1324-1321 BCE
Relief depicting Hittite troops, from the temple site close to Hattusa. Most likely dating to the era of Šuppiluliuma or his immediate successors.
Smenkhaten, having consolidated his rule in now both Upper and Lower Egypt, had references to the traitorous rebel Horemheb and to the Vizier Ay and the short reign of Tutankhaten effectively erased. Scribes were ordered to omit them from records, and Atenist spies and enforcers toured temples and other sites holding critical documents, making sure that all papyri with illegal references were destroyed. Destruction also extended to the few statues and public monuments erected by these false pharaohs. Only tombs were left in peace, and remain the main source of clear information of both the rival claimants and the pre-Atenist era. This was due to the fact that Smenkhaten also begun a campaign to rewrite Egypt’s history, in order to portray Akhenaten as just one pharaoh in the long line of Aten’s blessed dynasty. Atenist art in general became the embraced art style of Egypt, with more traditional styles frowned upon. Cults associated with Horemheb were also widely repressed, especially in Lower Egypt, quite in contradiction of the previous policy of reconciliation, with many starting to fear that now with the war over Atenist terror and active conversion was to return. This didn’t exactly help in fully regaining the trust of a large segment of the population, and Egyptian economy and internal peace remained in tatters.
Great King of the Hatti, Šuppiluliuma, in a bid to improve the livelihoods and agricultural output of his homeland, and thus by extent his manpower base, ordered the construction of large irrigation dams in the regions around Hattusa, in the so-called Hittite Upper Land. Most of these dams were built in the region north of the capital, some of which have remains surviving to the modern days, still irrigating the same fields as when Hittite chariots raced past them. A number were also built near the eastern capital of Samuha, and at the principal city of Nesa, as well as the important cult site of Nerikka, now safe from Kaska attacks for decades and a sprawling trading town. The Great King also degreed the establishment of a true Hittite fleet, based at Parha and Tarsa, to defend sea-lanes from piracy and to allow for an improved transport of goods between the new trade hub of Ugarit and the Hittite vassal and core territories. Unlike Canaanite vessels, Hittite trading ships had no problem passing the waters close to Alashiya, as long as the Great King’s warships manned by fierce Lukka, Luwians of Tarhuntassa or Hurri-Luwians of Kizzuwatna sail with them. The continued stability as opposed to Canaan, as well as the control of Ugarit and means to protect the traders made the Hittites into a real contender for northern Mediterranean trade, further threatening to undermine the already ailing Canaanite economy.
[50 % chance of either a trade or tax income next turn]
There was one certain unfinished task in the mind of Šuppiluliuma. The last western expedition had merely subdued the Pala, and never fully reclaimed the rebellious pro-Arzawan Hapalla lands. Now with Piyama-Kurunda seizing over the allegiance of Masa and cutting ties between Hatti and the loyal vassal state of Wilusa, the Hittites decided it was a time for action. In 1322 the warbands assembled, shorts were sharpened and chariots were made shine, as the Hittites once again embarked on a campaign of revenge in the West. Backed by Kaska and Kizzuwatna vassals, the Hittites quickly surged through Hapalla along the long-established marching routes, reaching Salappa in mere weeks, denying any warning to Piyama-Kurunda. From there the Hittites struck straight into the Arzawan heartland of the Meander valley, without the Arzawans not even learning of the invasion before the first settlements were put to sack and torch. The vassal lands of Arzawa also came under attack, as the Kaska and other tribal allies pillaged through the interior lands of Kuwaliya and Appawiya, before turning towards Seha and Mira, but failing to take any meaningful settlements in that direction. The Hittites then established garrisons in the seized hinterland, before returning the levies back home for the winter, waiting to continue the campaigns from there next year. Arzawa was certainly in a very threatened position, as raids by Hittite vassals and irregular continued over the winter. In the campaign of 1321, the Lukka attacked Karkissa, sacking settlements there and the Hittites continued their onslaught in the Meander valley, establishing fortified camps at Sallawassa in Karkissa, Halluwa in Kuwaliya and Ankala in Appawiya. Over 1321, the remaining rebels were also defeated in Hapalla and the entire province was again under Hittite control. The Arzawa federation, much to the dismay of the Hittites, showed no sign of fragmentation, mostly due to the unruly raids of Kaska and Pala irregulars against the other members of the federation, which made them determined to fight against the invaders, believing it to be a struggle for survival. However, a year or two of further campaigning could quickly change that. But the Ahhiyawans at their stronghold of Millawanda were also concerned about the difficulties their main trade partner was facing, and despite past differences were likely to offer some kinds of assistance if the capital of Arzawa at Apasa was to come under real threat.
[Hits to Arzawa income]
King of Mitanni Artatama II died due to old age in 1322, real control over his realm since long in hands of the Hittites. The Hittite garrison troops in Washukanni quickly had his son Shuttarna III crowned as the new king of Mitanni, and payments of tribute continued as usual. However, disgruntlement against the new king among the Hurrian and maryannu class increased, as he was regarded as even more of a Hittite vassal, and quite incapable at even that. Fragmentation of royal control over the countryside started, presenting great opportunities to possible foes. The first of these were the Ahlamu nomads, who conducted a series of raids along the Euphrates. And the Assyrians, almost certainly, were also paying attention to the brewing crisis in the Mitannian kingdom which by now was just a sad shadow of its former proud self. A Hurrian by the name of Kili-Tešup appeared in the Assyrian capital at this time, claiming to be another brother of the long deceased king Tushratta and the last king Artatama II, though the truth of his claims was questioned even by his host the Assyrian king Enlil-nirari. However, Assyrian advisers and senior nobles advised the young king to keep the Hurrian at the court in Aššur.
[Artatama II dies, Shuttarna III (his son) the new king, levy size hit]
Long expected grave news struck Babylonia in 1323, as King Burna-Buriaš II succumbed to a quick illness in Babylon. With news of the death of the Kassite colossus rumbling throughout Mesopotamia, a power struggle quickly broke out. The Kassite army, greatly strengthened as an institution by the meritocratic reforms of Burna-Buriaš II acted as the kingmakers, as many courtiers had predicted. Of the two sons of Burna-Buriaš II, neither had mentionable interest in military matters, or skills of a great warrior, as both preferred a life of luxury and culture. But in interests of Karduniaš, the military convened to make a decision at Dur-Kurigalzu soon after the king’s death and after both brothers presented conflicting claims on the throne. The army proceeded to occupy the royal palace in Babylon, arresting the younger brother Kurigalzu and his wife and children, and passing the throne to Kara-ḫardaš. Kurigalzu was sent into a comfortable exile in Anat, under the protection of the military, well away from sources of power but also from his potentially hostile brother. Kara-ḫardaš then proceeded to give a number of degrees in his name and tour the cities of south and north, but many started to doubt how much will this young king had, and how much power was in fact in the hands of those who had secured his throne. Around 1320 a massive mausoleum was completed in Kish to house the body of Burna-Buriaš II, who was buried with great offerings and ceremonies held in the honor of Zababa.
[Burna-Buriaš II dies, Kassite army secures the throne for Kara-ḫardaš]
With mourning still continuing in Babylonia, an obscure celebration was held in Susa. Born a few years before, prince Kidin-Hutran was the heir to Haltamti and the reason for the event. Son of Untash-Napirisha and his Babylonian wife who had taken the name Napir-asu, the young prince seemed like an energetic figure, and Untash-Napirisha had made sure to educate him both with Elamite and his mother’s culture, language and traditions. Thus the contingent of Babylonian and Kassite nobles and priests present as dignitaries at the first public ceremony of the prince came to realize that Untash-Napirisha had invited such a large group of neighbors for a reason. Namely, to show that Kidin-Hutran was maybe one of the Kaššu. Meanwhile Untash-Napirisha also ordered his generals and administrators to the old capital of Anshan in the East, where they began to survey the city’s fortifications, public buildings and granaries with large scale expansion in mind. Untash-Napirisha was seemingly greatly interested in further solidifying the reach of Elamite power in the East by reviving the old capital as a regional administrative and military hub.
In Assyria, namely at the chief city of Aššur, magnificent celebrations were held to honor the King’s marriage to a noblewoman of one of the most illustrious families of the Assyrian realm. Enlil-nirari seemed to have a thing for grandeous projects and celebrations, almost dangerously ignoring the developments around his kingdom, many of his chief courtiers casting their doubts on the king. It seemed like the successor of Aššur-uballiṭ I had little to no interest in international affairs, possibly a decision influenced by the costly and nigh humiliating Babylonian war. But the festivities were nevertheless a success, and the Adasi dynasty was blessed with a heir and a number of further offspring. What however caught the attention of a few clever spectators was the appearance of mysterious uninvited guests, seemingly Assyrian nobles, who nobody appeared to know.
The allies Tyre had hired for the war were starting to get uppity when their brothers failed to return from Egypt with the massive loot and victory promised. Indeed, many of these settled nomads were now without a livelihood and started to intensify their raids against smaller settlements, both of Tyre and other cities. This mixed band of mercenaries then waited for the Prince Abimilku to stray to the mainland in order to negotiate, only to slay him and his bodyguards. The mercenaries then seized the city after a brief struggle, claiming for themselves their pay from its treasuries and populace. A Sutean named Yariḫ-gabru, a devotee of the moon god, was the leader of the most influential and powerful band of brigands and thus claimed for himself the kingship of Tyre. How long he would tolerate the other bands roaming the mainland territories of Tyre remained to be seen. But before any such move intended to enforce his might on the former Tyrian subjects and the roaming nomads invited in, he sent the head of Abimilku along with a considerable tribute stripped from Tyrian treasuries to the Pharaoh Smenkhaten, in hopes of gaining recognition. Pharaoh Smenkhaten at first wanted to retaliate and install his own regime in Tyre, but lacked enough troops of loyal stock for the task, as despite of the installment of loyal rulers in Gaza and Ashdod, much of the Canaan would require a very large and expensive expedition to be brought fully back into Egyptian fold, which simply was out of question of now. The Medjay, who were to be sent to Canaan as a limited group of peace-enforcers, had widely disbanded or deserted following Horemheb’s defeat, for they had joined his rank in great numbers. Further Medjay couldn’t be recruited from Nubia either, as the region was no longer in full Egyptian control. Thus, partly due to advise from a number of generals, Smenkhaten was forced to for now accept the existence of Tyre ruled by the Semitic brutes, who at least hopefully could prevent further Amurru encroachment.
[A joyous bunch of Semitic, mostly Habiru and Sutean, mercenaries, brigands and raiders take over Tyre]
Aziru of Amurru meanwhile sought Biruta, a city now without a reliable protector with the mercenaries in power in Tyre. However, a chance to attack the city never materialized, as the local prince Ammunira had wisely strengthened its walls after the attacks of the Alashiyans. As no major pirate attacks or sea raids seemed to occur, Aziru abandoned the plan to seize the well-defended and prepared city, instead opting to further solidify his rule over the odd and loose conglomeration of vassals, subject cities and “protected” regions. The underlying problem was that the main reason for loyalty was still the mere existence of Aziru and his loyal bands of Habiru warriors, as there was little way to properly unify the diverse and vast geographic region into one entity. In the core regions that were considered Amurru proper the campaign however worked, with the many lesser warlords and chieftains finally acknowledging Aziru with a proper title, King of Amurru.
[50 % chance of royal income increase next turn]
Among the first orders of king Anamika of Alashiya was the construction of heavy and long tone walls around the capital city. There was no exact fear of an invader or bunch of revenge seeking people bringing themselves down upon the city, but the king simply seemed to enjoy anything military-related. Certainly the project further stressed the status of Alashiya as one of the greatest and richest cities on the Mediterranean, and without a doubt among the best fortified ones. The foreign traders who still dared to venture to the island, after either paying tribute or heavy tolls, were certainly in awe of the construction and the general wealth gathered by the pirate state in just a few decades, as recorded in numerous stone and clay tablets scattered in the Levant. One such tablet tells of a new approach to the Canaanites, now instead of outright piracy the Alashiyans began to enforce a series of tolls, often stopping Canaanite trading vessels mere days after leaving port and on Canaanite shores. With no powerful city-state with a strong enough maritime force to crush the Alashiyans, the resentful Canaanites often had to pay the tolls.
[Tribute set to Mid]
With the spread of King Hakkani’s personal influence over the rest of the Hayasa-Azzi federation via the political marriages, a number of celebrations were held at Hayasan cities, along with the other religious festivals. An important part of these was the exchange of gifts, and in many cases the royals handed over iron weaponry and equipment, in order to consolidate the use of this new metal in the tribal militaries. Of course this had the potential of vastly strengthening the Hayasa tribes, if rumors of the superior strength and durability were found to be true. But the costs and lack of skill still inhibited the widescale and local adoption of the new ironworking skills and thus by extent weaponry. Soon King Hakkani also realized this, and the Hayasan capital and royal foundries established a very lucrative monopoly over the new weapons and the associated skills. A few select members of most trusted and closest kin among the nobility were also allowed to possess the skills needed for local production. This enabled the Hayasans to stay in control of who got to buy their new iron weapons, now also of a far more superior quality.
[50 % chance of royal income increase next turn]
