1304-1301 BCE
Hittite army reformer and general Kamani of Tarsa conferring with nobles and generals at Waššukanni before the first Assyrian expedition, 1302 BCE. Modern representation.
Hittite army reformer and general Kamani of Tarsa conferring with nobles and generals at Waššukanni before the first Assyrian expedition, 1302 BCE. Modern representation.
The task of shoring up the authority of the newly installed, pro-Akhetaten, viceroy of Kush fell upon the Great Royal Wife Nefertiti. A far less divisive and belligerent figure than her husband, she could calm down the situation in the southern subject territory of Egypt, travelling herself to the deep south to meet with the local administrators and most importantly the clergy. The goals of furthering Atenism were ignored in favour of peace and tolerance, with the local religious system allowed to persist largely untouched. Of course, the more ardent followers of original and pure Atenism of Akhenaten might have disagreed with this policy, but luckily little news of the actual situation in Kush reached the capital and court. And besides, any such reports were easily matched in importance by the capture of Napata in 1302 BCE, ending the short-lived Kushite kingdom and restoring the Egyptian viceroyalty with its original borders. Nevertheless, the tax and trade incomes from the Kushite provinces would never recover to the original amount. How long the peace of Nefertiti would reign, and if some semblance of it would spread north of the Nile’s cataracts that formed the border between Egypt and Kush remained to be seen.
[Kush fully reannexed as a Viceroyalty]
Kamani of Tarsa, a Hittite noble from Kizzuwatna and a childhood friend of the Great King Arnuwanda the Second, is tasked with reviewing the Hittite military, consisting of standing royal guard regiments and garrisons, as well as a gigantic levy from all the lands under the rule of Hattuša. First and foremost, the standing royal regiments were increased in size, and garrison troops and loyal contingents were posted to both the capitals of the Syrian princely viceroyalties, as well as Hittite subject kingdoms, from Apasa of Arzawa to Waššukanni of Mitanni. In addition, from all the corners of the Hittite Empire Kamani hired several inventors, metallurgists and mercenaries to develop and refit new chariot models and new bows to larger segments of the levy and standing regiments. Furthermore, army organization and leadership was improved on, at least in theory, Kamani being very much influenced by the organized and sophisticated nature of the military of Atenist Egypt. The reformation of the Hittite military coincided with the lengthened stay of the Great King himself in Syria, as Aleppo was turned into a de facto second Hittite court, much to the annoyance of Arnuwanda’s brother who was supposed to be its viceroy. More and more Hittite nobility and settlers were allocated land in the former Mitannian vassal territories, which slowly started to be regarded as a core region of the domains of the Hatti, much like Kizzuwatna or Tarhuntassa, for example.
[Royal Guard size increase next turn]
Ignoring the vastly widening rupture in relations vis-à-vis the Pharaoh, Tuppi-Teshub marched north against what he in correspondence and royal declarations claimed to represent a revolt against the mighty overlord of all Retenu. The city of Niu was easily subdued and sacked as a punishment for its revolt against the land of Amurru, its lands appropriated to local chieftains and long-serving Habiru warriors. But as Tuppi-Teshub turned his sights on the coastal city of Biruta, a victim of raids of the Alashiyans in the past, reports reached his capital at the fortress of Zumur about an Egyptian fleet and army dispatched to the aid of the town. Abiba’al, son of Ammunira, the prince of the city managed to drive back the Habiru warbands with the help of Egyptian expeditionary troops of the Sun Division and Medjay corps. Encouraged by this victory, Iab-nilud the ruler of Sidon followed the example of Biruta and casted away the Habiru garrison and Amorite tax collectors. Discontent was also brewing in Byblos, and Tuppi-Teshub risked losing his entire coastal territory, especially if the Pharaoh Smenkhaten continued his push to weaken the authority of Amurru in the region.
[Niu re-subdued, Biruta beats off the Habiru attack with the help of Egyptians, Sidon joins the revolt]
Kara-ḫardaš of Karduniaš made some initial preparations for an hopeful end to the almost constant state of war that his kingdom had been in. The Babylonian fleet operating from such ports like Ur or the colony of Dilmun was expanded, with merchantmen increasingly encroaching on Eastern markets along the coasts of the Gulf, markets that had been for long in the sphere of Elamite influence. While the king had also wished to establish colonies like Dilmun along these trade routes, the Babylonian kingdom simply lacked the resources and funds for such endeavour in the foreseeable future, mostly due to the state of war that had taken a rather heavy toll. Another project of the king, or more of his military, was the formation of a new group of mountain fighters, mostly from Zamuan and Kassite stock. Trained at Dur-Kurigalzu, they became a new component of the royal guard, both to replace heavy losses and to give the Kassite generals a more sophisticated tool for expected campaigns in the Elamite highlands. These troops became widely known in historical records for their harsh physical tests; and luxurious treatment when not campaigning.
The king of Haltamti also sent envoys east and north, in a desperate effort to drive the tribes of these regions into invading Babylonia, promising them all the land and loot they could take. These efforts culminated in an Elamite and allied attack on the recently restored Kassite fortress Dur-Burna-Buriaš on the river Diyala, with heavy reliance on Gutian and Karalla tribesmen and mercenaries resulting in the destruction of the fort and accompanying. Apart for causing some negligible annoyance to the Kassite king and for a few years threatening the recently vassalized land of Zamua, the raid of the eastern nomads paid by Kidin-Hutran had no effect on the broader war effort. Furthermore, in Elam proper the king raised taxes and levies for a decisive battle in a bid to drive back the Babylonian invader. These efforts were still quite successful, at least in ensuring that Elam would either be victorious and bankrupt or defeated and – bankrupt.
[Economic hits to Elam]
With Susa on the verge of being besieged by the Kassites, Kidin-Hutran evacuated his court and administration to the recently restored eastern capital of Anzan in the land of Shimaški, from where he hoped to lead a continued resistance even if Elam fell to the Babylonians and a new puppet king. Much of the Elamite gold and many religious artefacts were also withdrawn to this distant mountainous stronghold. Certainly, the mere distance of Anzan from Babylonia made any invasion of the region unlikely, and certainly a rather hazardous endeavour. But despite of this preparation for the worst, Kidin-Hutran wasn’t ready to abandon the jewel of Elam to Kara-ḫardaš quite yet. For most of 1304 and 1303, the Babylonian king was campaigning almost with impunity in the Elamite lowlands, sacking and looting many prosperous towns and cities, for example Madaktu and Hidalu. The famous religious site of Dur-Untash was also desecrated and sacked, greatly increasing hatred towards the Kassite savages. However in late 1302, Kara-ḫardaš who wished to consolidate his hold on the Elamite lowlands before going for the final target, Susa, marched south to subdue the port of Liyan, sanctuary of the Great Goddess. But due to bad weather and strong fortifications, his siege failed and he was forced to return back north to camps closer to Susa. And there the news of a renewed Assyrian invasion reached him.
Seeing Elam on the verge of defeat, King Arik-den-ili of Aššur decided to once again intervene, marching his men and driving his chariots into Babylonia, in order to give the beleaguered Elamites some breathing space and to force the Kassite king to accept a negotiated peace, a peace that wouldn’t result in a complete extinguishment of the Eastern kingdom that was deemed so crucial to upholding stability in Mesopotamia. Kassite troops in the region were negligible, yet their generals operating from Dur-Kurigalzu were more than able. A Kassite noble named Šuzigaš assumed the control over these armies defending their ancestral capital, immediately ordering the evacuation of all farmers and cattle along the Tigris, the burning of food stockpiles and villages and in general a policy aiming at stripping the Assyrian invaders from an abundance of supplies. Similarly, they flooded plains and destroyed dams, causing great destruction to the countryside. But Arik-den-ili didn’t even march for the Kassite capital. Recognizing these preparations he instead marched his armies south of the Ebeh mountains, until reaching the Diyala river. Easily the Assyrians managed to ravage the countryside recently occupied by the Elamites, splitting the lines of communications between Dur-Kurigalzu and the Zamuans, Halman and even the army of Kara-ḫardaš in Elam. First fell Ešnunna and then the famed land of ancient Akkad, and Arik-den-ili left strong garrisons in place there, poised to strike across the Tigris into Sippar or even Babylon. Assyrian raiders hit so deep east as Deru and even at some locations dared to cross the great river Tigris and raid Babylonia proper, almost unopposed due to the location of the Kassite armies at Elam and Dur-Kurigalzu. Nevertheless, the Assyrian king didn’t risk to outright invade Babylonia proper just that year, instead leaving behind his advanced garrisons and wintering in the Assyrian heartlands.
[Babylonia and Assyria at war]
Honoring the alliance formed by the marriage of his sister Muwatti to the Babylonian King Kara-ḫardaš decades ago, Arnuwanda II issued an ultimatum to the Assyrian king, demanding a cessation to the war with Karduniaš. The alliance by blood wasn’t the only reason, Arnuwanda II and the Hittite court rightfully feared that the rising Assyrian power might upset the precarious stability of the Hittite vassal kingdom of Mitanni. Thus Kamani of Tarsa, the great reformer of the Hittite military, was tasked with leading it on an expedition against the Assyrian king. Departing from Halab towards Waššukanni in 1302 with thousands upon thousands of men, general Kamani was certain of an easy victory. But albeit an able reformer, Kamani was not the most aggressive and bold commander, instead preferring to slowly march to Waššukanni with the mighty host, waiting for the arrival of further reinforcements and intelligence from the land of two rivers. This gave the Assyrian king crucial time to prepare to face the invasion. The bulk of the Assyrian army was able to face the Hittite invaders, luring them deep before crushing upon them with all their mighty chariots and warriors. The last time Hittites under Muršili I had campaigned in Mesopotamia, they had destroyed Babylon, and Arik-den-ili certainly didn’t wish Aššur to endure such a fate, again. The battle was thus done in late 1301 on the plains just north of the city of Ninuwa, ending in horrendous losses to both sides fielding gigantic armies. But it nevertheless forced Kamani back across the border to Mitanni, and was hailed as a success by Assyrian historians. Arik-den-ili nevertheless lamented the losses, among them many of his friends, and even more the realization that his invasion of Babylonia couldn’t be completed now, for he had to engage in a defence of his ancestral lands against the Hittites. But Arik-den-ili also held the tool that could help bring him an unlikely victory or gain in this struggle. The family of Kili-Tešup, a brother of the long deceased Tushratta of Mitanni, still resided in his court. From their ranks he might be able to present a credible pretender to the Mitannian throne, allowing him to destabilize the crucial Hittite vassal kingdom, and forcing the battles away from his own territories.
[Hittites and Assyria at war]
Upon hearing of the Assyrian intervention, the Kassite army decided against turning back to their homeland, trusting in the mighty forts and rivers of Karduniaš. Instead they launched the long-anticipated assault on Susa, for which Kidin-Hutran had prepared now for years. The mighty battle of Susa in late 1302 would be remembered as one of the bloodiest and most futile ones of Mesopotamian history, thousands upon thousands perishing during three days. But despite of their most fearless resistance, the disadvantaged, technologically lacking and exhausted Elamites were defeated and their army routed, but not before inflicting tremendous casualties to the core regiments of the Kassite army. Some of them slain, some of them running away to the mountains with their kings, and the remainder surrendering, the Elamite warriors were beaten and Kara-ḫardaš entered their capital to dictate a harsh peace, installing a relative of both his and Kidin-Hutran’s on the throne, and stripping Elam of many of its once prosperous towns. Despite of these terms, Liyan remained in hands of a general loyal to Kidin-Hutran, who himself set up a court in Anzan, splitting the Elamite kingdom into two for the first time in centuries. Neither of the two kings of Haltamti had a very stable backing or good opportunities, though, as Kidin-Hutran was certainly not able to regain Susa without outside help. In 1301 the Kassites still remained busy defeating mountain tribes and occupying fortresses and towns in Elam, one of them being Liyan which was finally captured and badly damaged in autumn of that year. For the Babylonians one of the most gruelling effects of war was the demographic change it inflicted upon the kingdom. Many of the casualties, especially of those that perished in the expensive campaign to seize Susa, were Kaššu. Indeed, decades of warfare had made the privileged warrior-elite diminished, and replacements were sought after from the related mountain tribes, an endeavour represented by the formation of the new royal guard regiments incorporating Zamuans. Nevertheless, the development would certainly lead to deep societal change in Babylon, as for centuries the Kassite overlords had lived separately from their subjects, believing in their own tribal and clan structure over the traditional Mesopotamian family unit.
[Babylonian puppet installed in Susa, Kidin-Hutran in Anzan, stability loss to Babylonia, Elam obviously in total and utter chaos and collapse]
With no clear successor stepping forward, Alashiya quickly plunged into chaos. Brothers, cousins and sons of Anamika all took up arms and recruited warriors and tribesmen for their cause, promising a fair share of the riches of the capital. Civil war took its toll on the already war-weary island of the Goddess Atate, as many settlements were sacked, destroyed or simply abandoned. The Western trade centre and fortress of Alašiya Tirodia was captured and sacked by tribals working for a pretender, becoming the capital of a realm in opposition to the capital. In the rest of the island the situation eventually calmed down as the third son of Anamika enforced his power over the remaining settlements and towns. However, the greatest damage had already been done. The Mycenaeans easily recaptured Kinidia and sacked Dikta again, ending Alashiyan presence in that part of the Aegean and on Kaptara, effectively ending the Alashiyan-Ahhiyawan war in a costly Mycenaean victory. The chaos that embroiled the crucial Mediterranean trade hub also affected the economy of the Hittite lands, Egypt and Canaan.
[Alashiya in an age of chaos]
