[Forum Game] Union is Strength - Kaiserreich South Africa in Civil War

[Ab Ovo]

The Union of South Africa

A general address to the Entente and to other world powers
​

The efforts of the Boer population to subvert the hallowed democratic processes of the Union of South Africa are shocking to all civilised nations. The results of the late election have clearly indicated a popular mandate for President Smuts and for the principles outlined in the Port Elizabeth Declaration; and any efforts to, through force of arms, overthrow this government or hinder its agenda are blatantly treasonous or illegitimate. To that end the Union of South Africa -- and the legitimately elected government thereof -- requests and in fact insists that all foreign powers respect her sovereignty and refuse to recognise those dissident elements which seek to disrupt and overthrow the state.

To the powers of the Entente specifically the Union of South Africa requests the commencement of immediate negotiations to incorporate the Union of South Africa into the Entente alliance, and likewise to restore His Majesty Edward VIII to his position as Monarch of South Africa. The South African government is confident is that with the support and material aid of her friends and allies across the globe this insurrection may be swiftly and decisively defeated; and legitimate rule restored across all of South Africa.

-- Sir Adriaan Van der Knaap
South African Minister of Foreign Affairs

 

[Cleeque]

Mr. Bordewijk, escorted by a bodyguard to the republican HQ at Praetoria -
it is from there that he, according to certain sources, coordinated Boer partisans behind British lines.

Charles van der Bjievelmark was born in a homestead outside Pietmaritzburg, an Afrikaner city that fell to the hands of the Brits during the first weeks of the civil war.

Charles was only 17 when he joined the Vrykorp, and though he had a beard and the smoldering intensity and determination of a man far older than him. As soon as the election results became public, he, from his countryside, prepared for a civil war. On the 8th of August, 1938 he and six other Boers attacked an army checkpoint within the city suburb - later that day, explosions rocked the train tracks leading to Kapstaat and Natal, and, at around 11 PM, 4 senior Anglophile officials were murdered in a car-bomb, potentially by their own driver.

From the memoires of Charles van der Bjievelmark, Afrikaner partisan.

"I somehow could not believe in death. It seemed unnecessary and therefore impossible. I did not even feel joy or pride at the thought that I was dying for my cause. I felt strangely indifferent. I did not care to live, but did not care to die either. I did not question myself as to my past life, nor as to what there might be beyond the dark boundary. I remember I was much more concerned as to whether the bullet would hit my head, whether there would be pain in being shot.

And often in the evening, after the roll-call, when the songs ceased echoing throughout the courtyard, I used to look intently at the yellow light of the lamp, standing on the barrack table, among the bread-crumbs. I asked myself; Do I fear or not? And my answer was: I do not. I was not afraid – I was only indifferent."

9 August, 1938

---​

 

[XVG]

Shamshoodeen Osmankhan Dhanjisha

Province: Natal
Ethnicity: Indian (Gujarati Muslim)
Date of Birth: June 6th, 1897
Profession: Merchant
Faction: -
​

A well-off representative of the renowned Indian Muslim Menon mercantile community which traces its origins back to the 15th century, Shamshoodeen was born in Bombay to a prestigious merchant family. His father was known for his staunch loyalty to the British crown, and worked to provide rations and logistical aid to the British Army in India, making himself quite a fortune in the years leading to the Weltkrieg. Following the subsequent economic downturn, Shamshoodeen was dispatched to expand to new markets in the Bengal, quickly bringing fame and riches to the family. But in the ensuing Bharatiya revolution the family business in Calcutta was targeted by a mob of radicals who sought to slay those betraying the “cause of socialism and Indian revolution”.​

By sheer luck Shamshoodeen Dhanjisha managed to flee the ensuing mayhem, first locating back to Bombay and then later to Durban in Natal, fearing that the revolution and its bloodthirsty anti-capitalist, anti-traditionalist radicals would swallow the entire subcontinent. That didn’t exactly happen, but the sad state of India and the weakening British rule and growing anarchy made the exile of the Dhanjisha clan permanent, many members of the family relocating to the colony, where a vibrant and prosperous Indian mercantile class already existed. In the years following this exodus Mr. Dhanjisha extensively involved himself with furthering the conditions of the local Indian community, the poorer part of which were largely descendants of the indentured servants brought to the colony by British colonial authorities. He became a very active member and benefactor of the community as a whole, and aspired for an increased role of the Natal Indian Congress, of which he was a member, in petitioning for a change that would bring a truly equal society to South Africa; one equal for Indians at least.

 

[aedan777]

Following the full outbreak of civil war, Charles E. Post gave a speech to emphasize his position and hopefully pull the Labour Party and its supporters in the direction Post desired.

"In these dark and trying times, the Dominionists are acting in exactly the way we all feared now that they have returned to power. They would see the good people of South Africa draped in chains, thrown out of work to be replaced by the lower races, and conscripted to fight on foreign soil for causes long lost. To the distant British monarchy and its fervent supporters, any price should be paid to see their crowned head return to London, and we South Africans are nothing more than a source of resources and manpower for them to further their goals. Our children will be stolen away, the sons to waste their lives, and our daughters to be raped and a new generation of slaves to be born forth. Such is the inhumanity and callousness of delusional imperialism.

Already the agents of monarchy are arming and organizing bands of black marauders in the north, though I use the word 'organizing' loosely, as discipline and order are anathema to their kind. Black hordes will sweep over our lands and reverse centuries of white progress. Our lives and wellbeing will be sacrificed on the bonfire of hate and spite. A victory for the monarchist agents and their black rebels will be the end of South Africa and turn back the clock on civilization in these lands. The despotic forces of monarchy care not for such notions, as they focus with unmoveable resolve on wasting the lives of millions in a vain crusade to return to their lost throne.

But this need not be the future that comes forth. The Dominionists, and their distant masters, and their black thugs, can be stopped. South Africa can be saved. Already President Malan and his supporters have rejected the betrayal of the Dominionists, and with the support of much of the military and thousands of inspired militia, are now gathering to drive back the forces of tyranny to liberate South Africa and safeguard its independence. But these auspicious beginnings should not let us become complacent, the willingness of the monarchist agents to arm blacks and the possibility of invasion from the members of the Entente are great dangers that could see our liberty and freedom destroyed.

Some foolish voices might claim that this war is between the Boers and the British, between two irreconcilably divided cultures and differing visions of the future. This is a completely untrue and dangerous way of thinking. The struggle to resist the Dominionists is the struggle of every good and logical white citizen in South Africa, regardless of background. I myself am no Boer, but that does not blind me to the atrocities committed in the name of the Dominionists. Just over fifteen years ago Smuts massacred white workers for objecting to his decision to utilize black laborers to undermine whites and increase profits. The well being of the people means nothing to the Dominionists and the monarchists, they care only for their personal interests. It was profit in 1922, and it's restoration of their crown today.

So we must further support the Republic. More men under arms, more men working hard in the factories to make vital war material, more men tilling the fields to keep our soldiers fed. Even women might be called up to do their duty for the greater good of civilization. Such are the stakes of this struggle, any price must be considered for victory to prevent such calamitous defeat. The Labour Party wholeheartedly supports President Malan and the South African Republic, and I ask that all good South Africans do the same."

 

[Shynka]

The ex-Minister stands atop a horse-drawn ambulance. Around him stand thirty or so nurses, most covered in sweat in blood, and a number of doctors, stretcher bearers and nuns. A small minority of them stands separately; the black followers. The building behind them is an orchestra of screaming, the stench is unbearable. A white flag with a red cross hangs above the door. ​

To support the rebellion, to denounce the rebellion; that is not our choice to make. Senseless death, the destruction of God's finest work, must always be condemned, but I am afraid that in war, especially civil war, it is difficult to find evil; there is goodness deep within all men, for therein lies the Kingdom of Heaven. Let us not condemn man for the battlefield killing of one another, but instead minimize the suffering, minimize the pain inflicted on the innocents who do not care for politics, war or ethnicity. It is the task of all men and women of faith not to spill blood, but to aid their sisters and brothers, to aid innocent and guilty alike, to forgive one another and to love another.

As of this hour, bullets fly across the battlefields, and ring in the streets. Men wield those guns, men with goals, men with the belief that God is on their side. We must not dissuade them of this notion; God is with the Republicans, but God is also with all men. Does he want them to kill? Does he want them to take lives? No. He wants them to reap the rewards of the soil he created for them equally, to share the bounty of his creation, to re-create the garden of Eden. Those who will be caught up in the fighting will not always be men. The shells are blind; they are guided not by Gods almighty hand, they are guided by the cruelty of man, by the cold and imprecise tools of warfare. The shells will fall in trenches, they will fall in streets, houses and schools. The shells and bullets have no obedience to God, they obey only the cold and harsh reality of man.

It is our task, the task of the enlightened and the ready to enlight, the task of the silent warrior class of this war, to aid all those harmed by the war. It does not matter if the injured is a woman, pregnant with child, as innocent as a doe; she must be treated the same as those cold men who fired shells into the city. We must help all of Gods creatures, no matter the allegiance, sex, race or background. We must not fear to help; God will shield you, and you will not be hit. And if the bullets are all around, and if they bite, if they take your life - that was Gods plan. You die a martyr to the cause of peace, and yours will be the Kingdom of Heaven.

Go out now, go out with God, go out with his word. Spread the word of peace, but do not take sides. Help the innocent, but do not be afraid to love the guilty. Yours is the mission of all of humanity, you are the shepherds.

 

[sealy300]

The March on Salisbury
​

Richard was miffed it had come to this. Not the march itself, he was thrilled about that: within days of the declaration of independence of the ZAR the pretenses of republicanism had been thrown off and Rhodesia's true nature, that of a loyal subject of His Majesty's Empire, came back to the forefront. Once more was God Save the King sung, Royal Standards held aloft and even bagpipes played. The 1st Division, renamed "His Majesty's First Rhodesian Division: The "Zambezi Guard", were the ones given the honour to march into Salisbury. The pomp and circumstance (both literally and figuratively) on show was more an exercise in power projection than any real military takeover: regardless of native-white relations in the region, neither side supported the ZAR.

However, despite the accastion, Richard was still annoyed. He knew this civil war, and more its aftermath, would slow the progress to liberating the isles, and thus delay the eventual vengeance to be exacted upon Germany. Not only that, but the forces moved from the border would naturally allow for ISL agents and Mittelafrikanisch smugglers great access across the border. He would have more trouble than any time before in his career and he would also be fighting a war at the same time.

Regardless, that was for the future, now was for the now. Richard was invited to a provisional military council to govern; as most commanders in Rhodesia were, and a few formalities were declared. First would be that the state, for the time being, would be known as the "Commonwealth of Rhodesia": a title that that was deliberately ambiguous as not to proclaim Edward Monarch without his permission, and one that could logically take many paths in the future. The second was to make Sir Herbert James Stanley acting Premier of the government. The third was to raise the Union Flag high once more and blare out God Save the King. With that, the influence of the Afrikaner had been purged from Rhodesia.

 

[aedan777]

Having spoken publicly in support of the Republic and called for Labour to rise in support, Charles E. Post soon after penned a letter to President Malan.

Your Excellency,

A grave danger descends upon all men of good character and prudence in South Africa. The threat of the Dominionists and their foreign masters is of great concern, and it is my greatest hope that your effort to marshal forces and lead South Africa's liberty loving people to victory is successful. But it is no small threat you face, the whole weight of the exiled empires may fall upon South Africa, and the Republic will be hard pressed to match such capacity.

Many issues have divided the policies of the Labour Party and your Pure Nationalists, but I believe we are in common agreement that the oppression and abuse of our nation's white workers is most undesirable. Though your party has in the past been opposed to harsh measures to accomplish that, such as nationalization of the country's industries, I believe the current situation may warrant a change in policy. Though I do not doubt the loyalty and patriotism of South Africa's leading capitalists and industrialists, I believe that their capacity to meet South Africa's wartime needs is insufficient and will be prone to inefficiency. Full government nationalization my be needed to ensure the war economy is optimized and our soldiers properly supplied and supported.

Now I must confess that nationalization has long been a political goal, of at least a fair section of the Labour Party, myself included. Permanent nationalization for the protection of our workers and assurance of progressive development is a strong held belief of mine. But I do not merely suggest this as an ideologically desirable policy, but because I earnestly believe that such measures are necessary for the conduct of the war. The power of the private sphere is dangerous and problematic in peace, but it could well prove fatal in these chaotic days. I beseech you to enact nationalization policies, temporary if your political leanings demand so, but I am entirely convinced that the outcome of this war will depend on the total mobilization of South Africa's economy, a near impossibility without nationalization of some form.

My support, and I believe that of Labour as a whole, remains with you regardless of your decision on nationalization. I simply humbly put forward this suggestion as a means to bring the South African Republic closer to victory, and assure its continued independence.

Charles E. Post​

 

[Arrowfiend]

​

Name: Johannes Van Rensburg
Province: Oranje-Vrystaat
Ethnicity: Afrikaaner
Date of Birth: September 24, 1898
Profession: Leader of the Ossewabrandwag
Faction: Purified National Party
Biography: Born in Winburg, Oranje Vrystaat a year before the Second Boer War, much of Van Rensburg has been shaped by his and his family's hatred towards the British. During the war, Van Rensburg's father fought as a commando against the British, leading to his family's imprisonment in one of the many infamous concentration camps. In these formative years, his hatred of the British grew, spurred on by the experiences he and his family faced as a result of British oppression.

In 1918, Van Rensburg enrolled in the newly established Stellensboch University in the Western Cape province, obtaining an MA in German. There he grew a love for German literature and military culture, a passion that was encouraged by his German professor. Shortly after receiving his Master's Degree, he traveled to Pretoria and acquired a BA in law. After briefly working as a lawyer, Van Rensburg was appointed Minister of Justice in the new National-Labour Coalition government of 1924.

After serving several times throughout the mid to late 20's, Van Rensburg eventually retired from South African politics, traveling to Germany after the collapse of the British Empire. In Germany, he met prominent far-right German nationalists in the Alldeutsche Verband, including the later Statthalter of Mittelafrika Hermann von Göring. Upon von Göring's appointment as Statthalter, Van Rensburg traveled with him to Mittelafrika, where Van Rensburg worked as a close associate of the Statthalter.

After the divisive South African election of 1938, Van Rensburg returned to his homeland, forming the militant anti-British organization Ossewabrandwag. With generous support from far-right connections in South Africa, Mittelafrika and Germany, Van Rensburg and his organization, with its paramilitary wing the Stormjaers, seek to crush the Anglophile Cape-government and expel any British influence from the land of the Boers.

 

[99KingHigh]

Orders will be due Thursday 7:00 PM EST. Please get in any personal orders, government orders, and military plans before that. I will be updating with Rhodesia and diplomacy stuff until Thursday.

 

[tyriet]

Marcus (right) and other unionists meet​

Name: Marcus Kronenburg
Province: Northern-Cape
Ethnicity: mixed European decent (Anglo-German)
Date of Birth: 14th of June, 1901
Profession: Union Leader in the Kimberley Mines
Faction: International Socialist League
Biography: Born in Kimberley, to British and German parents under contract for electrical work in the local diamond mines shortly after the end of the local siege, the date of his birth has led some of his co-workers to suggest that he was "literally a child of the mines", hinting at the possibility of his conception during the siege with his parents hiding out in the mines.
Due to this, and his parents experience during the war, Marcus has grown up with a line of thought, not exactly favorable to the Afrikaaner movement. Especially his mother, of British decent welcomed the revolution in Britain, however quickly realized, that due to a lack of concerted effort in Africa, it would not spread, even within the Industrial towns of South Africa. She taught him the essential lessons of Kropotkin, Prodhon and Marx, which led to multiple run-ins with as he calls it, "the bourgeois mining lords", but due to his skills in mechanics and electronics, as well as strong popularity among the Unions, getting rid of him proved impossible.
Nowadays, Marcus is a popular union figure, and the questions of revolution, accelerationism and the late stages of capitalism become ever more clear, forcing the workers to action.

 

[baboushreturns]

Greetings Comrades Andrews, and Catala,

Events are moving rapidly here along the Rhodesian border, in recent weeks we have seen many of the old army regiments here disintegrate or withdraw southwards or towards Salisbury. I believe we have been afforded an unprecedented opportunity by the current civil war and we must take advantage of it The demands of war will put a strain on the proletariat like never before as sons and husbands march off to war and rationing begins. Starvation will soon bite some communities, and shortages of every kind will become common. In the coming weeks, I expect the capitalist class to grow more demanding as they ask our nations miners, farmers and industrial workers to do more with less reward than ever. During wartime, the lot of the proletariat only grows worse as the Weltkrieg can attest to. Therefore, we must take advantage of this situation. Our agents in the cities, in the mines and towns, should meet with the people and encourage them to unionize secretly. We must preach our message of syndicalism to the masses yet it should be done subtly as to avoid the attention of those who might act against us.

However, we must also bring our message to those living outside the cities. In rural areas, our agents should preach the benefits of land reform. They should meet with the tribal leaders there and small-time white farmers to promise them a redistribution of land based on wealth, not color. The rich English and Afrikaner landholders alike have taken advantage of their lands to monopolize power, many of them possess acres of land which they do not cultivate This should be returned to the tribes which inhabit these areas. Finally, I believe the time is right to finally cast off our cloke of secrecy in some places. Specifically in Rhodesia, the grasp of the colonial administration is weakening. If we can get the local tribes there on our side and turn the labor unions in Salisbury syndicalist it may be easy to finally liberate that corner of South Africa. With Rhodesia liberated we can use it as a stepping stone, not only for the liberation of South Africa but for the liberation of the whole continent.

Regards,

-Mattheus Uys Krige

 

[Cleeque]

Klaus Momberg - First 'Voortrekker' Vrykorp - around Cape Town

Lietenant Klaus Momberg trudged through the building’s rubble; his Ross rifle aimed forward in case of the threat of another British patrol. His boots, soaked all the way through from sweat and rain, stepped into another large puddle.

Klaus' reflection was disturbed by his footsteps, distorting the image of him in his combat dress. Tattered, stained, and covered in blood, these were a far cry from his service dress or his blues. Those hadn’t been needed in days, not worn or seen since the initial Port Elizabeth declaration. He figured it rather ironic, seeing as though that’s where he and the remainder of Boer militants were slowly making their way back into the heartland. Central Command, while normally quite oblivious to the plight of men behind enemy lines, they weren’t stupid enough to abandon thousands of Boer commandos on fruitless front warfare into the Pietmaritzburg area. Van Jach, and the Third 'Transvaal' Vrykorp partisans had already made it back to the Kaapstadt area in relatively one piece. Unfortunately, Lieutenant Momberg, his men, and the rest of the Vrykorp Voortrekker were tasked with blowing up an enemy-controlled railroad and ambushing the single supply line from the Natal area to Kaapstadt; in ordinary times of war, this would already be considered an incredible feat, but now seemed to be a pipedream. Yet here they were, fighting off the British and bleeding them dry. He continued on in tandem with one of his partisans, Private Daniels, as they passed a bombed out home. Glancing inside, Momberg was shocked to see an equally surprised group of Brits eating next to their machine gun. “Down!” Klaus shouted, shoving Daniels to the ground with him. The machine gun fired out the window just over their heads as Klaus looked back to the rest of the platoon behind him. How didn’t anyone hear the machine gun team? He kicked himself mentally, as the blame ultimately went to him. As the machine stopped to reload, a small group of friendly troops arrived. A squad, wearing Ossebrandwag uniforms, flagged him down. One of the soldiers in front quickly took the initiative, lobbing a grenade into the open window. Shouts in English were briefly heard before an explosion.

Silence. Getting to his feet, Momberg dusted himself off before moving to thank his allies for the save. As he got closer to thank the soldier, a smile shown back at him, goofy-looking and brimming from ear to ear. Recognition took a bit longer than it should have, a clear sign he had been away from home for too long. He should have recognized the green eyes. “Damn good timing,” was all Momberg could muster, hugging his little brother in a tight embrace. They laughed at the sheer absurdity of somehow finding each other like this, in the middle of a warzone in another province. “Someone had to come save your ass,” Peter, his brother, replied. Another soldier came out to greet the Boer lietenant. “Forget about the middle child, did you?” Dirk said, “Not a surprise honestly.” The three brothers embraced, brought together by sheer chance. Klaus kicked himself once again for not recognizing them quicker; perhaps it was the uniforms that disguised them. They looked older, more mature, than he had last seen them. Maybe it was his mind still believing them to be the kids he used to tolerate back in school. The trio recounted stories of their adventures, describing how they had come to this point. Peter and Dirk had met up in the wake of the Port Elizabeth declaration, and the subsequent foreshadowing on the behalf of the Ossebrandwag. Both had lost touch with their superior officers after the fighting, but had found each other in the retreats north of the Kaapstadt. They had stuck together ever since in hopes to get out to Republican-controlled territory. Klaus had explained that his platoon had been closer to the sea, north of Kaapstadt. He led his men north as the retreat had been ordered. They remained thankful their siblings had made it this far. “We were on our way to that bridge up there,” Klaus said, lighting a cigarette for another marine, “Maps say it’s the fastest route north.” The younger brothers shook their heads. “No good. Place is crawling with Tommies.” Dirk pulled out his own map, pointing to a narrow section of the nearby river. “We figured we wade across tonight, flank ‘em, catch ‘em by surprise.” “But that won’t help with their trucks and fuel. Whole fuel depot there,” Peter said. Klaus was impressed by his brother’s ability to work together and strategize. As kids, the only thing they did together was fight. It seemed they finally put their minds to good use. He pulled a makeshift explosive out of his satchel. “I believe this might help.” Klaus tossed them the device. Diesel oil and plastic explosive, meant to obliterate anything that stood in the way of his men. The militants sat together through the evening, plotting their next move.​

 

[99KingHigh]

@Jackbollda swaps to Jan Smuts. Orders still due tomorrow.

 

[Ab Ovo]

((Resigning from the game, have fun you Boers))

 

[Dadarian]

Sermon of the Godless
April 20, 1938
​

"My brothers and sisters, my faithful to the Lord Almighty Jesus [Ahem], we see before us a mighty enemy. Greater and more heinous than even the new Canaanites that knock upon our door, sword in hand. For they are not a barbaric people, but a corrupted one. A people serving the Devil unto himself, and seek to bring about Hell on Earth! I talk of course of the Syndicalist. That most deviant of faiths, that hatred in religious form. That ultimate expression of the failures of the Lord's Children in protecting their fellows.

To face these individuals, they must be brought forcefully out of the shadows of their unholy lord [Ahem]! They must be baptised, and their souls forcefully saved before their actions corrupt and pervert the souls of others [Ahem]! They must be dragged out onto the street, and given the Lord's own punishment for their betrayal of Him and His Love [AHEM]! Children of the Lord, Bearers of the Cross, take upon yourself this heavenly deed and go forth. Bring out the Devil worshiper and bring forth His punishment to those that abandon His Love.

So forward, my brothers and sisters. Follow the Cross I take up and bring down the Devil's hands and purify the Holy Land for the arrival of the Lord's Chosen people themselves. Hallelujah [Hallelujah]!"

 

[Jackbollda]

​

After consultation with the War Cabinet, I have elected to appoint Brigadier General Alexander van den Broek as the Chief of the Union Defense Force. Additionally, the Union of South Africa will establish the Cape Town City Hall as the provisional executive headquarters of the Union.

Those legislators who have entered into a state of treason are disbarred from access to the Houses of Assembly. Every elected politician, regardless of affiliation, who wishes to take his seat, will be required to take an additional oath of loyalty to the Union.

The Commonwealth of Rhodesia is to declared as a pro term associate of the Union of South Africa, subject to further deliberation regarding reincorporation after the passing of the emergency.

All native and colored militias and civilian defense groups have the endorsement of the assembly, but will be subordinate to the Union Defense Force and the Chief of the UDF.

- President Jan Smuts
​

 

[Fingon888]

Name: Lt. Col. Joshua Horatius Farage
Province: Natal
Ethnicity: English
Date of Birth: August 28th, 1891
Profession: Lt. Col. in the Union Defense Force, Commander of the 3rd Guard Battalion
Faction: Domionists
Biography: WIP

 

[Firehound15]

Union Defense Force:
((Semi-Private Memo))​

South African Army [Regular: 19,200 infantry; 6,500 cavalry -- Volunteer: 18,000 militia]

Eastern Command (Natal) (Lt. Gen. George Edwin Brink) [Regular: 8,200 infantry; 4,000 cavalry -- Volunteer: 14,000 militia]

Permanent Force:

First Infantry Brigade [4,000 infantry]
Fourth Infantry Brigade (Lt. Col. Gen. Joshua Horatius Farage, breveted Bg. Gen.) [4,200 infantry]

First Field Artillery Detachment [Batteries C and D]​

Fifth Cavalry Brigade [4,000 cavalry]​

Active Citizen Force:

First Volunteer Division [14,000 militia]

Twenty-first Infantry Brigade [5,000 militia]
Twenty-second Infantry Brigade [5,000 militia]
Twenty-third Infantry Brigade [4,000 militia]

The Natal Field Artillery [Batteries A, B, and C]​

Western Command (Cape) (Bg. Gen. Alexander van den Broek, breveted Maj. Gen.) [Regular: 11,000 infantry; 2,500 cavalry -- Volunteer: 4,000 militia]

Permanent Force:

Second Infantry Brigade [4,500 infantry]
Third Infantry Brigade [4,500 infantry]

First Field Artillery Regiment [Batteries A, B, E, F, G, H, and I]​

Sixth Cavalry Brigade [2,000 infantry; 2,500 cavalry]

First Cavalry Battalion (Lt. Col. Caspar Theron) [1,250 cavalry]​

Active Citizen Force:

Twenty-fourth Infantry Brigade [4,000 militia]
​

South African Air Force (Gen. H.A. van Ryneveld) [40 fighters]

First Squadron "Durban" [20 fighters]
Second Squadron "Port Elizabeth" [15 fighters]
Third Squadron "Cape Town" [10 fighters]​

 

[MadMartigan]

Name: Archibald Hamilton
Province: Natal
Ethnicity: "English" (Ulster Scot)
Date of Birth: 1887
Profession: Member of Parliament
Faction: Dominionists
Biography: A Weltkrieg veteran and UVF member crushed by the twin blows of the British Revolution and the Ulster Ceasefire, Hamilton emigrated from the Republic of Ireland in 1925 rather than live in Collins' united republic. Joining friends and relations among the planter class in Natal, he settled in Durban and rose to a respectable business position in the sugar industry and ultimately was elected by fellow English-speakers in the early 30's to represent them for Natal in the Volksraad as a member of Smuts' United South African Party. Like others, the National Party government's policies before and after Black Monday hardened his attitudes against Mitteleuropan agents and Boer extremists. He supports the Port Elizabeth Declaration without reservation and has accepted the epithet of "Uitlander" as a badge of honor.

 

[Noco19]

Dutifully assuming the responsibilities of the Foreign Ministry, as well as a self-perceived political clout, Piet Van Kan pens a number of letters to some of the Republic's prominents.

_______________________________________________​

Prof. Dr. Christiaan Paulus Schermerhorn | @TJDS

As one who has studied in the great halls at Stellenbosch, allow me the privilege to be among the first to welcome your expressed support of the national ideals held by our Republic; just as we need the physicality of our Voortrekker heritage, so too do we need an intellectual spearhead to expound upon the virtues of our movement and people.

Being entrusted by President Malan with the Foreign Office, I find myself with the unique capability to extend more than appreciation to your person, but indeed government sponsorship. It would be well within my power to name you one among my office's agents, acting as an honorable dignitary of the Republic's mental rigor.

_______________________________________________​

Misters Schedeler and Post | @Mikkel Glahder | @aedan777

Gentleman, allow me to express my sincere backing for the blooming cooperation between the varied political factions among our national pursuit. Among you two, I see the great future for Labour and in turn the Republic as a whole.

As you may be aware, I have been among the most ardent backers for cooperation between the National, Purified, and Labour parties; whereas some may highlight our differences, I only see the obvious similarities between our programs. And know that I especially have advocated for the inclusion of Labourists such as yourselves within our government; your advocacy for our economic security have not gone without notice.

Indeed, I find myself a staunch nationalist, not just in political freedom, but economic as well, a point not so fervently shared among those of other parties, but especially by your own peers. My appointment to the Foreign Office signals to me, however, that President Malan shares the concerns I and no doubt yourselves do.

Others would paint our movement as subordinance to Germany, but I would never abide to our submission to a power higher than the Afrikaner peoples. In the plans expressed by you two, I see a certain pathway towards preventing just that. I extend to you both an invitation to my home, for discussions of national importance.

_______________________________________________​

Mister Madelay | @99KingHigh

As a fierce supporter for the inclusion of Labourist inclusion into our national government, I wish to first state my hopes that this unfortunate period of warfare will give way to a return of a strong coalition between the elements of the nation.

While I make no request of yourself, it is my hope that my efforts to mobilize the National Party and its environs are indeed mirrored amongst you and your Labour Party; to combat the forces of Anglophilia, it will assuredly take all due efforts by all forces, to dismiss our few differences, highlight our common aims, and mobilize our supporters.

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Mister Hertzog | @99KingHigh

As you well know, I have been behind you for many years; when you first spoke in the hearth of our peoples in the Orange Free State, I was among the flock. And thenafter when you forged the apparatus for the representation of our ideals, I was among its supporters and then operatives. And when you were challenged by the man we name president today, I was among those who stood by the coalition.

If there is one regret for our national uprising against Jan Smuts, it is that you were not the face for its happening. But that is for not and now we must work with Malan in all his aims, to eliminate division, so that we may have the chance to celebrate our culture without British dominion.

As you not doubt have heard, Malan has named me head of the Foreign Office, and I have little doubt that he intends to work alongside ourselves and Labour, at least for the time being. As a colleague and as a supporter, I urge you to not dawdle, and to mobilize your status and followers into action. I know you to be a true patriot, and I am well aware that you will do what is necessary to fight for our cause.

And if you wish to speak to me on whatever subject, know that my home, my office, and my resources are open to you.