colonial holdings in Africa and portions of the Levant from the crumbling Ottoman Empire France, most of it of little economic value. Alsace and Lorraine, the rallying cry for anti-German sentiments prior to the War, were finally recovered, but at a staggering cost. Indemnity payments from the former Central Powers did little to cover the true cost of war, mainly the millions of lost lives and the damage to the French psyche, the optimism and élan that had once propelled France to greatness.
As such, the post-war French public was generally wary of war and military affairs, and consequently denied the government the necessary support and resources to protect the Republic from increasing threats from within and without. In the Metropolitan area, acts of sabotage and terrorism by groups across the political spectrum threatened the democratic order and stability. The rise of militant nationalism throughout the colonies threatened the security of France, necessitating several police actions throughout Africa and Asia. In Europe, Germany showed signs of veering away from the Versailles regime under Hitler and the National Socialists. The Italian fascist government had recently declared war on Ethiopia, prepared to overrun the ancient kingdom and dominate the Horn Of Africa. In the east, Japan was busily preparing for its next expansion spurt while consolidating its Manchurian holdings.
In light of such threats, the agenda of the Annual Cabinet Review held on 2 January 1936 focused on protecting French interests around the globe. The centrist cabinet under Premier and Foreign Minister Pierre Laval had done a creditable job of stabilizing the economy still reeling from the Great Depression and was fairly popular with the electorate. Nevertheless, the Laval administration was unwilling to go too far, as only 1% of the voters support military action of any sort and the goals set forth by the Review were modest.
The North African colonies were allotted the necessary resources to expand their industries, which not only increased the overall industrial capacity of France (measured around 120 IC as of 1 January 1936), but created jobs and increased the standard of living in France’s most restless overseas holdings. The merchant marine fleet was reorganized and subsidized to create shipping lanes originating from Hanoi and Gabes; Hanoi was the core of the French Indochina rubber industry and Gabes was an industrial and mercantile hub just south of Tunis surrounded by iron mines and steel mills. At the meeting, Armaments Minister Jean Fabry, an apt resource industrialist, projected that with the incoming shipments from Hanoi and Gabes supplementing the Metropolitan steel and coal production, France will have adequate raw material to run its industries at peak efficiency, create viable strategic resource reserves and export the surplus on the world market to purchase sufficient oil, the one resource not found in abundant quantity within France, by the end of the first quarter.
The Review also evaluated the state of the French armed forces, which on paper looked formidable. With forty-six divisions, the French Army was the fourth largest in the world, after Italy, Nationalist China and Japan. Most of the divisions were located on the northeast quadrant of France, facing an increasingly restless Germany, with a single corps of two mountain divisions facing Italy down south. Three corps, including the vaunted Foreign Legion Division, garrisoned French North Africa and the two divisions of the Indochina Corps protected French Indochina. However, closer examination revealed that the French forces had little room for improvement. Bulk of the army still relied on foot and horse for mobility, with most infantry divisions lacking support brigades and many dangerously undermanned, especially in the colonies. Even the few so-called mobile divisions were equipped with obsolescent systems such as the AMR-33 tank armed only with machineguns.
The Navy also looked impressive on paper – the fifth largest in the world – with many capital ships but most were outdated vessels and geographical necessity dictated that France split its naval strength to adequately protect its Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts, as well as detach vessels to protect overseas possessions and vital convoys, thereby denying the French Navy the ability to concentrate its strength for decisive action.
The Air Force was in the worst shape of all the services, plagued by obsolescent equipment and dispersal of the few air units throughout three continents.
Naturally, the generals and admirals demanded drastic measures to remedy the situation, but with meager resources at their disposal, the options were limited. Rather than build new units that might become obsolescent quickly and burden the treasury with their maintenance cost, the services agreed to put off production of new units for the fiscal year and concentrate on new technology and doctrinal development, with ground and air defense systems receiving priority funding. Fortification upgrades were briefly considered but rejected, as resources were not available to expand the Maginot Line. Researchers and engineers in various government arsenals and laboratories began work to create a new generation of landmines and halftrack troop carriers in the early months of 1936 as part of the rearmament efforts. Locked away in libraries and archives, scholars and officers gleaned data from the Great War to devise new military doctrines for the next war.
The new signs of tensions emerged just a few days after the Cabinet Review, when Germany demanded territory from Austria on 5 January 1936. Although Austria resolutely rebuffed the outrageous demand, Quai d’Orsay analysts believed that Germany would continue to pursue Anschluss, the unification of Germany and Austria, an action strictly prohibited by the Versailles Treaty.
France was not the only nation preparing for war. The United Kingdom and the Commonwealth nations, allies of France, were busy expanding their industrial base and defenses. Likewise, French diplomats and spies reported that the Soviet Union, Japan, China and the United States were also busy expanding industries and improving infrastructure. The two exceptions were Germany and Italy, with Germany concentrating solely on creating coastal defenses for Wilhelmshafen and Hamburg, and upgrading air defense in the Ruhr Valley and Berlin rather than expanding their industries. In Italy, large-scale construction projects were absent altogether.
Some pacifists within the government circles argued that this was proof that the Nazis and the fascists were misunderstood and not interested in war, only in their defense. However, others pointed out that Germany was already highly industrialized and needed no further industrialization. Plus, Italy had already initiated a war against Ethiopia, which was proof enough of Italy’s belligerency.
GC 1936 Hard/Aggressive
Version 1.02
For the Republic!
France at War and the Struggle for Survival, 1936-1947
I. Descent
“As long as decent nations stand united, we have nothing to fear in this world. Unfortunately, the decent nations are now terrified of the world.”
Security Minister Joseph Paganon
Minutes, Annual Cabinet Review
2 January 1936
Chapter 1: The Brewing Turmoil (January – June 1936)
France emerged as a victor from the Great War, but its post-war gains were insignificant. France acquired minor German colonial holdings in Africa and portions of the Levant from the crumbling Ottoman Empire France, most of it of little economic value. Alsace and Lorraine, the rallying cry for anti-German sentiments prior to the War, were finally recovered, but at a staggering cost. Indemnity payments from the former Central Powers did little to cover the true cost of war, mainly the millions of lost lives and the damage to the French psyche, the optimism and élan that had once propelled France to greatness.
As such, the post-war French public was generally wary of war and military affairs, and consequently denied the government the necessary support and resources to protect the Republic from increasing threats from within and without. In the Metropolitan area, acts of sabotage and terrorism by groups across the political spectrum threatened the democratic order and stability. The rise of militant nationalism throughout the colonies threatened the security of France, necessitating several police actions throughout Africa and Asia. In Europe, Germany showed signs of veering away from the Versailles regime under Hitler and the National Socialists. The Italian fascist government had recently declared war on Ethiopia, prepared to overrun the ancient kingdom and dominate the Horn Of Africa. In the east, Japan was busily preparing for its next expansion spurt while consolidating its Manchurian holdings.
In light of such threats, the agenda of the Annual Cabinet Review held on 2 January 1936 focused on protecting French interests around the globe. The centrist cabinet under Premier and Foreign Minister Pierre Laval had done a creditable job of stabilizing the economy still reeling from the Great Depression and was fairly popular with the electorate. Nevertheless, the Laval administration was unwilling to go too far, as only 1% of the voters support military action of any sort and the goals set forth by the Review were modest.
The North African colonies were allotted the necessary resources to expand their industries, which not only increased the overall industrial capacity of France (measured around 120 IC as of 1 January 1936), but created jobs and increased the standard of living in France’s most restless overseas holdings. The merchant marine fleet was reorganized and subsidized to create shipping lanes originating from Hanoi and Gabes; Hanoi was the core of the French Indochina rubber industry and Gabes was an industrial and mercantile hub just south of Tunis surrounded by iron mines and steel mills. At the meeting, Armaments Minister Jean Fabry, an apt resource industrialist, projected that with the incoming shipments from Hanoi and Gabes supplementing the Metropolitan steel and coal production, France will have adequate raw material to run its industries at peak efficiency, create viable strategic resource reserves and export the surplus on the world market to purchase sufficient oil, the one resource not found in abundant quantity within France, by the end of the first quarter.
The Review also evaluated the state of the French armed forces, which on paper looked formidable. With forty-six divisions, the French Army was the fourth largest in the world, after Italy, Nationalist China and Japan. Most of the divisions were located on the northeast quadrant of France, facing an increasingly restless Germany, with a single corps of two mountain divisions facing Italy down south. Three corps, including the vaunted Foreign Legion Division, garrisoned French North Africa and the two divisions of the Indochina Corps protected French Indochina. However, closer examination revealed that the French forces had little room for improvement. Bulk of the army still relied on foot and horse for mobility, with most infantry divisions lacking support brigades and many dangerously undermanned, especially in the colonies. Even the few so-called mobile divisions were equipped with obsolescent systems such as the AMR-33 tank armed only with machineguns.
The Navy also looked impressive on paper – the fifth largest in the world – with many capital ships but most were outdated vessels and geographical necessity dictated that France split its naval strength to adequately protect its Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts, as well as detach vessels to protect overseas possessions and vital convoys, thereby denying the French Navy the ability to concentrate its strength for decisive action.
The Air Force was in the worst shape of all the services, plagued by obsolescent equipment and dispersal of the few air units throughout three continents.
Naturally, the generals and admirals demanded drastic measures to remedy the situation, but with meager resources at their disposal, the options were limited. Rather than build new units that might become obsolescent quickly and burden the treasury with their maintenance cost, the services agreed to put off production of new units for the fiscal year and concentrate on new technology and doctrinal development, with ground and air defense systems receiving priority funding. Fortification upgrades were briefly considered but rejected, as resources were not available to expand the Maginot Line. Researchers and engineers in various government arsenals and laboratories began work to create a new generation of landmines and halftrack troop carriers in the early months of 1936 as part of the rearmament efforts. Locked away in libraries and archives, scholars and officers gleaned data from the Great War to devise new military doctrines for the next war.
The new signs of tensions emerged just a few days after the Cabinet Review, when Germany demanded territory from Austria on 5 January 1936. Although Austria resolutely rebuffed the outrageous demand, Quai d’Orsay analysts believed that Germany would continue to pursue Anschluss, the unification of Germany and Austria, an action strictly prohibited by the Versailles Treaty.
France was not the only nation preparing for war. The United Kingdom and the Commonwealth nations, allies of France, were busy expanding their industrial base and defenses. Likewise, French diplomats and spies reported that the Soviet Union, Japan, China and the United States were also busy expanding industries and improving infrastructure. The two exceptions were Germany and Italy, with Germany concentrating solely on creating coastal defenses for Wilhelmshafen and Hamburg, and upgrading air defense in the Ruhr Valley and Berlin rather than expanding their industries. In Italy, large-scale construction projects were absent altogether.
Some pacifists within the government circles argued that this was proof that the Nazis and the fascists were misunderstood and not interested in war, only in their defense. However, others pointed out that Germany was already highly industrialized and needed no further industrialization. Plus, Italy had already initiated a war against Ethiopia, which was proof enough of Italy’s belligerency.