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Klaus Gustaf Lehrer moves to join Georg Wolfsegen while giving a short departing speech of his own.

"Gentlemen, I am shocked and appalled by the refusal of this esteemed body to see reason and accept the reforms proposed to us by the crowd outside. It seems you still refuse to acknowledge the actual issue before you, thinking that this is a matter of limited debate. Have your recesses, have your half-hearted and too late compromises, but do not presume that all will stay with you. There are angry men outside. Angry at a body that claims to represent them, that refuses to acknowledge them because they are not in here. You can not ignore them, and they will not leave without appeasement. Maintain what delusions to the contrary you wish, I will have no part of it.

Germany must move forward, and it is clear now that the esteemed gentlemen within this room are ill suited for the task of leading Germany into the future. You have become corrupted by the very elitism and tyranny that we opposed and overthrew so soon ago. To reject the people's wishes because the people aren't elected while claiming to represent the people all the same. Such hypocrisy."
 
‘Who in this house, Sirs, would acquiesce were it that a mob of aristocrats, of kings, hammered at our doors? Who here rejects the evil fallacy of the divine right of kings? And further still, who rejects the ignominy of serfdom, of stripping rights from an entire class of people based merely on the accident of their birth?

‘And yet who embraces with open arms the untitled throng who impress their demands upon us as any king? Who endorses the divine right of the petty bourgeois to command and bid us act to their desires? Who cries fevered for the stripping of rights from those human beings we once called noble, where once it was the serf? It is this hypocrisy, gentleman, that is appalling, not our defence of what was once called the rule of law.

‘If those Robespierres outside are revolutionaries for seeking to drag our defence of Liberty down to mere terror, then I am glad to be an anti-Revolutionary. If it is illiberal to seek to preserve the independence of this parliament from any self-appointed tyrants who feel themselves right in commanding their will be done with no questioning, no debate, then happy am I in my illiberality. A peace of retribution and acquiescence to the forces of terror and tyranny is not what I fought for.

‘Is it hypocrisy to reject the will of the mob, foist upon us mere serfs subjugated again to stubborn autocracy, whilst standing firm against all injuries to the freedom of legislature? No, Sirs, it is not. The hypocrites are those who, having evicted tyranny when powdered and bewigged, welcome it sans-culottes. It is hypocrisy to have fought for the right to self-determination and the freedom of expression to now insist that we be determined by external, unelected forces without compromise or discussion; that we now be cowed into silence because are silencer is the common man! My principles, Sirs, are not so fickle; they recognise no differences in class, unlike you, Sirs, who remain blinded by an unconditional adoration of the common man. This is no different to the unconditional adoration reserved by those pitiable men whose devotions are reserved solely for God and the King. We need only add “Terror and the Mob”!

‘The events of 1789, well praised by liberal men across Europe, only attracted their ire when it was found that Liberty, equality and fraternity extended only to the threshold of the Versailles. Check yourselves, gentlemen. Do you desire a revolution that brings meaningful change to the German people, or is it merely your interest to wreak revenge upon your former masters? If the latter now passes for good government, I praise that I am unfit for it.’​
 
EVENT CONCLUSION - FRANKFURT, GERMANY
THE MARCH ON ST. PAUL'S
October 10, 1849 - 3:10 PM​

When Friedrich Kammler steps outside and announces capitulation, the mob is jubilant.

When Walder Zwigrude steps outside and announces that it was all a lie, their joy turns into confusion.

And then it becomes anger.

Anger at being forced to wait without acknowledgement.

Anger at not receiving even the appearance of consideration.

Anger at being told to go away without being heard.

A furious rage born of betrayal and denial turns the Frankfurt mob into a human wave of vengeance.

When they're joined by their radical allies in Parliament, their indignation is further cemented.

When Zwigrude opens the doors, the militia scatter. The mob's moment has come.

Alexander Nast stands at the lectern, speaking to his colleagues about independence from duress.

It is during this speech that the wave of vengeance washes through the church.

There is a certain sublime irony in this moment.

Had Nast, Kammler, and their allies taken any action at all to appease the mob...

Had they even put up the pretense of considering their demands...

Had they, perhaps, ordered the army to disperse the mob...

Had they, in fact, done anything whatsoever...

Perhaps, maybe, this moment would not have come to pass.

But legislative independence and supreme arrogance must always yield before the cudgel.

Babenburg's troops move in to disperse the mob, belatedly reinforced by the remaining militia, but it's far too late.

The mob leaves the plaza, not in panic or disorder but rather in victory.

They leave behind them a scene of terrible carnage.

Of the roughly 500 remaining delegates, 57 are dead and 183 are seriously wounded. Few are left unscathed.

A few perfunctory attempts at looting are made, but the regulars and militia discourage further disorder.

A concerted effort to destroy the printing press of a noted reactionary newspaper is repulsed by well-armed guards.

The people return to their homes and the Frankfurt Assembly begins the sordid task of identifying its dead and wounded.

When the Assembly reconvenes on Monday the 22nd, it's in a church that had to be thoroughly cleaned to remove an incredible amount of blood.

The mood is somber, bordering on grim. In trying to save legislative independence, they have destroyed it.

Now the mob's demands must be heard.

Friedrich Kammler is dead.

Alexander Nast is dead.

Julius Kuhn is seriously wounded.

Nikolaus Layman is seriously wounded.

August Wilhelm von Erthal is lightly wounded.

GM Note: This event is now concluded. Normal play may resume. A modified legislative agenda is forthcoming. All orders are due by Wednesday, May 18th before midnight. There is now one (1) open character slot. Prospective players may send me their submissions via forum PM.
 
Walder Heinri Zwigrude, with a jaunty tilt to both his hat and his sniffles, leaps from chair to chair with the strength of a dozen Bavarians, before finally settling down with a (completely not looted) bottle of some ... drink of some kind. No one is quite sure what.

"Men, the mob has had it's way with the reactionaries of old. Men that dawdle over meaningless things like legislative independence and not bowing to the mob.

atchoo

Now that they have been beaten to death to the mob, I move that all reforms promoted by ... by ....

atchoo

By the Bergwald Club be adopted forthwith, lest another case of death is caught by those that seek to deny the people their will."
 
Herr Präsident,

Seeing the great damage done by demagoguery of members leaving this Parliament during the voting session to announce half truths and blatant lies to win over the German People, I propose the Parliamentry Session and Decisions Act.

The Parliamentry Session and Decisions Act
I. No Member of the Assembly is allowed to leave St. Paul's Church if the Assembly is discussing or voting on a bill or amendment
II. Every decision of the Parliament shall be announced on the Stairs of St. Paul's Church by the President of the Assembly or if he is incapable the Deputy President of the Assembly.
Click to expand...

Recognizing the dangers of both unprotected protestors and an unprotected parliament, which have been made clear to us mere days ago, I do propose the German Assembly Guard Act.

The German Assembly Guard Act
I. The German Assembly Guard is hereby established to protect the Assembly of the German Republic and those that walk on the St. Paul's Church Square and to maintain the Rule of Law both inside St. Paul's Church and on St. Paul's Church Square
II. The Captain of the German Assembly Guard shall be nominated by the President of the Assembly and shall be elected by the Assembly with a two-thirds majority
Click to expand...
 
Walder Heinri Zwigrude smiles evilly at the Member prior.

"Men, the mob has killed multiple people for ignoring its demands for the Constitution! And what does this body s ... se....

atchoo

Seek to do? Ignore the Constitution as a whole and present acts!

atchoo

What a charade!"
 
Klaus Gustaf Lehrer stood somberly in the halls of St. Paul's Cathedral, which still echoed with the empty cries of terror and blood.

"Gentlemen, the deaths that occurred 12 days ago were a tragedy, a needless tragedy. Many said that continuing to ignore the crowd of protestors would do no good, that appeasement was needed to resolve the crisis peacefully. But men such as Alexander Nast and Julius Kuhn refused to even consider concessions. They prefered to see the floors of this hallowed ground run red with blood than to give the people desired reforms. And now over fifty men are dead and scores more wounded. I do not wish to speak ill of the dead, but I can not say that I felt great sorrow to learn that Herr Nast was among the dead, not when the massacre was partially a result of his stubborn refusal to acknowledge the will of the people.

But we must not let this tragedy cloud our nation and dominate our minds! Our first order of business must be to accept the reforms demanded from us by the people on that fateful day. Then we must finalize the constitution to lead forward Germany into a new age. We must bring an end to petty squabbles and instead focus on creating a nation that will both serve the people and last in stability. The spirit of the revolution must be kept alive."
 
Agenda of the Constitutional Committee (Revised)​

Fundamental Rights
Should the constitution Retain the current Fundamental Rights of the German Citizen or Expand the Fundamental Rights?
  • If the Fundamental Rights are retained, they'll remain as listed currently and limit the power of the national government.
  • If the Fundamental Rights are expanded, then additional rights will be added at a later time to further limit national power.

The Executive
Should the constitution establish a Presidential or Semi-Presidential system for the Executive?
  • A presidential system will establish a president elected independently of the legislature with broad powers.
  • A semi-presidential system will establish an independently elected president who shares executive authority with a prime minister appointed by the legislature.

The Judiciary
Should the constitution grant Independence and the power of judicial review to the Judiciary, or should it be Dependent on the other branches?
  • An independent judiciary will have the power to overturn laws and executive actions it deems contrary to the constitution and serve as a check on government power.
  • A dependent judiciary will be charged solely with maintaining the laws and executive actions established by the other branches.

Scope of Government
Should the constitution establish the national government as a centralized Unitary state, a decentralized Confederation, or a balanced Federal state?
  • A unitary state will abolish most of the local powers and privileges held by localities and establish a strong national government.
  • A confederal state will be strictly limited in the authority it can exercise, with most power devolved to localities. Local privileges will not be abolished.
  • A federal state will establish a moderately powerful national government kept partially in check by local powers. Local privileges will be abolished.

Voting Rights
Should the constitution establish the franchise as Universal Male Suffrage, or further expand it to Universal Suffrage?
  • Universal male suffrage will allow any adult male citizen to vote in national elections.
  • Universal suffrage will allow any adult citizen to vote in national elections.

Abolition of Noble Titles and Properties
Should the Constitution Abolish noble titles and selectively confiscate properties or should it go a step further and Criminalize the use of noble titles and confiscate all noble properties?
  • If abolished, publicly self-identifying as a noble, including the use of titles and nobiliary particles, will result in a modest fine. Additionally, noblemen who voluntarily forsake their titles may retain their properties, up to a certain limit.
  • If criminalized, noble self-identification will be viewed as a high crime and punished accordingly. All properties belonging to those of noble birth will be confiscated regardless of circumstance.

Status of the Church
Should the constitution establish a new Civil Religion, commit to Secularism, or enshrine Atheism?
  • If a civil religion is established, then the constitution will establish a new deist philosophy at the center of national religious life.
  • If secularism is established, then there will be no official state religion, but neither will the government discourage or interfere with religious exercise.
  • If atheism is established, then the constitution will actively oppose and criminalize all religious exercise and expression.

Pet Cause
If any aspect of the constitution is of principal importance to your character, including any aspects not listed here, then you may designate one (1) Pet Cause. Your Pet Cause will receive extra support, but your support for other issues will be slightly reduced. List your Pet Cause in this section. It can be anything appropriate to the constitution, up to and including what the flag should look like.

GM: All players may turn in a modified questionnaire with their to-do list. Delegates must publish their questionnaires as before, using their Prestige. Non-Delegates may send their questionnaire privately using Influence or post it publicly using Prestige. Regardless, all questionnaires should also be included in the to-do list.
 
For the benefit of an indifferent public, an especially bold counter-revolutionary puts up a hastily-made poster stating all of the various times the murdered assemblymen voiced their desire to see reform passed and concessions made. The poster, being abnormally large, also includes notice of all of the times surviving ‘revolutionary’ assemblymen refused to compromise or accommodate competing views.

Naturally, it survives all of about five minutes.
 
Walder Heinri Zwigrude takes a swig of his drink and wipes his mouth with some meaningless poster he found, it seemed counter-revolutionary.

"Expand the Fundamental Rights, Semi-Presidential system for the Executive, an Independent Judiciary, a decentralized Confederation, Universal Suffrage, Abolish noble titles, and establish a new Civil Religion."

He voted with a sniffle.
 
Fundamental Rights: Retain

I do not believe further expansion of the Fundamental Rights of the German People is necessary.

The Executive: Semi-Presidential

The powers of the Executive should not be invested in a single man. A president is needed so that the leader of our nation is a direct result of the will of the people, yet even such a person should still not be the sole executive authority. Alternatively, a Prime Minister will assure that the will of the legislature has a say in the executive branch, which may not be of the same political stance as the President. Such a mixed system will best suit and protect the needs of the people.

The Judiciary: Independent

An independent Judiciary is important to establishing separation of powers in government. To make it subservient to another branch would jeopardize its role and purpose.

Scope of Government: Federal

A Federal government best reflects the historical and cultural reality of Germany, encourages those not within our state already to join, and further protects the people from potential tyranny. A confederal government by contrast would be too decentralized, and we need a government centralized and powerful enough to resist outside threats and pressure. A Federal Government best balances the needs and realities of Germany at present.

Voting Rights: Universal Male Suffrage

Women generally lack the mental and emotional capacities to make informed decisions regarding the running of a nation. Thus they should not be allowed to vote.

Abolition of Noble Titles and Properties: Abolish

Destroying the nobility is admirable, but there are those among the nobility who supported the revolution. They certainly can not remain nobles, but those who voluntarily give up their nobility should not be punished to the same degree as the reactionaries.

Status of the Church: Secular

Enshrining Atheism or a deist cult would be highly undesirable and divisive to our young nation. It would be far more preferable to embrace secularism and refrain from directly involving a religious belief or lack of belief with the state.

-Klaus Gustaf Lehrer, Representative from Munich to the Frankfurt Assembly
 
Georg Wolfsegen looked quite pleased with himself, the only apparent sign of events prior being his lack of shoes and slightly torn jacket.

"Well, none can question the commitment of the People to the Revolution, and I for one say that we should move on, now that we are unburdened with the senseless and lame."

Fundamental Rights - Retain

The Executive - Semi-Presidential

"Our People have reaffirmed their support to a directly-elected president, and it is they who truly charter this Constitution. Again I stand behind the creation of the democratically-elected Volkskammer (People's Chamber/Parliament), from whose membership will rise the Volkskomitee für die Revolution (People's Committee for the Revolution), an organ in support of the President in regards to executive duties."

The Judiciary - Dependent

"I reiterate my support for a Judiciary ready and able to be exercised for the fulfillment of the political restructuring of our Nation, something which is clearly supported by our People.

Scope of Government - Federal

Voting Rights - Universal

"As I have said, it is both Man and Woman who are constitute our People and Nation, both bleeding for the same Revolution, both oppressed by archaic feudalism."

Abolition of Noble Titles and Properties - Criminalized

"We can seldom tolerate the perpetuation of feudalism in any form, be it big or small; likewise, it is clear than their properties are established upon generations of serfdom and similar economic slavery, and this must be an issue rectified immediately, to support our People and State with suitable assets."

Status of the Church - Civil Religion

"A Cult of the Supreme Being, a deistic and nationalist reawakening within our Nation would be the keen edge to the Sword of Revolution, carving away the backwards ideology of feudalism in favor of Reason and Liberty. Let us do away with the undue influence of clerical Tyrants, and let us reforge our spiritual cores!"
 
Some would say that it was a miracle Julius Philipp Kühn managed to survive the massacre at the Paulskirche at all. Kühn, terrified at the sight of the mob breaking into the church, attempted to stay out of their path, yelling for them not to do any harm to any of the Assemblymen (obviously, to little effect). A small group of rioters approached Kühn and proceeded to physically beat him, breaking his left leg and arm and giving him two black eyes. Bloodied and wounded, Kühn continued to beseech the angered people of the mob who, wishing for him to simply shut up, stabbed him in the upper chest. At that point the soldiers and militia loyal to the Assembly arrived, and drove the mobsters off. Kühn was found in a pool of his own blood, quietly coughing and moaning in pain, but alive.

Luckily for him, a friend of his who practiced medicine lived just two blocks away, and he came to treat Kühn and nearly a dozen other Assemblymen in his quarters. Kühn's prognosis was good, though he would likely have trouble walking for some months, and with extreme pain at that. Kühn passed the time scouring the papers for what information he could, reading the few books on history and political theory in his friend's study, and writing poetry and sketches of stories on several pads his friend had given him.

Kühn was shocked at just what had transpired that day. It was the mob that had torn down the monarchies of old, the ancien regimes of western Germany; it was the mob that overthrew the aristocracy and the clergy and made the people the masters of their own fate; it was the mob that had put Kühn in this position of great importance, with the goal of creating a constitution for the nation.

But it was the mob that made demands that only they wanted; it was the mob that broke down the doors of the Paulskirche; it was the mob that killed so many others and wounded Kühn and his colleagues, whether radical or conservative. The demagogues of the Assembly had turned the mob against the Assembly -- against the nation -- in effect, against itself. It was through the mob that Kühn had come to hate the mob.
 
In a letter to the National Assembly, dated XX October 1849, Kühn writes:

"I hope this letter reaches those members of the Assembly that have been spared their lives by those that despise reason and prefer bloodshed to discourse --

I an the other Assemblymen that are recovering in this makeshift hospital are all well, and I should return shortly to my duties, albeit with a fault in my gait.

It seems rather pertinent for an Assemblymen to now declare their new intentions for the writing of the constitution, as the demands of that gruesome mob now must be taken into consideration. Thus I present my revised proposals for the establishment of new Government, to be based out of Frankfurt and to protect the liberties of all Germans in this nation:

On the Fundamental Rights of the People -- retain the current Rights. No expansion is needed. These are the rights that all men and women are born with, and cannot be taken away.

On the Executive Power -- as a parliamentary system is no longer being considered for inclusion in the constitution, I must lend my support to those that offer a semi-presidential system instead. The power of the executive must be left weakened as much as possible; what is the difference between an all-powerful King and an all-powerful President but name?

On the Judicatory Power -- I have already voiced my thoughts on an independent judiciary and feel I need not expand any further.

On the Size and Purpose of National Government -- I have similarly already expressed my thoughts on a federal system.

On the Rights of the Citizen, Pertaining to the Election of Representatives -- I have, again, already supported expanding the franchise to all men and women of age in a system of universal suffrage.

On the Legality of Nobility and its Attendant Privileges -- As I have previously said, I strongly believe the nobility should be abolished -- but to criminalize is to go too far, for to arrest and punish one for such a small crime as this, is no different from doing the same to a man who says a word or two against the current Government.

On the Relationship with the Church and various Christian Denominations -- I have already expressed my beliefs in the strength of a secular, but not aggressively anti-religion, government.

I hope this letter finds you Assemblymen that have not been tortured or killed in good health and spirits.

Long live Germany."
i6dYncd.png

Julius Philipp Kühn
 
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OUTRAGE IN FRANKFURT
HIRED THUGS MURDER, SODOMIZE, AND PILLAGE: OVER SIXTY DEAD. CITIZENS DEMAND RETRIBUTION. ​

It was a tranquil dawning yesterday when peddlers and merchants crowded the National Assembly's episcopal plaza. Daybreak's bustle aroused the dozing families to the day's labour, while elected delegates slowly filed into the Frankfurt Assembly. For the duration of forenoon, the Frankfurt Assembly conducted democratic discourse in normal fashion, unmolested by the busy commerce outside the St. Paul's walls. After a brief recess, the esteemed delegates returned from their breakfast meal and stuffed inside the Church to proceed with the day's programmed debate. At some point after 9 AM, commercial vendors outside the Church were informed of a disturbance nearby, and hastily fled the district. Other civilians, mostly women conducting the day's washing, were not so lucky. A considerable crowd of known thugs, identifiable by their affiliations with the 'Bervadaldian Club,' arrived outside the Church walls around 10 AM and encircled the vicinity, detaining the incognizant women alongside the Church's walls. Many civilians were dragged from their employed posts and compelled to participate in the swarm; several Frankfurt citizens were even rooted from their nearby homes so the culprits could magnify their flimsy ranks. As the crowd's presence became known to the Assembly, it became increasingly clear that Herr George Wolsegen, the known atheist and Jacobin sympathizer, had coordinate the thuggish sprawl in order to coerce the Assembly into accepting his premeditated demands. According to witnesses, Wolsegen took an unexcused absence, wallowed into the crowd, and returned to St. Paul with the "people's demands," although many delegates relayed that Herr Woolsegen possessed the pertinent demands in his coat pocket prior to the crowd's arrival. Among the stipulations was the abolition of self-description, the purposeful castration of the armed forces, and the convenient submission of the Assembly to Wolfsegen's demands.

Although the Assembly was scheduled for a midday recess, the swelling mob outside the Assembly was instructed by Bergadlvalian Club couriers to confine the delegates to their conventional hall until the demands were met. Inside the National Assembly, surviving delegates informed the Telegraphen that several courageous delegates attempted to impede their captive's ambitions, and vigorously debated against compliance. Herr Alexander Friedrich von Nast and Herr Friederich Kammler presented the sternest opposition to the impressions made by Bergaldiav members and craven delegates, while Herr Layman valiantly attempted to negotiate for constitutional preservation. By the day's meridian, however, it had become blatantly obvious that the Jacobin counter-revolutionaries — determined to overthrow the legitimacy of the constitutional convention — were preparing a coup d'etat. In a brazen effort to evade the overthrow of the Republic, Herr Kammler petitioned an Assembly-wide recess, but his pleas landed on deaf hears. Just before 2 PM, Herr Layman presented himself before the hired crowd, and announced he had compromised with the legislative radicals. His gallant speech, although eloquent and fair, was doomed to fail. Herr Wolsegen, Herr Herrnutt, and Herr Zwigrude, the highbinder traitors, suddenly realized that compromise would debase their coup and prevent the legislative overthrow. Determined to preserve their Brutusesque scheme, the treacherous triumvirate ordered their employed rioters to take the fatal step. At 3 PM, as the confusion of the scheming edict is presented with a series of oratory contradictions, and even the plotters are deprived of control. Zwigrude reportedly contradicted the regulations of the Assembly and swung the St. Paul's doors open to the employed crowd.

In the subsequent chaos, the first to Porta Coeli are the women and children who had been pinned down from washing in the morning. The sheer magnitude of the stampede reportedly crushed nearly a dozen youths, while others reported that blood-thirsty thugs grabbed the young girls and sodomized them in the succeeding chaos. A noted priest, and at least fifteen innocent women and children, were murdered amid the general chaos. Meanwhile, the National Assembly was washed in blood, as rioters tore off the limbs of elderly delegates and castrated others. The church's floor washer informed the Telegraphen that "there were at least a dozen limbs, and a few severed genitalia." Herr Wolsegen's criminals subsequently proceeded to massacre fifty delegates, predominantly his opposition, before rioters evicted their corpses from the church to perform 'unprintable acts.' Nearby vendors, who attempted to intervene, had their merchandise burned, while commercial merchants quickly fled the city in droves. The city's food vendors, decidedly frightened by the unchristian occurrences, resolved to "not return until the perpetuators were devoured." Those unlikely souls who had joined the riot, perhaps with true conviction for reform, were largely the victims of widespread abuse, and many were supposedly killed in the unpredictable stampedes that dominated the district that afternoon. Among the dead (conveniently for Herr Wolsegen) are Herr Kammler and Herr Nast, while others, such as Herr Layman, owe their livelihood to the timely intervention of General Babenburg's intervention. In the aftermath of this tragic event, the Frankfurter Telegraphen would ask all loyal Frankfurt citizens to give a solemn prayer to our city's fallen heroes.

And should retribution not be imposed by General Babenburg, to take it upon themselves, as lovers of true freedom and liberty. The Frankfurter Telegraphen thus give the list of Guilty Men: Herr Wolsegen, Herr Zwigrude, Herr Herrnutt. It is the pledge of this newspaper to add to this list in future editions as the responsibility for the tragedy remains incomplete and unpunished, and provide the listed addresses to all the relevant culprits.
 
99KingHigh said:
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TRASH WRITING​
Click to expand...
​

With a gallant, drunken leap from his chair, Zwigrude dramatically (with pause) tears up the writing before the Assembly.

"Counter-revolutionary filth."
 
Good God they did get themselves killed...

I ask this assembly to reconsider my proposition to centralize the army to prevent another mass slaughter like that from happening again. We need a working army to make sure that death and massacres do not plague this nation! If a mob can kill off our entire government, imagine what the Prussians or Austrians could do. Thus, I reiterate the need for a central army as a must for this nation to survive.

-Wilhelm Bodenstein
 
Hermann Köhler climbs to the roof of a barn to give a speech to gathered militiamen, mobs and common peasants.

"My brothers, peasants, Germans!

As you might have heard, forces of the reactionary bourgeoisie have clashed in the city of Frankfurt and their applauded assembly has turned into a bloodbath. This is yet another sign, that we workers and farmers of the countryside can't allow ourselves to be ruled by the urbans of some city we have never even visited. How is some Hessian capitalist supposed to care about us, represent us, or God forbid, RULE us, better than the nobles, the Prussians or the petty landlords? I say, we must take our fate in our own hands. The Brotherhood's men are here to protect you, so the time has come for you to organize your OWN government, of the people - for the people. Each village and hamlet should set up its own council, ready to respond to localized problems of the peasant and worker and ready to help them in conducting trade, selling their products of labour and acquiring what is needed for a decent life. No to the Frankfurt assembly of murderers and reactionaries, yes to the Village Councils! Long live the German peasant's revolution, let the Great Revolt of 1525 and the Free Republic of Dithmarschen serve as our examples! Seize the land of the feudal oppressors, join the Brotherhood and create councils! Nobody can stop the rightful march of the German peasantry into greatness. Long live Germany!"
 
Eating dinner with his family, Maximillian Krottendorff suddenly rises and exclaims:
"Beloved family, there have been major events recently that have changed the very foundation upon which we have long relied upon. A society built upon equality and justice, instead of old nobility and meaningless traditions is being formed before our eyes. This is not a painless effort. In Frankfurt, hope turned into tragedy as the Assembly that was supposed to discuss where this nation shall now turn its attention has now turned to using violence, or having violence used against it, in order to decide matters. I shall not speculate in the hows and whys, but I feel that my conscience no longer allows me to identify with the nobility that was wrongfully inherited to me by my father, and to him from his father. We no longer use those noble titles which our ancestors were once given by some feudal lord of old, yet we have not been clear and open with renouncing all our claims to nobility. That ends today. From here on now we are all nothing but fellow Germans, simple Krottendorffs. I shall ensure that this decision is made clear to everyone in Dortmund, and I shall advise those who still cling to the old ways to do the same. Now, let us continue eating."
 
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