[Forum Game] The Dragon Ascendant

[Korona]

Note: @MastahCheef117 is Chiang Kai-shek. @Maxwell500 is Chiang Ching-kuo. I will put up a post shortly that will kick off the game. As a road map, you'll have a day or so where you can IC about anything in your heart's desire, then we'll have Legislative Yuan elections, then a Crisis update. Fictional character signups are to remain open for the rest of the game, or until I close them for any reason.

 

[Revan529]

Colonel Jiang Ruikuan
蔣銳寬​

Biography: Colonel Jiang Ruikuan was born in Nanking on 14 August 1924 to a poor family. He joined the military in 1938 following the fall of the capital; despite his youth, he proved highly dedicated and competent, and soon found himself working in ordnance and logistics.

Following the end of the war, then Major Jiang was a hard-line proponent of annihilating the Communists, and served with distinction throughout the war, rising rapidly through the ranks to Colonel in late 1950. His work in the wars gave him an appreciation and affinity towards railways and infrastructure, and since the waning days of the civil war he has adamantly argued for increased funds and state control over canals and road- and railways.

With the Kuomintang’s victory now secured, Colonel Jiang now looks forward to the reconstruction and renewal of the Chinese State; critical of democracy, and wary of both the United States and the Soviet Union, Jiang is an ardent nationalist and proponent of third-way economics under the governance of a paternalistic autocrat. He generally seen as highly loyal to the Generalissimo, who he views as China’s saviour from the dual threats of imperialism and communism.

 

[MastahCheef117]

Chiang Chung-cheng (蔣中正)
b. 31 October 1887 (63 years old)
better known as
Chiang Kai-shek
​

Spoiler: Positions held

Chairman of the Military Affairs Commission, 1931 – 1946
Chairman of the National Government, 1928 – 1931, 1943 – 1948
Premier of the Republic, 1930 – 1931, 1935 – 1938, 1939 – 1945, 1947
Generalissimo of the National Revolutionary Army, 1928 – 1947
Director-General of the Nationalist Party, 1938 – present
Generalissimo of the Republic of China Army, 1947 – present
President of the Republic, 1948 – present

Biography: Born to one of the wealthiest farming families in the local region of Zhejiang Province, Chiang received a neo-Confucian education, having read all of the Four Books by the age of nine, shortly before which his father died. Though he failed the first level of civil service examinations, he entered and transferrred between several neo-Confucian academies in the region, all the while witnessing the terrible destruction and humiliation of the Boxer Rebellion. He came to attend the Baoding Military Academy in 1906, and eventually transferred to a Japanese officer school, Tokyo Shinbu Gakko, where he honed his knowledge of tactics, strategy, and military science. It was there that the first seeds of Chinese nationalism – and of revolution against the terrible old order and the creation of a new modern China – were planted.

At the outbreak of the Xinahi Revolution of late 1911 Chiang returned to his homecountry, where he served with distinction in the revolutionary armies that quickly toppled the long-lasting yet decrepit Ch'ing dynasty. As the Republic of China experienced its first years on its own two feet – with things going poorer than expected, with revolutions, usurpations, and, at times, total breakdown of central authority – Chiang rose to the top of the national political order as one of Sun Yat-sen's proteges and one of the most influential men in the country. In 1924, one year before Sun's death, Chiang was sent to Moscow to observe the state-building procedure in the Soviet Union – perhaps to glean some information on how a people, for centuries oppressed by total autocracy, could form new government altogether; and also to gain favors with the Soviets, who were inclined to assist the revolutionary and socialist Chinese in their efforts to modernize.

With Sun's death in March 1925 came a power struggle within the Nationalist Party. Chiang came to national prominence when he ousted Wang Ching-wei, a noted leftist leader in the Party, from power in the south. With his first power base solidified, Chiang launched the long-awaited Northern Expedition in 1926, successfully defeating the warlords of northeastern China and toppling the Peiyang government. On 27 April 1927, under Chiang's orders, the left wing of the Nationalist Party, under the since-returned Wang, were violently suppressed by General Pai Ch'ung-hsi, resulting in Chiang effectively becoming paramount leader of the Nationalist Party – and, by extension, the most powerful man in China. The "White Terror", as it became known, solidified Nationalist control over the major cities in the south and east.

Throughout the remainder of the 1920s and most of the 30s, Chiang oversaw a massive effort to industrialize and modernize China. Through concessions to the various warlords in the west, Chiang won a lasting peace and oversaw high degrees of economic growth and diversification in the wealthier regions of the country. Still, the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931 and the Shanghai incident of 1932 slowed Chinese modernization and threatened war with the Japanese, which finally broke out in 1937.

China suffered greatly in this period, and though he remained the leader of a united China (with "support" from the Communists via a truce signed in December 1936), his prestige was weakened both in the West and at home as the country was ravaged by total war, hundreds of battles, and a brutal occupation by the Japanese. Chiang's commitment to a united and free China, however, as well as his skill in negotiating with potential enemies to his benefit, won the day. When the Japanese war effort collapsed and the Second World War came to an end, most Chinese hailed him as the national savior.

The continuation of the Civil War after the Japanese surrender, though a drawn-out adventure, was never truly doubted in its eventual conclusion. The warring leadership of the Communist Party did little to help the coordination of their war effort, and one by one, Communist pockets were collapsed or forced to surrender in Manchuria and around Peking. Other small rebellions in Shaanxi and Henan provinces were quickly stamped out, and by 1951, Nationalist control over almost all of China was finally effected. Now the undisputed master of the most populous, and potentially most resource-rich, country in the world, Chiang could finally put into action his highly ambitious plan to effect the total modernization of China. Should he succeed, China would regain its status as the Middle Kingdom of the world, surrounded by the less-sophisticated and weaker countries which, before long, would quickly find their place in the natural order of things: by recognizing China's undisputed greatness and mastery over the earth.

 

[Korona]

Death of A Party​

It is April 29th, 1951, and the Chinese Civil War has ended. Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and almost all of the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership and administration were killed in the Zhudao Raid, undertaking by the daring National Police Agency. Late at night, the most experienced officers of the National Police Agency assaulted a roadside inn in Shaanxi Province, where the majority of the CCP had convened to discuss their fractured party. The inn was assaulted, and after a brief spell of torture and humiliation, the Communists were killed, their bodies were never found. As would be revealed in a CIA inquiry, Communist general He Long had been captured by the Nationalists, and after repeated sessions of torture, he revealed the location of the party in Shaanxi in order to save his family, and himself. He Long was then executed, his family never learning of his fate.

In Nanjing, President Chiang Kai-shek declared the Chinese Civil war to be over, but he still had many challenges to overcome. The Soviet Army was occupying all of eastern Manchuria, in an attempt to keep their satellite state of North Korea alive and well. East Turkestan was independent, under a Soviet-backed government that found itself with virtually no leadership after a devastating plane crash. Tibet too freed itself during the chaotic Chinese Civil War, and with a new Dalai Lama, they are a people invigorated, determined to remain independent from a people they have been ruled by for so long. China itself was broken, for the devastating Japanese invasion had reversed virtually all of the successes and progress of the Nanjing Decade. The economy was in shambles, it’s infrastructure ruined and unreliable, it’s industry practically nonexistent. Chinese Communist partisans still operated in Shaanxi and Suiyuan, with the guerilla fighters having pulled off a series of bombings in Yan’an, killing 10 Chinese soldiers after the President declared the Civil War over. In the minds of the partisans, the fight had only just begun. With Legislative Yuan elections in October, it was clear in the mind of all Chinese that it still had a long way to go before the Dragon could ascend.

GM Note: You may IC. Elections will begin either tomorrow or the day after, on Friday morning as to accommodate all of the Euroweenies in the game.

 

[Revan529]

On the National Infrastructure and the Need for State Control
Colonel Jiang Ruikuan​

The wars against both the Imperialist forces of Japan and the Red Menace have left the Chinese Nation in a pitiful state, in utter frankness. Her railways have been decimated through bombings and sabotage, her roadways similarly devastated, and her wealth absconded by foreign interests and traitors alike. This must be rectified at once and with all deliberate state power possible utilised to restore and expand the present deficiencies of the national infrastructure.

Our military, though certainly in need of modernisation, is battle-hardened and plainly devoted to the cause of our independence and unification, and therefore has no need for increased funds – indeed, it could quite easily be argued that now is the time to cut the wheat from the chaff, and divorce ourselves from corruption and waste. These funds, and any potential additional funds, must go to the nation – primarily, I argue, to the infrastructural renewal and expansion, as well as in exploiting the national resources of the nation. An army, of course, is our protector, but if it protects only wasteland, and cannot even manage to travel from end of that devastated land to the other, what use is it?

Therefore, it is imperative that the railways, under state control and through state action, be rebuilt; this should principally begin in the must urbanised areas – this is, perhaps quixotically, fortunate, as these areas were amongst those most severely damaged during the war. Further immediate efforts must take place in our ports, our agricultural and mining centres, and those areas where our industrial capacities, once dedicated to the prosecution of the war, might now turn their focus to more domestic matters.

Following this initial step, we must begin developing the infrastructure of strategically vital areas; due to, at present, our close ties with the United States, it would be advisable that our railway connections to major urban centres near the Soviet border be developed, and from there follow along the general policy stated previously (that is, the connection of raw resources to the larger grid).

In conjunction with this railway-centric model, roadways and canals should not be neglected, though I would reckon their importance as secondary. It would further be impudent to neglect discussing the reconstruction, construction, or expansion of military facilities and airfields in key points around the nation, particularly those susceptible to continued Communist terrorism and partisanship.

Lastly, and expanding upon a point made previously, the ports and harbours of our major cities, must be rebuilt and expanded to accommodate for more trade, as well as to provide the nation with suitable bases for our nation, once it becomes a priority again.

 

[aedan777]

Memorandum from the Ministry of National Defense to President Chiang Kai-shek​

At long last we have emerged victorious over the evil and subversive communists, unifying China under one undisputed government at long last. However we face many serious challenges ahead, that can be divided into three categories- internal resistance, external pressure, and economic malaise. At length I will discuss these matters and provide suggestion on how to overcome these trials, to lead China to take its rightful place as a world superpower.

First is the matter of internal resistance. Though the communist leadership has been seized and their threat to our rule rendered non-existent, many die hard remnants continue to hold out in pockets around our nation. These anti-government forces cannot be tolerated to live, for like a disease, if allowed to fester untreated they will come back to challenge us again and again. We must crush these stragglers, to end their activities and make it clear to any who would dream of opposing us of the consequences of undertaking such actions. The communists are not the only forces that seek to divide our great nation though, separatist movements hold sway in Tibet and East Turkestan. Tibet may be brought back into the fold peacefully, if they are allowed autonomy, they will likely recognize your deserved rule over all China. If they resist, then we should crush them and restore Tibet as a rightful territory of China. East Turkestan is a complicated manner due to Soviet support for them, but their lack of clear leadership and the isolation of their territory might allow us to destroy them in a quick military campaign, before the Soviets can cement the creation of another satellite on our borders. I stand ready to direct the army to neutralize the remaining communists, to destroy the rebels in Turkestan, and to reintegrate Tibet by force if necessary.

Secondly there is the matter of external pressures on our nation, chiefly those of the United States and Soviet Union. The Soviets, besides support separatists and subversives in our territories, also continue to occupy rightful Chinese territory in Manchuria. This is unacceptable, but a careful tact must be taken to rectify this injustice, as China at present is unable to fight a war with the Soviet Union with any hope of success. Bringing the matter of their illegal occupation to the United Nations has a possibility of success, with limited chance of escalation to an unwanted war, and the likely support of various nations who have an interest in weakening the Soviet Union. But in doing so we must take care not to subordinate ourselves to the United States and its Imperialist allies. China was once a nation of secondary importance, at the mercy of the Europeans and their economic exploitation, but never again can we allow that to happen. We must not beg or negotiate from a position of weakness, for to do so would only entrench the image of China as a backwards nation relying on colonial masters. In all things, we must remember that however much the United States assisted us in the war against Japan, China must chart its own course, free of foreign interference.

Finally China's greatest issue currently facing it is the deplorable state of our economy after over a decade of vicious fighting. Industry and infrastructure are in a pathetic state nationally, severely hampering China's ability to stand as a powerful and independent nation. We possess the largest population in the world, but without a developed industry and the infrastructure to transport people and goods, we will stagnate and fall further behind the industrial European powers. To truly harness the potential of China, a great many factories and national points of connection are needed. This is especially important for the military, since native industry will allow us to be free of foreign support to develop and maintain modern weapons of war, such as tanks and planes, and developed industry will allow our armed forces to move with much great speed to areas they may be needed in times of crisis. The development of a modern and industrialized economy is nearly as important to the future of China as securing its rightful territory and ending internal subversion. The manner of this development should of course be directed by the state, rather than accepting the system of private enterprise supported by the Americans. Power to individuals and corporations would merely be accepting a new form of colonialism, subjecting Chinese citizens to exploitation by cruel and selfish foreign agents. Chinese industry and modernization must flow from the center, directed by clear vision to the future prosperity of China, not the financial interests of a few foreign industrialists.

In summary there is much to be done to secure China's future as a world power and the independent nation it needs to be, even after the great military successes we have enjoyed in recent years. I stand ready to direct the military as you authorize, and willing to provide further advisement if requested.

-Bai Chongxi, Minister of National Defense

 

[etranger01]

Liu Yao
b. August 8th, 1888​

Standing six foot four and unbent by encroaching age, General Liu Yao is an unusual figure amidst a sea of colorful characters. Born to a peasant family which grew to prominence following the exploits of its children, Yao was the youngest of eight brothers who each went on to prominent careers in the Nationalist military and government. During the height of his power and influence, General Liu commanded the whole of Sichuan province as virtual military dictator and marshaled a tremendous force against the Japanese invaders in the bloody and ultimately ill-fated Battle of Shanghai. Despite these setbacks, Liu became the leader of what was known then as the Sichuan clique and is now its only surviving member. In fact, he's also the only surviving brother of the original eight, most of whom died fighting each other.

Trained by the supercentenarian Li Ching-yuen in the mystical arts of Taoism, Liu Yao is a master in his own right and carries on the longevitous Li's teachings even to this day. He strives to embody the concept of 'wu wei,' a kind of unpolished naturalism that emphasizes one's own innate personality. A man of appetites and profound passions, Liu Yao has at least ten wives and perhaps three times that many children. He is known for greeting visitors at the door and waiting on them personally while they take in his hospitality.

Having retired from the military, General Liu has been active in politics, though without open political affiliation or any particular desire for self-aggrandizement. Elected to the Legislative Yuan by his numerous loyal constituents (many of whom are related to him) in Sichuan, he now watches the course of national politics with a certain detached interest. His stated aim is to exceed his mentor and reach an age exceeding Li Ching-yuen's prodigious 250 years.

 

[Revan529]

On the State of the Chinese People and a National Employment Programme
Colonel Jiang Ruikuan​

Building upon the previous piece, wherein I outlined the need for a robust infrastructural programme and where the initial focuses should be, it is apparent that, due to the destructive forces of Imperialism and Communism that swept through our cities and countryside, a great many of our people find themselves unemployed and in fear of starvation; this mass poverty, brought about by decades of instability, mismanagement, and warfare, cannot be allowed to continue, and the immediate solution would be, akin to the policies set up the Americans or the Germans, a vast public works programme.

These projects, be they clearing the streets of rubble, building new homes or factories, working the fields or the mines, or laying down the tracks of our national railways, will be vital to the national renewal.

This policy shall most likely be the most important spearheaded in these early days in the wake of the Communist’s defeat – it shall inform in the infrastructural and industrial programmes, it shall by and large abolish unemployment for the near future.

It is vital, then, that such a policy be implemented – shall we permit the people of China, impoverished as they are, to linger in enforced indolence? It behoves the state to take such an active role in the rebuilding, and it is only through the state that such ambitious and far-reaching projects can commence. It is thus only natural and proper to undertake this policy.

It must be stated, as well, that this shall have massive ramifications upon the Chinese psyche and their perception of the National Government; these are children who have been born amidst chaos, elders who have witnessed the rise and falls of empires and warlords, and have been beset from all sides and within by those who hate the notion of China. For a stable, active government to implement these policies for the public and national good, and for such a government to act with efficacy and sternness, it will bolster confidence in the government, quench this influence of Communists, and undermine the machinations of foreign intruders.

This national programme further would bring whole nation together for a singular grand task – the rebuilding of our great and ancient homeland; imagine the mind-set of the poor farmer or labourer, whose lands or workplace have been decimated by years of fighting, whose kin have been killed by the Communist or the Imperialist, and whose only livelihood can be from the government. Rather than permitting indolence, or acquiescing to the imaginary invisible hand, we must seize the day as it were, and take an active role. Clear the streets of rubble, build high the walls of factories, mine deep into the mountains, and lay long the tracks! Bring the nation back to life, and bring it together under the authority of Nanking.

 

[etranger01]

General-Deputy Liu rises to his feet in the Legislative Yuan, resting his hands on his ceremonial sword.

"I'm sure that our well-fed corps of bureaucrats can deal with the economic shambles that we're in, probably with bribes all around, so let's talk about the issues that actually matter. The Soviet problem will solve itself once they remember that Hitler burned down the good part of their country. I'd like to hear from the President on what we're doing to hurry them along, how we're going to finish off the Communists, and how soon I can expect to hear about how we've restored good order to Tibet and Manchuria. Don't forget that Tibet invaded just a few years ago. I was there fighting them off. We need to fix that problem once and for all."

 

[Noco19]

Name: Lü Wenyi
Born: February 3, 1908 (43)
Position: Deputy of the Legislative Yuan, Informal Head of the New Jiangxi Style faction of the KMT

Background: Although born in the minor city of Quzhou, Lü Wenyi would be truly raised in the Whampoa Military Institute, a statement he is quick to affirm. A young man in the early 1930s, Lü Wenyi developed camraderie with many future leaders within Nationalist China, most importantly gaining an early friendship with Teng Jie and Xiao Zanyu. From there, Lü Wenyi easily became involved with the Whampoa Clique, specifically acting as an early member of the Society of the Practice of Three Principles of People. While overshadowed by the senior alumni and the major personalities of figures like Hu Zongnan, his friendship with Teng Jie - who by now acted as General Secretary over the secret group - allowed him to remain considered beyond his station.

Throughout the growth of the Society of the Practice of Three Principles of People, Lü Wenyi managed to earn respect from the clique leaders through his personal character and ethics, acting as a prime agent towards enforcing the group's strict conduct rules. While not the most popular position, his reputation preceded him among the upper crust of the society. This status was cemented when Lü Wenyi partnered with ideologue Liu Jianqun to publish works forming the foundation of an envisioned new society, one that espoused similar notions as European fascism, namely a stratified society under a supreme leader, a party apparatus, and then the people as a whole. Lü Wenyi specifically contributed to a number of popular articles dealing with the role of this apparatus to stoke a unique Chinese spirit in opposition to foreign influence.

As Chiang Kai-shek was finally informed of this secretive organization that long regarded him as the proper man for supreme leadership, he was supportive, leading to the evolution of the society into the Blue Shirts Society, which itself ran under a cover organization known as the Spirit Encouragement Society. From among the six divisions formed, Lü Wenyi was headed Organization, assisting in integrating this body into the government and blurring the line between KMT and BSS.

Ultimately, conflict would arise within the Blue Shirts Society as Teng Jie butted heads with Chiang Kai-shek, who regarded the organization as a tool and sought to limit its ever-increasing scope. Although a long-time friend, Lü Wenyi would not join Teng Jie in opposition, choosing instead to remain silently supportive of Chiang. It was likely suspicions of harbored sympathy for his old mentor however that resulted in Lü Wenyi being shipped away from the central nucleus of the organization and national politics, instead now heading efforts in North China to assist anti-Japanese action.

Here, Lü Wenyi would play a vital role in turning the local Blue Shirts from a secret society into an anti-Japanese mass movement, recruiting students and intellectuals to form a new element of propaganda. Heading several operations, Lü Wenyi organized severe crackdowns on crime, opium, and poverty, forming in the process an integrated force known as the New Jiangxi Style and Special Detachment, the only direct military unit allowed by Chiang within the BSS apparatus. An interesting hybrid of military regime and civil benevolence, this entity engaged in activities from seed distribution to rampant anti-communism suppression.

Following another round of society division, Liu Jianquan would become the new Chiang-backed General Secretary of the BSS, a trend that would continue as per the turbulent times. By 1938, the BSS held its first and last national congress, wherein members were allowed to transfer their membership over to the KMT. While many obviously chose to reject this veiled, political annexation, instead forming the Youth League of Three Principles of the People" under Hu Zongnan, Lü Wenyi would surprise many by accepting the offer.

His choice would be vindicated as by 1945, the YLTPP would see its leadership suppressed and replaced with Chiang's own son, its members heavily stigmatized by the increasingly stable Chiang regime. For his foresight, Lü Wenyi would be afforded the unification of the remaining old BSS membership, not as a separate party but as an informal faction within the KMT advocating for a mass implementation of the New Jiangxi Style. Likewise, Lü Wenyi maintained control over the NJSSD and many of the operatives of the defunct BSS, forming the Military Statistical Bureau, an impressive intelligence agency that allowed Lü Wenyi a good deal of power to cement unity within his faction and service within the state.

Now, in 1951, Lü Wenyi serves as the successor to the Blue Shirts Society and an advocate for the New Jiangxi Style, an ideology born and evolved from his practices under the NJSSD and BSS, promising an integration of society together with moralism and military, the strengthening of a Chinese spirit, and the unique position of China to stand on its on regard, not privy to foreign domination.

 

[MastahCheef117]

"To address the words of the esteemed Deputy Liu: I can assure the gentleman that the work of the national Army is not yet complete, and that, having served as a field commander against both the Japanese and the Communists, he should be well aware of the nature of insurgent warfare and the difficulties that come with such operations.

I am, in my capacity of Generalissimo, directing nearby units of the Army to converge on known Communist holdouts and regions that have experienced high insurgent activity. Martial law will in the affected regions be declared. I have complete confidence in the Army's ability to wipe out that filth and restore order. The legacy of the revolution of 1911 – an event which perhaps occurred before the birth of some men in this chamber – reminds us that the whole of China must be united in the cause of the Three Principles. The upstart criminal-bandits will receive the justice that they deserve, and the program of national improvement will move forward unheeded.

The status of those regions in the West where central government control is too weak as to effect a general recognition of the rule of law will be considered a worrisome issue of national security. This government maintains a policy of national unity and will not tolerate subversion of the law in any of its manifestations. Our brethren in those regions where the law is neglected, and in some cases even supplanted illegally, will soon know the words 'national liberation' – it will be upon their very lips. This I assure you.

Before I yield my time, I finally wish to remind the esteemed Deputy that this chamber maintains rules on decorum, and while they have not yet been violated so as to require a deputy's expulsion from this chamber, I, nevertheless, serve this reminder – and this is to all men in this great chamber – that we are not as the Communists, who kick and scream as spoiled children when they get not what they wish, or find themselves upset at the smallest of issues. We are the men whose job it is to carry on the flame of the double-ten revolution; to adhere to the Three Principles of the People; to protect the independence, prosperity, and strength of China. The winning of this Republic was no small feat – let us not forget the suffering and toil that brought us to this momentous moment."

Chiang Chung-cheng
President of the Republic
Generalissimo of the Army
Director-General of the Nationalist Party​

 

[oxfordroyale]

On the State of Our Economy and Steps to Improve It
Deputy Chen Kao​

Fellow deputies, I stand before you today in order to address the greatest challenge that China currently faces and the urgent need to address it with intelligent and decisive action. In the wake of two decades of devastating domestic and foreign conflict the economy of our great nation lies in ruins; a proud, productive and hard-working people are buried beneath poverty while our industry and infrastructure remain severely crippled. The prosperity and economic strength of the nation is the backbone of any modern state, and in order for China to regain or even surpass its former heights we must devote ourselves fully to the reconstruction and development of our economy. These issues must be rectified at any cost lest we face overwhelming instability and eventual collapse.

Drawing on both my extensive knowledge of economics and my years of experience heading one of China’s greatest financial institutions, I have created a preliminary framework that I believe our government should consider following in order to transform China into a strong, fully industrialized state as efficiently as possible. It as follows:

First, the nation’s economy should be developed through the rapid expansion of our agriculture and energy industries such as coal and electric power. At this time this can only be accomplished through extensive state investment and support which we must provide, for the development of these economic sectors will serve as the foundation of our industrialization efforts. Additionally, basic industries such as chemical fertilizer, cement, oil refinery, iron and steel should be heavily developed for the same reason.

Secondly, China should expand her social overhead capital. This includes the construction and development of roads, railways, ports, schools and hospitals, which are needed in order to rehabilitate and improve our infrastructure. Moreover, it will serve to increase the quality of life - and productivity - of our citizens. Colonel Ruikuan's suggestion of a national employment plan dedicated to rebuilding our infrastructure as well as reducing unemployment is a prime example of the kinds of initiatives that are needed in order to make this possible.

Thirdly, I believe our focus in determining government economic policy should be shifted towards export-oriented industrialization, through which our industrialization process can be sped up by exporting goods for which we have a comparative advantage. To assist in this transition, tariff barriers must be reduced and a floating exchange rate instituted in conjunction with government support for exporting sectors. I think we can all agree that China should aim towards long-term sustainability and autarky, which is more than possible if our massive population and resources are used to their greatest potential -- however, this does not mean that we should retreat into protectionism. Instead, our domestic markets should be opened to foreign competition in exchange for market access in other countries. Our government and corporations should cooperate on expanding Chinese exports, and the growth of these corporations should also be actively sought. We gain nothing from closing ourselves off from the world, but could lose everything.

Finally, economic development agencies should be created in order to better manage our trade, industry and financial policies - this calls for the creation of economic planning boards and a strengthening of the powers and scope of the Ministry of Finance. In turn, the formation of trade unions and collective labor actions should be actively discouraged or expressly prohibited by the state in order to ensure a smoothly-run economic system. A strong and authoritative government with a singular platform and economic agenda is needed … no, required in order to properly institute such reforms.

While I’m sure that some of my fellow deputies might criticize this proposal in favor of a China that is completely self-reliant from the outset, I would argue that such a policy would smother our potential for growth in the crib. Instead, we should utilize our unique position to draw in the aid of Western capitalist countries to further expedite our economic recovery and growth. A high level of capital will be needed in order to make the necessary changes, and increased economic interaction with the West can help to provide this. Furthermore, China would benefit a great deal from learning from and importing science and technology by trading with the West.

In summary, I believe that a specific set of policies is needed in order to transform our failing economy into one that is the envy of all of Asia, and that these policies must be carried out with strong government direction, oversight, and support. I of course welcome any reasonable contributions from my fellow deputies on this matter, so that we might further refine and perfect our plans for the future. I offer my services to Minister of Finance Wang Yun-wu and Minister of Economic Affairs C. K. Yen should they desire them, but regardless plan to submit several bills in the vein of this proposal for the Legislative Yuan to vote on.

 

[Olligarchy]

閻錫山​

"As was spoken by the wise, Once a guard closes a gate, even ten thousand enemy soldiers cannot open it and so I would remind the honoured members of the Guómín Dàhuì[1] that though our military victory is great, it is not yet complete. Many forces seek to assail the Middle Kingdom and its manifold peoples, and the Middle Kingdom must strike decisively if it is to seize its rightful place under all heaven.

We bear the peoples of Xīzàng no enmity and yet their hold upon the manifold Gates of the Middle Kingdom and refusal to acknowledge the overlordship of Nanjing can not be born with no action. It is at times wise to repair the way whilst bypassing in secret and in this I would offer my services as that overt deed. Even within these tumultuous times it is easy to find a thousand soldiers, but it is hard to find one good general. A hundred arrows I have fired, to have all struck the mark and this time would stand no different.

Allow the men of Shanxi and of China a chance to secure their futures. Allow me the right to bring the peoples of Xīzàng to heel."

Yan Xishan
Governor of Shanxi
General of Central Army Group
​

Spoiler: Translations, Citations

[1]:Collective National Assembly/Yuan

 

[AzagalTheGreat]

Name: 亨利康 (Hēnglì Kāng, anglicized to Henry Kang)
Date of Birth: March 15th, 1911
Position: Candidate for the Legislative Yuan
Background:

Born in 1911 to a native woman of the then German protectorate of Kiatschou and a German captain, then Heinrich Kang(His first name was one of only two things his father had ever given him), as a bastard son, never quite fit in. Chinese and European society, specifically in that time, had shunned Eurasians as himself. Times were however changing. As Hengli Kang grew into an adult in the troubled 1920's and 1930's, he was one of few who were able to attend Shangdong University (paid for by his father) , studying diplomacy and sociology, passing with fine grades in 1937.

It is in this time he would come into contact with the various ideologies that tried to grasp and control his mother's land and saw what fascism would do in Europe as Germany remilitarized the Rhineland. He joined the Kuomintang in late 1936, but was evacuated alongside the rest of the university to Anqing in the Anhui province in 1937 as the Japanese invaded China. He joined the military of the RoC later that year, and would eventually climb to the rank of Major when both the Japanese and Maoists had been (nearly) removed from the lands of the Republic. Sustaining a bullet wound in the abdomen in 1949, he would be honourably discharged and entered politics in 1950, becoming a member of the city council. That position would eventually give net him the position to run for the Legislative Yuan once the civil war ended in 1951, being one of few from what is arguably one of the most poor and hard hit regions after both the second great war and the Chinese Civil war.

Politically, Hengli Kang is an economic interventionist, while socially he sees the dangers of communism and anti-democratic forces and urges for the construction of a welfare state as Europe has to stave off radicalism and communism.

 

[etranger01]

General-Deputy Liu cuts short his customary afternoon nap during floor speeches to make a few remarks. He ends up reading from the official record on Chiang's speech, having slept through its initial delivery.

"Oh, the Generalissimo responded? That's nice. Hm, let's see... damn right I know what field operations are like... see, crushing the communists, that's leadership right there... double-talk on the Tibet issue... ha! Decorum! Someone's a grumpy boy this morning! What? Afternoon? Whatever.

Anyway, good of the man to get back to me so promptly. Thank him for me! What? I'm speaking on the floor right now? Then he already knows, dammit! Don't bother me with trivialities! The Republic is at stake!"

The august General-Deputy resumes his seat with a grumble, takes a discreet hit from his pocket flask, and then resumes his nap.

 

[Plank of Wood]

(Second Left)

Cao Xiang
(b.1919)
​

A smarmy, unlikable, second generation immigrant who returned to the fatherland during the Civil War. Cao wormed his way into an officer position, and served as a Captain of a Rear-Guard unit with neither distinction nor dishonorably. Well educated, but also too well educated for his own good in an almost single-party state. He is an outspoken writer who is perhaps a little too used to the American way of doing things. He now floats between journalist, propagandist, and satirist.

 

[sealy300]

The Foundation of 'The Three Principles Reinvigoration Movement'

Madame Sun, speaking in Shanghai to the first conference.
​

"...It is now, that the civil war that China has fought for so many years is over, that we must install and reinvigorate the ideals of this nation's founder, of my late husband, of the the father of modern China: Sun Yat Sen. The Three Principles shall reunite China, they shall lead us forward: and we must be those that ensure that the heritage of the revolution is maintained. It is our duty to restore China, and our duty to lead her forward..."

In Shanghai, Soong Ching-Ling held a conference that she had been planning for some 4 years: the meeting for the foundation of a new secioty whose intent was to 'restore' the KMT to its former glory and ensure that China went down a democratic, anti-imperialist & socialist path. She had always been at odds with Chiang's policies; his cult of personality, his rejection of democracy and what she saw as his willingness to give-in to imperialist powers, and had subtly made her views known amount members of the KMT during this period. It was even rumoured the she was prepared to make the jump to join the CCP: until the Yan'an offensive saw decisive victory against the communists. Since '48 she has worked on this new project, organising with members of the KMT and dissatisfied splitters alike, to create a hybrid between a mass action pressure group and a political caucus. The conference in Shanghai saw members from teh KMT and various other organisations come to agree on a common set of goals and establish a structure of organisation: with Soong Ching-Ling being elected 1st Chairwoman of the movement. It aims to reassert the Sin-min Doctrine and modernise it for the new era of China, and act in opposition to both Chiang's faction and others within the KMT. With the new election coming, it seeks to ensure that supporters are elected to seats in the Legislative Yuan & National Assembly and appropriation of various party apparatus.

THE THREE PRINCIPLES REINVIGORATION MOVEMENT
[ 三民主義振興運動 (Sānmín zhǔyì zhènxīng yùndòng)]​

Type: Pressure Group/Parliamentary Caucus/Internal Party Political Grouping

Parent Party: KMT​

Ideology & Stances:
- Tridemism (Aka Sin-min Doctrine or the Three Principles of the People)

+ The three ideals of Nationalism, Democracy and the People's economy that will modernise China into a force to be reckoned with.​

- Nationalism with Chinese Characteristics

+ The Chinese people must unite into a concrete nation: secured by common comradeship, not hierarchical allegiance. This can only be done through mass education, public participation in the political system and an economy devoid of imperialistic influences. This is referred to as the first principle: Minzhu. ​

- Democracy with Chinese Characteristics

+ Only with popular Sovereignty and a government that is representative of the people can a nation thrive. Democracy in China must be established in earnest: from the municipal to the national level. The ability to recall representatives, hold referenda and accept initiatives must also be respected: for they allow the people to properly control the nation. The power of federal subjects, especially those of the autonomous regions, are vital to ensure that China remains a functioning and multi ethnic secioty. These are concepts enshrined in the second principle: Minquan. ​

- Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

+ Considered the practical implementation of the third Principle; Minsheng, this brand of socialism relies on state ownership of natural resources & important utilities, redistributive land reform and, heavy economic intervention to ensure fair pay, safe conditions & workplace democracy. With a state-guided; although not controlled, economy in this manner, the Chinese people shall enjoy a good quality of life and China itself shall be a strong power that shall never suffer the humiliation of economic servitude again. ​

- Military Self-Strengthening

+ In order to become an independent state free of imperialism, China must have a competent and well equipped army, sourced from within its own borders and dependent on only itself. ​

- One China Unity

+ China must united the five races under one banner, and the attempts of the Soviet Imperialists to split-off Mongolia, or the attempts of the British to separate Tibet must not be tolerated. It is hoped that these regions return to China in a peaceful manner, with local customs and traditions honoured: however we are willing to fight if it is required. It also encourages a form of Civic Nationalism, uniting the five races behind one concept of China: neither Han, Manchu, Mongol, Tibetan or Huí, Confusion, Buddhist, Muslim or Christian. All are accepted, and all are Chinese.​

- Anti-imperialism

+ As the old colonial empires die, two new world dominating forces seek to bring vast swaths of territory under their wing; like the imperialists of old. Both the USSR and USA want China to be in their Spheres of influence: but we must not yield to them. China must reject both the western and eastern blocs, neither becoming a Soviet puppet like Mongolia, or an American one like Japan.​

- Pan-Asian third way

+ As such, China should seek to align itself with the nations of Asia free of Imperialism; key among these being India and Indonesia. They too struggle under similar principles that we hold, and fight for sovereignty politically, diplomatically and economically from imperialism. To ensure the survival of China and the liberation of Asia, we must unite in a political, military and diplomatic bloc to ensure that the head of colonialism shall never rear again. ​

Chairwoman:
Soong Ling-Ching

Prominent Members:
Yan Xishan

 

[Olligarchy]

閻錫山​

"It brings heart to see the approach of heaven with a single stride so soon after the tumults of war, clearly a conversation with the Madame Sun is worth ten thousand books, and I see no reason to oppose her grand will and gesture. As such, I Yan Xishan would endorse the Three Principles Reinvigoration Movement in hopes it will bring unity, prosperity and strength to our new Middle Kingdom."

Yan Xishan
Governor of Shanxi
General of Central Army Group
​

 

[oxfordroyale]

1ST LEGISLATIVE YUAN

1ST SESSION​

THE FINANCE AND ECONOMIC AFFAIRS ACT OF 1951
​

To establish a singular cabinet-level post intended to centralize and concentrate the decision-making authority on the economy that is currently divided between separate positions.

______________________________

IN THE LEGISLATIVE YUAN
MAY 1, 1951​

Mr. CHEN KAO introduced the following bill; which was referred to the relevant Committees for a period to be subsequently determined by the President of the Legislative Yuan, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned

______________________________

A BILL​

To establish a singular cabinet-level post intended to centralize and concentrate the decision-making authority on the economy that is currently divided between separate positions.
​

Be it enacted by the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly of the Republic of China here assembled,

SECTION 1. THE CREATION OF A NEW MINISTRY

The Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Economic Affairs shall be merged together into a single post, to be appropriately named the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs. This ministry shall function in an identical fashion to other cabinet posts.​

SECTION 2. RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE NEW MINISTRY

(a) This new ministry shall be responsible for government revenue, taxation, the treasury, government land properties, and customs, in addition to the formulation of policy and laws for industry and trade, foreign direct investment, measurement standards, intellectual property, and state-owned enterprises.

(b) The ministry shall also have the important mandate of designing economic development plans to be enacted pending formal approval.​

SECTION 3. SUMMARY OF TASKS

In summary, the ministry shall be tasked with:

(a) Planning and coordinating the country’s mid- to long-term socio-economic development goals and setting economic policy direction.

(b) Distributing resources effectively and assessing the effectiveness of budget execution.

(c) Planning/reforming China's tax policy and system.

(d) Planning and managing policies for treasury, government policies, government accounting and the national debt.

(e) Coordinating policies for foreign currency transactions and international finance.

(f) Enhancing international cooperation and promotion of domestic economic exchanges and cooperation.

(g) Managing and monitoring the operations of relevant public institutions.

(h) Designing tax, financial and monetary policies as well as managing state-owned property and exchange rates.​

 

[Cloud Strife]

Liu Zhan zi Jizhi found sittings of the legislature boring. "So much hot air," he thought. "And no real ideas." The Teochew politician had delayed his long awaited period of overseas study to fill in for his Uncle and represent his family's business interests in the capital. Every tenth person he had met seemed to claim to be leader of this or that faction. Or have ideas that were "vital" for national recovery. So far he had heard nothing spoken about the plight of the millions still in arms who continued to be engaged in fighting the Communist insurgency. Quietly Jizhi met with like-minded comrades within the KMT to discuss military issues and how best to support Leader Chiang's vital agenda.

Once an NRA member, always an NRA member; especially if you were a general on the reserve list who saw service in Nanking, Burma, and Shangdong like Jizhi.