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We were never elected by the entirety of the German People, indeed not even the entirerty of the Germans that now call this nation their own, our legitimacy we derive from the people outside, our pride we derive from a false belief that it was we who brought freedom to Germany, when it was Lady Germania who rallied the People of Germany in revolt against those who would not listen to them and I fear that for Democracy and Liberty to be no longer withheld from the German People she shall do so again.

You might call it the Tyranny of the Peasantry, we on this side of the isle call it Democracy and we will not stand for it to be equated to the oppression the German People broke mere months ago.

Von Herrnutt
 
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Klaus Gustaf Lehrer explodes to his feet.

"Herr Nast, what exactly are you implying? That I could disperse the protesters if I so wished? That the spirit of the German people could be dampened at a word? It is not so. I have no capacity to make these protestors disperse, no more so than any man in this room. They have come of their own free will to seek reform, and you would deny them that reform, not because you dislike the demands, but because you dislike the way they have been presented to you. Peacefully, by a group of the very people we claim to represent.

You call me blind and a hypocrite, but I am not the one decrying those who attempt to exercise their rights as tyrants. In our new nation, born of violent protest against reactionary regimes, it is to be illegal and tyrannical for the people to make their voices heard? I can not accept this, and no true revolutionary should either. These are the people we represent as delegates, we should not ignore them and insist their voice does not matter because they are not seated in this room. That is not democracy, that is tyranny. The people will not be denied, and by ignoring and belittling them, you only make this situation worse and will drive them closer to violence. I implore you, I implore all good assemblymen, let us accept the demands the protestors have given us. They are not unreasonable, and many were supported even before the protest began. Why must you antagonize good Germans by disparaging them out of hand because they do not sit in this chamber? We want a nation ruled by democracy, not by some elite who use a facade of democracy to protect their own interests.

Give the people what they want, let us prove that we are still revolutionaries."
 
Kammler steps outside of the church in a daze, troubled by the squabbling, there he is met by the chants of revolution which he had once been a part of only a year before.

"Gentlemen, ladies! This body has heard your voice and we have agreed nearly unanimously, free fair and popular elections have been approved for the legislature and the executive office. This body has agreed to universal suffrage for all men, so that all of you can have a voice. This body agrees to the abolition of noble titles! This body agrees to the right to Unionize and to Organize! This body agrees to provide a free-state run education for all of her citizens! Now please all of you, celebrate your victory but allow peace to return to Frankfurt, our home city I beg you."

After this Kammler attempts to leave.
 
Klaus Gustaf Lehrer explodes to his feet.

"Herr Nast, what exactly are you implying? That I could disperse the protesters if I so wished? That the spirit of the German people could be dampened at a word? It is not so. I have no capacity to make these protestors disperse, no more so than any man in this room. They have come of their own free will to seek reform, and you would deny them that reform, not because you dislike the demands, but because you dislike the way they have been presented to you. Peacefully, by a group of the very people we claim to represent.

You call me blind and a hypocrite, but I am not the one decrying those who attempt to exercise their rights as tyrants. In our new nation, born of violent protest against reactionary regimes, it is to be illegal and tyrannical for the people to make their voices heard? I can not accept this, and no true revolutionary should either. These are the people we represent as delegates, we should not ignore them and insist their voice does not matter because they are not seated in this room. That is not democracy, that is tyranny. The people will not be denied, and by ignoring and belittling them, you only make this situation worse and will drive them closer to violence. I implore you, I implore all good assemblymen, let us accept the demands the protestors have given us. They are not unreasonable, and many were supported even before the protest began. Why must you antagonize good Germans by disparaging them out of hand because they do not sit in this chamber? We want a nation ruled by democracy, not by some elite who use a facade of democracy to protect their own interests.

Give the people what they want, let us prove that we are still revolutionaries."


‘Are you not listening, Sir? I wish to deny no man his reasonable demands. What I object to is this nonsensical idea you seem to hold that, were we to consider the demands and find them wanting, the crowd outside would simply dissipate. They are demands, and we are hostages to them!

‘Cease with your slanderous paintings of those of us who value this legitimacy of this body – this elected body – and its right to independence from dictators of any kind as reactionaries. We, Sirs, are the ones who pride the idea that democracy can be above dictation! None call for the petition to go unheard, or for all stipulations to be dismissed out of hand – as you insist on claiming. We call instead for the proper course to be followed, debate to be allowed and sober conclusions to be reached. It is maddening that you cannot see the duplicity in rejecting the tyranny of the aristocrat and welcoming the tyranny of the artisan!

‘I was under the impression that this chamber – this revolution – stood as testament to the idea that no man's birth gave him special rights above those of his supposed peers. Or is it that this is true only of those who were formerly our masters? A man having been wronged by a now-gone state gives him no right of power over an elected body, just as no King should hold power over his parliament. I had thought myself slave to no one. I care not a jot for whether they be rich or poor.’
 
I accede to points 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, and 11. A nation is built on comprise, if Herr Hernutt and Herr Lehrer truly want a German nation, then they must comprise. Otherwise the mob will attack, and the matter will be settled over the force of arms. In such a case, whoever is the victor - mob or militia - will be no better than the Tyrants we threw out.

~Nikolaus Layman, member of the Frankfurt National Assembly


((EDIT: apparently, some deal was made.))
 
Walder Heinri Zwigrude, with a heroic sneeze, leaps from the table with the grace of a small cow and tumbles after Kammler. Shortly following his speech, he gives his own.

"People of this fair and gracious city, you are being ignored by the reactionaries within! Kammler, the man that just spoke, spewed lies! Within they offer no such thing, but instead drivel on specifics like the aristocrats of old. We of the Bergwald C ... C ... CL ...

atchoo

...Club have attempted to work for you, as avatars of your name. However the forces of reaction seek to undo everything we have accomplished! To which my comrades!

atchoo

To which I demand that you grab that man Kammler, yet another of the reactionaries, and turn him on his head! DOWN WITH THE ASSEMBLY, UP WITH REFORM!

FORWARD THE REVOLUTION, INTO SAINT PAULS!"
 
((OOC: isn't there more than one entrance to St. Paul's? Are they surrounding the entire building? I have some pictures below. What does the situation look like? My character would know this as he is a native of Frankfurt and knows the city well.))
 
GM Note: Please address all questions to me via forum PM. Don't clutter the main thread with OOC. Thank you.
 
Kühn stands and once again begins to speak.

"It is indeed most interesting, that the ones in this Assembly demanding radical reforms be passed, because we are harassed by an angered crowd of a few thousand, would, facing a similar situation from a crowd of equal or even greater scope, refuse to pass legislation re-instating serfdom, abolishing the Fundamental Rights, and proclaiming some nobleman somewhere in the country as the new King.

"This is not the concept of the popular will. The popular will is not to give in to the demands of a small crowd who, though seemingly mammoth in size in the now, is, in reality, but the smallest proportion of German citizens. The popular will is to hear the demands of all people from the Republic -- yes, from the most angered in Frankfurt, but also those that remain in their homes or at their places of work; and those in Bonn, in Aachen, in Dresden, and in every farmhouse and blacksmith, and in every apartment and church. The demands must be made peaceably, allowing the Assembly time to consider the wants and needs of every citizen of the Republic. While we struggle to provide a Constitution for this nation that will benefit every citizen, our own liberties have here been rescinded in the name of brash demands and want of immediate results that simply cannot be provided.

"I, perhaps more than any person in this chamber, wish for all German adults to have the right to vote. I hope for the emancipation of women. I hope for the fruits of good education to seep through all levels of society. I hope for the betterment of the German worker, the farmer, the blacksmith, just as much as I do for that of the banker, the lawyer, the clergyman. What good are these hopes -- hopes that many of us share, in one form or another -- if we are to be stamped out by a crowd of a few thousand, thus doing away, in one swift motion, with all the good that the Revolution has accomplished?

"Let us beseech these people now, to allow us to hear from all corners of society, and to hear their wishes on these topics; so that it may better our own discussion, here, in the crafting of the most perfect constitution for this Republic."

Kühn is seated.
 
Satellite

Sheridan was seated in a Cologne cafe, taking some early afternoon refreshments in the company of his some of his socialist friends. Their talk, of course, was of politics - they all bemoaned the increasingly conservative bent of the National Assembly, of the public discourse. Sheridan particularly lamented the numerous proposals, aired in the newspapers, for a 'Westminster system'. He spoke frankly and bluntly to his companions, speaking from his own personal experience of England's great inequities and injustices. Their revolutionary hopes, so high the previous year, now seemed to have been quashed. Their hopes for the Republic were now rested on a popular demonstration, a demonstration many present were privy to. Their conversation was interrupted, however, by the arrival of Frederich Engels, who had dashed into the cafe with a look of utmost urgency. Sheridan noticed the look, and inquired with concern Engels' business.

'Herr Engels, what is the matter? Come, have a seat!'

Engels swiftly assumed the seat and without any interruption, informed Sheridan and those gathered of the morning's events: of the uprising in Frankfurt, of the siege of the Assembly. The was a moment of surprise, of shock. Then Sheridan jumped from his chair in jubilation.

'Hurrah - the Republic may yet be saved, and saved by its own people, the German people! I say this calls for drinks all round!'
 

Workers and soldiers of Regensburg!


It has time for me to relay to you the dire news that have arrived from Frankfurt. The reactionaries in the city made an attempt at capturing the Assembly and restoring the country back to the rule of the tyrannical monarchy; their attempt came close, and many good men died, but in the end justice prevailed, and a patriotic bunch similar to the one I am addressing right now drove them off, and is now surrounding the assembly demanding the release of my colleagues and your representatives, and calling for the true abolishment of the old regime.


It is not clear at the moment what will prevail; the reactionaries seek support from all foreign regimes to put down the continuation of the revolution and it is in our hands to stop them. The despots of Bavaria and Austria will surely send armies soon to march on our capital, and so will the Prussians. It is our mantle to stop their armies right here, and to deliver to them a sound and swift defeat.


To arms, citizens of Regensburg! Affix your bayonets, kiss your wives goodbye and march off to the battlefield with me! Let no man remain still when his future is at stake; let us behead the serpent of reaction and oppression once and for all!

 
Klaus Gustaf Lehrer looked on with dismay and disgust as his fellow assemblymen refused to budge or compromise in the face of an increasingly restless mob.

"Gentlemen, do you not grasp the situation? Do you think the German people who have come before us will just disperse if asked? Herr Layman already tried and it only drove them into a further frenzy. Do you not hear the words they chant? Do you not have brains? You can complain about the methods they have brought these reforms before us, but if you insist on ignoring and rejecting these people, then there will be no happy ending to today. The crowd has been peaceful. The crowd has been patient. But they will not remain so if you insist that they must disperse without accepting their demands. You can say whatever you want about the benefits of a representative democracy rather than listening directly to the people, but your principles will offer no succor when these people lose patience.

Accept the demands, for God's sake. They are not unreasonable, and even those who argue against them can only point to a few issues. No one has argued to reject the demands wholesale, expect on the basis of the manner of presentation. Do you truly think that the people outside will accept such an answer? Do you think they will scatter and return home when told that their demands are rejected, whatever basis you might give? Are you truly so imbecilic? This is not a matter that will just 'go away', however much you may wish it. At this point I do not think the crowd is likely to accept anything less than the full fulfillment of their reforms. Perhaps had members of this body from the beginning focused on discussing whether some demands could be accepted and some rejected, a compromise that satisfied all parties could have been reached. But instead several members insisted on the wholesale rejection of the demands because they did not like the people bringing them to us.

If this body of esteemed gentlemen still insists on rejecting the demands of the crowd outside, then I am forced to accept that the men in this room have neither the sense nor mindset to lead Germany, and will leave to join the people outside. As I have said again and again, these are not unreasonable demands. And now the very real specter of violence hangs over our heads if you continue to refuse them. As Representatives of the people, as Revolutionaries, as Germans, please, I implore you, accept the demands. Let today pass without bloodshed, and without further division."
 
To Build a Nation

A nation is built on compromise. Assuming the following rights and protections are included: the Right to Bare Arms, the Right Against Unreasonable Search and Seizure, Protections against quartering of soldiers without the permission of the property owner, and Protections against slavery, I will accede to points 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, and 11.

I am meeting the members of the Bergwald Club half way. If the members of the Bergwald Club truly want a successful German nation, then they must realize that no one ever gets everything they want in a democracy. Compromise my friends, or the Revolution that everyone in this Assembly fought for will be for naught.


~Nikolaus Layman, member of the Frankfurt National Assembly
 
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Having quite enough of this counter-Revolutionary, stubborn, and downright obstructive debate, Georg Wolfsegen removes his shoe, promptly rapping it harshly against the table before him. The cacophony earned a few head-turns and mean glances, and Wolfsegen took that time to speak loudly and proudly.

"This Assembly has for far too long washed the times of the German People, the Protesters outside, and those actually willing to move on and accept the demands! I have initiated a vote to gauge this Assembly's view, and many have outright ignored it, instead thinking that recess will somehow be a plausibly productive course of action. This Farce must be ended now, definitively and swiftly!

I am going to step out of this Circus of Counter-Revolutionaries, and join the Crowd outside, announcing to them the acceptance of their demands. To those who have heart, a brain, and a soul, who accept the demands as necessary, for the survival of our fledgling Nation, join me so that the Crowd may see who the true People's Champions are. And to those who seek to bury their heels in the ground and stagnate our Nation over petty ideological differences, you may remain here, seated.

To the Crowd I will say this: those who stand before you have chosen Freedom, those who remain within have chosen Obstinate Rejection, paralyzing agents to our Government and to the Revolution. Now, who shall accompany me to see those we profess to represent?"

With that, Wolfsegen stood, looking unexpectedly over the mass of the Assembly, slowly turning and walking towards the door, obviously at a pace allowing others to easily join in, so he hoped.
 
Kühn, tired of repeatedly standing up and then being seated again, stands up once more.

"Look here how one gentleman of this Assembly, angered that we have not acquiesced to the demands of a crowd that is wholly unrepresentative of the entire nation, now seeks to overrule the entire body of that very Assembly of which he is a part. Would he perhaps sooner enjoy telling a blatant lie to those people -- whom we have not agreed to address in a so-and-so manner -- or would he rather stay here, in this chamber, and debate with the rest of us? Here now stands the greatest chance Germany has yet seen to create a free and prosperous nation of laws, where kings nor emperors have the right to claim authority, and where free thinking and equality will see us through where the autocratic regimes of old will fail -- and this gentleman would rather knowingly lie to that crowd, fully aware that whatever words he may say are not a part of any consensus of this Assembly, one which we have not even made as of yet!"

Kühn, exceedingly thirsty and growing tired, sits once more.