[Forum Game] - World in Revolution: 1861 Mk. IV

[Cloud Strife]

Kaiserthum Oesterreich

"Gott erhalte Franz den Kaiser!"

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Imperial Government

Franz Joseph von Österreich
By the Grace of God Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary, Bohemia, King of Lombardy and Venice, of Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Galicia, Lodomeria and Illyria; King of Jerusalem etc., Archduke of Austria; Grand Duke of Tuscany and Cracow, Duke of Lorraine, of Salzburg, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola and of the Bukovina; Grand Prince of Transylvania; Margrave of Moravia; Duke of Upper and Lower Silesia, of Modena, Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla, of Auschwitz, Zator and Teschen, Friuli, Ragusa and Zara; Princely Count of Habsburg and Tyrol, of Kyburg, Gorizia and Gradisca; Prince of Trent and Brixen; Margrave of Upper and Lower Lusatia and in Istria; Count of Hohenems, Feldkirch, Bregenz, Sonnenberg, etc.; Lord of Trieste, of Cattaro, and over the Windic march, etc.

Chairmen of the Ministers' Conference:
Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski, Graf von Gołuchowo

Foreign Minister:
Johann Bernhard, Graf von Rechberg und Rothenlöwen

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Domestic Affairs

1861
On Government Reform:
The Illusion of Choice, Part I.
The Illusion of Choice, Part II.
The Illusion of Choice, Part III.
On Military Matters:
The Black Eagle along the Danube, Part I.
On Economic Matters:
The Engine of Progress, Part I.

1862
The Process of Governance:
The Empire at the beginning of 1862.
Liszt and the Imperial Academy of Music.
Wesselényi's Legacy and the growth of Habsburg "Nationalisms"

1863
Romako, the Naval Budget, and the Flottenverein
"In defense of lawful authority."
Interlude at Miramar: "Mountain Hungarians" and Ironclads
Southron plots & the Danish Crisis
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Foreign Affairs

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​

 

[Noco19]

The Confederate States of America​

Deo vindice​

(Under God, our Vindicator)​

​

Current administration:​

Provisional President Jefferson Davis, 18 February 1861 – Present​

President: Jefferson Davis
Vice President: Alexander Stephens​

Secretary of State: Robert Toombs​

Secretary of the Treasury: Christopher Memminger
Secretary of War: LeRoy Walker
Secretary of the Navy: Stephen Mallory
Attorney General: Judah Benjamin
Postmaster General: John Reagan​

 

[Rolman99]

Argentine Confederation
Confederación Argentina

"En unión y libertad"
"In Unity and Freedom"

Form of Government: Constitutional Federal Republic (since 1853)

President Santiago Derqui (Term: March 5, 1860-Present)

Vice President: Juan Pederna
Minister of the Interior: Salustiano Zavalía
Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship: Nicanor Molinas
Minister of War and the Navy: Benjamín Victorica
Minister of the Treasury: Vicente del Castillo
Minister of Justice: José Severo de Olmos

​

 

[Cloud Strife]

The Illusion of Choice, Part I.
"An Empire divided against itself."​

Autograph score for "Gott erhalte Franz den Kaiser" by Haydn.​

His Imperial and Royal Majesty, Kaiser Franz Joseph von Habsburg, bore the weight of the world on his shoulders and felt as if there were none to share the burden. Schwarzenberg and Metternich were no more. His relatives were for the most part incompetent. His brother Max was a tryhard, Karl was a religious fanatic, and Ludwig was an unrepentant sybarite. His father was spineless, his mother was a harridan; even the Retired Emperor with his fits was more pleasant company. He did love his wife but could never understand Sisi and her moods. Frustrated with his lot in life, Franz increasing took to distracting himself with reading petitions, requests, and granting honors. The flattery of supplicants was more to his liking than having to dwell on his failure to quiet his subjects’ worries.

The revolutions and unfortunate wars of the late 1840s-1850s had created an atmosphere of discontent in the Empire. The disastrous war in Italy demonstrated quite openly the weaknesses of the Austrian army and Absolute Monarchy. If Franz was to maintain his empire would have to grant reforms. Thus, last year he had agreed to a “strengthening” of the Reichsrat, the Imperial Council, by adding new members and giving it advisory powers over major financial and legislative issues, including the formation of a new constitution.

The Reichsrat split then split two parties, with the Germans on one side and the rest of the ethnicities of the Empire on the other. The German side pushed for a stronger central government under their direction, the Empire’s other ethnicities pushed for an equal share in any central government. Francis Joseph tried to formulate a compromise in the new constitution, the “October Diploma.” The Diploma created a one-hundred-member Parliament with extended powers over the empire’s finances but no power over the military or legislation. Additionally the Parliament would not have power over Hungary except in matters that affected the entire empire.

Later he would be forced by more unrest to issue the “February Patent,” this created a bicameral imperial parliament, with an upper chamber appointed by the emperor and an indirectly elected lower chamber. The members of the upper chamber were appointed for life and included the crown prince, prominent bishops, heads of noble families, and great citizens. Delegates sent from the diets comprised the 343-member lower chamber, with 120 representatives from Hungary, 20 from Venetia, and 203 from the remaining non-Hungarian estates. The Emperor could check the actions of the lower chamber by appointing more of his supporters to the upper chamber.

The Empire's Hungarian population refused to cooperate in the new system, mainly because it eliminated the more liberal changes to government made in the October Diploma. Additionally, only German or Romanian delegates from Hungarian lands were sent to the lower house. This resistance severely undermined the purpose of a more centralized legislature; to unify the diverse parts of the empire through representation in a central body.

It also did not help that Conservatives immediately attempted to undermine the various compromises that were being formulated and tensions had risen to the point where Franz had to pick a side, the liberal bourgeois that funding his empire or the landed gentry that lead his armies. Reconciliation was becoming impossible.

Such weighty questions could be put off for a few hours. He had taken to reading petitions, in particular those from individuals serving under him at Battle of Solferino. He had failed his men then and felt a great guilt towards those he had doomed through his admittedly shabby handling of affairs.

“Written by Joseph Freiherr von Trotta, a humble servant of the Throne; to his Imperial and Royal Majesty, Franz Joseph…” Kaiser began reading the letter aloud. Getting towards the middle he stopped reciting the letter out loud and found himself absorbed in the contents. The petitioner had fallen at Solferino, had dictated the petition before the Italian Campaign as precaution, and asked his Majesty to read his final missive as his only request contain there within. No requests for favors done to his family or the advancement of his interests, as most petitioners were wont to ask; just an appeal for the Kaiser’s undivided attention on the missive and for him to have an open mind towards the letter’s contents.

Whatever was written must of have had some effect on the Kaiser’s thinking, for after burning the letter on the request of the late Freiherr von Trotta, the Kaiser summoned the Kaiserin and directed Sisi to make Buda Castle ready for a stay of four months; he would write his clarifications to the constitutional reforms issued he previous years there, citing the need to consult with a wider range of opinion than could be had at Vienna. Also, using space issues as an excuse he purposefully excluded his extended family—especially the Dowager Empress—from relocating and suspended Spanish Court Ceremonial for the duration of his stay in Buda. He also took the opportunity to snatch his heir, the Crown Prince Rudolf from being raised under the direction of the Dowager Empress; he declared that a “Future Emperor was worthy of being educated by the reigning Emperor.”

When asked by his wife why he had reversed course on family affairs after half a decade of reminding her of the value of tradition and proper obedience, Franz could only cryptically reply, “The reed that bends to the force of the wind is still giving a form of resistance. Even bent, it remains unbroken.”

 

[oxfordroyale]

THE KINGDOM OF ITALY
TURIN

Extracts from a Statement made by Generale Manfredo Fanti, Minister of Defense, on 4 May 1861.
​

Earlier this morning I affixed my signature to a royal decree drafted by His Majesty Vittorio Emanuele II, thereby formally dissolving the Armata Sarda, the Esercito Meridionale, and the Esercito Napoletano, and in their place creating a new army, the Regio Esercito Italiano, under a single, unified command. Just as the inhabitants of the various Italian states have come together beneath the banner of national unity, now is the time for soldiers all across our kingdom to cast aside their petty allegiances to town, city and province in favor of a loyalty to Italy, their country of birth and blood. We are one people, one nation, and so we must have one army.

His Majesty's decree, however, takes into account as many practical considerations as profound. Young and newly-made, Italy needs a strong, organized fighting force if it is to effectively assert herself as a great power among the ancient states of Europe, lest she be viewed as a mere upstart. Furthermore, it is necessary that the Risorgimento not be left unfinished; our brothers and sisters in Venetia and Rome cry out to be freed from the Austrian yoke, and we shall do so - through force if necessary. It is for these reasons that the formation of a centralized army is not only logically sound, but vital to the achievement of our ultimate goal.

This being said, the first adversary of the new organization must unfortunately be those within our own borders. Bandits, brigands and thieves have for weeks terrorized the countryside of southern Italy, their violent acts motivated by a misguided refusal to accept the incorporation of the Kingdom of Two Sicilies into our nation. Divisions of the Regio Esercito shall be immediately dispatched to bring these criminals to justice and re-establish civil order in the south. I have full confidence that our soldiers are more than equal to the task.

 

[AzagalTheGreat]

Καθαρεύουσα, or the Greek language experiment

(1/3)

As the 17th century had come to a close and the Enlightenment had started to take shape and spread to Europe, Greece too would not be unaffected. The rich merchant class of the Ottoman Empire, with the vast wealth and power it had gathered, would be the sponsor of what became known as the Διαφωτισμός of Greece, literally illumination. The merchant classes, and certainly those known as the Phanariotes (From the Phanar quarter in Constantinople, principal residence of most of the remaining Greeks of the city) had however become too embedded into the Ottoman State, often carrying high positions such as Dragoman or Hospodars in the Sultan's name.

The centers of learning that popped up across the Ottoman Empire were however not. It is from here that an ideal of restoration, not of Byzantium, but of the very soul of Greece, its language (and indirectly, the way people thought and behaved). The belief that with a proper guiding hand, that the Greek people could shake off the foreign influences on their language and culture and once again think and reason like their illustrious ancestors. The movement would be marked by a Smyrniote known as Adamantios Korais, who, appalled by the current status of the Greek language, would eventually draft the Atakta, the first Modern Greek dictionary. Korais would define a new language, as ancient Greek would have developed had it not come under the influence of the Byzantine and later the Ottoman Empire. This form would become known as Καθαρεύουσα, translated literally as purifying language. He argued that it was the task of the Greek writers and poets to drive the language forwards into the right direction, where eventually Ancient Greek could be revived.

Καθαρεύουσα is ultimately sadly largely not mutually intelligible with what the Greek people spoke at the time of the Greek war of Independence. Across the Balkans Orthodox Christians still used Ancient Greek in their prayers and services, yet none of the ancient tongue had siphoned down into the common speech. For now, it would just be those few able to afford education that would speak Καθαρεύουσα or even more archaic forms as after 1830 the forms of Καθαρεύουσα diverged. Problematic however, is that the Greek government solely uses Ancient Greek in tutoring, and has not seen fit to set a true, nationwide standard for Καθαρεύουσα . So far, the only noticeable effects of the introduction of Καθαρεύουσα are the invention of words for new inventions such as the telegraph and the steam train, where foreign loanwords mostly ceased to enter the language and instead combinations of old words or the re-use of old words once present in the Greek language, and largely the replacement of already present loanwords with more Greek counterparts. None of the Grammatical structure present in Ancient Greek, and now long lost, such as the infinitive or the case dative, had yet penetrated the resurgent Greek tongue.

As Καθαρεύουσα had increasingly become the rarely used language of a new Greek elite, the language debate would once again flare up. The more conservative members of the Greek parliament would champion the cause, but with the discontent against the rule of King Othon I rising, the issue would take a backseat until proper legislation had been filed to the Voule, as more pressing matters awaited.​

 

[Frymonmon]

The Union Dissolved
​

With the guns of war now having been heard from Montgomery to Washington City, President Lincoln's call for seventy-five thousand volunteers rang out as a rallying cry for both sides, North and South. The War Department in Washington was met with an immediate response from both Kentucky and North Carolina, which flat-out refused to offer any of their men in service of the federal Army. Anti-Federal tensions rose to a boiling point in Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina. The same day, word came from Ohio and Indiana that they would fulfill Lincoln's calls "within the week."

That same day, the North Carolina militia seized Fort Caswell and Fort Johnston bloodlessly, claiming them for the State of North Carolina.

On the 16th, Virginia refused to furnish any soldiers for President Lincoln. Secessionist conventions, which were debated fiercely in the Cotton States, were now set for the next days time. A convention was called in every state where Slavery was practiced. One was called for the same day, Delaware, which almost unanimously voted against secession, one of the first good pieces of new to hit President Lincoln's desk. New York and Pennsylvania also affirmed they would bring their men to service to put down the rebellion. By the end of the day, all northern states except Vermont and Maine said they would answer the President's call. Of the southern States, Missouri, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Maryland had yet to give an answer to Washington.

As the 17th came, the country was tearing itself apart. A convention in Virginia votes to secede from the United States, and a referendum set for the middle of May. Pro-Union sentiment was almost nonexistent across the state, only the western counties showed any sort of resistance to the idea. Before this vote had taken place, Colonel Robert E. Lee of the U.S. Army met with Francis Blair, assistant to the President in Washington, D.C. where he refused a promotion and overall command of the Army. Lee would later be made commander of all Virginian soldiers.
[Virginia has left the United States of America.]

Dramatisation of Colonel Robert E. Lee refusing command of the Union Army (c. 2004)
​

With Virginia having voted to leave the Union, the Federal Army quickly abandons Harpers Ferry, leaving the entire munitions store for the Virginians. This took place despite the leadership demanding the entire arsenal be destroyed. The Virginians also capture several locomotives and rolling stock belonging to the U.S. Army which was abandoned in a haste. Pennsylvanian soldiers arrive in Washington, D.C. on the 18th, the first of President Lincoln's volunteers.
[+1,300 Volunteers to the United States of America.]

President Lincoln issues a blockade of all states in rebellion, and all of those which might enter into rebellion. He also issues an emergency proclamation appropriating funds from other projects for the construction of new ships to assist in the blockade of the Southern states. Schooners, Corvettes, and smaller Frigates (all with a focus on speed) were ordered in Philadelphia, Brooklyn, and Boston. The U.S. began to patrol the most crucial ports of the Confederate States, given their limited ability to monitor everything, and began to capture and board Confederate-flagged vessels and seize them.
[Partial blockade of the Confederate States of America. Construction of warships begun in the United States.]

In the chaos of these few days, the text of President Lincoln's blockade order was printed in the Confederacy and circulated among the Southern papers. What the President had done was issue a blockade, not closed the ports. To them, this implied a slim recognition of the Confederate States as an independent entity. The information was quickly wrapped up by the Confederate State Department, and distributed to those nations who would be receptive to Confederate envoys. The Confederate envoy to Mexico was accepted in Mexico City, not as the representative of a foreign nation, but one of a "combatant." The news of this would follow the Confederate diplomats en-route to Europe.

On the same day the blockade was issued, Baltimore erupted into a bloodbath. The 6th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry Regiment was moving through the city, changing trains to get to their destination in Washington, D.C.. The local citizenry were rabidly pro-Secession and did not take kindly to having Federal troops marching through their city. Those who were armed ambushed the soldiers as they marched through the city with guns and stones, causing the 6th Massachusetts to fire back. 38 soldiers were killed, and 135 wounded. The civilians counted 12 dead and hundreds wounded. Mayor Brown responded by calling on the State of Maryland to secede from the Union, and a convention to be called. In response, Governor Hicks called for a vote to take place in the next few days.
[-173 Soldiers from the United States of America.]

Baltimore Riots of 1861
​

On the 20th of April, North Carolina ports are blockaded (despite the state not seceding), which pushed the Maryland legislature even further towards secession. President Lincoln was framed as man no longer constrained by law. How much longer would it be before all the wildest dreams of abolition were fulfilled? In response, the Maryland legislature calls a meeting in Annapolis, Maryland. Word of this was heard in Washington, and President Lincoln announced the complete suspension of the Writ of Habeus Corpus, and ordered the United States Army to arrest the duly elected legislature of Maryland. The Battle of Annapolis Courthouse took place between the Washington Brigade of Philadelphia and the Maryland Capital Guard, who lost handily. Governor Hicks and the entire legislature were then arrested, and Maryland effectively placed under military rule. Brigadier General Benjamin Butler was placed in command of the state from within the Department of Washington.
[Maryland placed under military control.]

The same day, Federal forces abandoneded the Gosport Navy Yard near Norfolk, Virginia, scuttling the unfinished U.S.S. Merrimack and successfully setting small fires that rendered some of it unusable. The Virginians quickly capture it, put out the fires, and see the majority of the area still able to be used.

Over the next few days, volunteers from across the country trickle into Washington, and more men are deployed across eastern Maryland for operations against southern sympathisers. Maryland was firmly in the Union, and transportation between the capitol and the rest of the country was preserved. The fallout from the actions were felt across the South. The Tennessee legislature authorises a vote for secession and an alliance with the Confederate States of America. Arkansas votes to leave the Union, and is accepted into the Confederacy.
[+35,000 Volunteers to the United States. Arkansas has left the United States of America and joins the Confederate States of America.]

On the 1st of May, Confederate envoys arrive in the United Kingdom, where they are accepted by the Government. Government deliberation on how to accept the men are considered, with some factions leaning strongly towards recognition of the Confederacy as a nation. Officially divided on the matter, Queen Victoria announces the Confederate States as "belligerents" as the internal debate still raged. Europe was well informed about the secession of the Cotton States, and letter written by President Davis were distributed to many European monarchs. While inconsequential, King John of Saxony pens a letter to President Davis, accepting the Confederate States as an independent Nation, and welcomes an envoy to forge a Treaty of Peace, Commerce, and Relations.
[Saxony recognises the Confederate States of America.]

North Carolina and Tennessee also officially withdraw from the United States, and together with Virginia, are accepted into the Confederate States as states. President Davis and the Confederate Congress approve a resolution moving the capital from Montgomery to Richmond, Virginia in a show of support for Virginia, now the centre of Confederate industry and the most important state.
[North Carolina, Tennessee leave the United States. North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia join the Confederate States.]

President Lincoln promotes Major Irvin McDowell to the rank of Brigadier General and then Major General, and places him in command of the Army of Northeastern Virginia. The new Army was formed from those volunteers who arrived in Washington, providing either side with the first fully-fledged army unit to engage in the upcoming combat.

With the situation in Maryland fresh on their mind, and the urging coming from the south, the legislatures of Kentucky and Missouri meet to discuss the issue of secession. Kentuckians were split, the debate was fierce from both sides, but ultimately, the General Assembly passed the Kentucky Ordinances of Secession on the 17th of May 1861, passing both houses by only a few votes. The state immediately split, with Archibald Dixon and John Crittenden leading the pro-Union side. An election was set up, and Dixon was declared the Governor of Kentucky, and a new legislature was voted in, although only Unionists were involved in the election.
[Kentucky leaves the United States of America and joins the Confederate States of America. Rump Unionist Kentucky Government formed in Louisville.]

Missouri's convention was not even able to take place. Before a roll call could be issued, violence broke out between the two sides. Three delegates were shot, and Governor Claiborne Jackson was beaten up by pro-Unionists, then arrested by the U.S. Army. Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon began to raise Unionist volunteers in the state to try and retain control. The state legislature, now without their secessionist governor, established a new election for the state's highest office. Pro-southern sympathisers quickly began to gather arms and formed their own militias, attacking Post Offices and other Federal posts. The legislature was forced to move from Jefferson City to St. Louis, and then move again to Hannibal, Missouri. Authority in the state was almost unknown, and the breakdown of state control was notable.
[Missouri's government dissolving, lawlessness taking over the state.]

U.S. Army fighting civilians in the city of St. Louis
​

Diplomatically, the Confederacy sends Albert Pike to serve as an envoy to the Native American tribes in the Confederacy and those near the border of the fledgling country. Pike was accepted by all of the tribes, and negotiations between the two parties began. The Union took note of these new talks, and did not have an immediate answer for the Confederates moves.

In Richmond, now the seat of the Confederate Government, General P.G.T. Beauregard is given a heroes welcome, taking the first strike against the Federals who were antagonising the Confederacy. His moves brought five more states into the Confederacy, and thousands cheered him on. Most figured that the end of the "war" would be soon, there was no way the Union could respond to the mass secession and fiery devotion that was applied by the southern populace. The leadership of the new Department of the Potomac was given to Beauregard. General Joseph Johnson was also attached to the Department, and the two were immediately sent to begin the defense of Virginia, Richmond, and the Confederacy as a whole.

President Davis issues a proclamation, offering a letter of marquee to anyone willing to lend their ship to the Confederate Navy. Hundreds respond to his call with zeal, even foreign agents, interested in gambling an investment in this new entity. Raphael Semmes, given the rank of Rear Admiral, was given leadership of putting together the Confederacy's Navy. The ships he had were limited, the majority taken from shipyards abandoned by the Federals, and a plan for the defense of the country were being worked on.
[Confederate Navy reorganised. Confederate States gains a number of ships.]

President Lincoln, seeking to keep whatever advantage he could, ordered the resupply of all forts on the coastline in the rebel states, with the message to hold at all costs. Before Fort Taylor in the Florida Keys could be reached, the Confederate Navy had already deployed from Mobile to throw the small garrison off, providing a vital blow to the Union. A storm wiped out several supply ships moving into the Gulf of Mexico, with the loss of all hands on deck. The losses were the worst of the war so far, with the Union seeing its first quadruple digit losses, all from the weather.
[-1,052 Regulars from the United States.]

For those forts that they did reach, the commanders felt it best to abandon them, contrary to President Lincoln's orders. One new audacious commander of Fort Pickens, a Marylander who was spurned on by the President's actions, was notable in his response to a resupply ship's captain on the President's orders; "Well, then let President Lincoln come and command this fort himself." He ordered the white flag of surrender hoisted, and the Confederate Army occupied the instillation. The only southern fort remaining in Federal control was Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas, and Fortress Monroe in Virginia.

As the month of May came to an end, southern referendums saw Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Arkansas fully join the Confederacy (although Kentucky's is disputed, given that the Unionist government still controlled portions of the state). Missouri was spiraling out of control and needed the attention of the Federal Government if it was to be saved. While things looked bleak for the Union, President Lincoln knew that he still had an industrial powerhouse behind him, and a willing population to furnish him with volunteers. Likewise in the South, President Davis oversaw what many thought was a superior military command structure, and highly motivated soldiers volunteering by the thousands, flocking to defend their homeland.
[+14,000 Volunteers to the United States. +15,500 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

Product of Canada​

 

[Ab Ovo]

Empire of Brazil
Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs
​

His Imperial Majesty's Government is deeply concerned by the ongoing state of affairs on the North American continent. While very understanding of the concerns of the self-styled Confederate government, the Empire of Brazil will continue to recognise the government of Abraham Lincoln -- as well as the jurisdiction of the Lincoln administration over the territory of the United States as it was constituted prior to the commencement of hostilities.

With respect,

Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão,
Marquês do Paraná e Ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros

 

[99KingHigh]

Notes from the British Parliament
debates on American matters (I)

____________________________________________

HOUSE OF LORDS
an exchange between Lord Derby (Conservative) and Lord Greenville (Liberal) on the Queen's delegation of southern status

____________________________________________

Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville, Lord President of the Council

​

...the Questions put by the noble Earl are certainly very important. I feel it a some what difficult matter to speak upon questions of international law; but, at the same, it is my duty to give the noble Earl all the information I can, and if I should happen to make a mistake, I shall be grateful to learned Lords on either side to correct mo, in order that no misapprehension may go abroad on a subject of so much importance. With respect to the first question—what meaning is to be attached to the words, "a blockade lawfully and actually established"—I apprehend that, although the agreement of Paris is likely to form an epoch in the history of international law, and although it was concurred in by all the nations of Europe and by several American States, yet it does not in itself constitute a change in international law excepting as regards those Powers which signified their acceptance of it. I believe, further, even with respect to those countries which entered into that agreement with us, that what took place at Paris made no change as far as blockades, lawfully and actually established, are concerned.

That question of international law remains exactly the same as before, with this difference only, that mere paper blockades will not in future be recognized. I believe that the construction of international law that has been adopted is, that before a blockade can be said to be lawfully and actually established, it must be announced in proper form and manner, and the State declaring it must have on the spot such a force as—I do not say to make it impossible, but, at any rate, to make it very difficult for vessels to obtain egress or ingress. The second question which the noble Earl has put to me is still more difficult to answer in a clear and satisfactory manner; but I can say, at all events, that the Government have followed the course usual on such occasions. To a certain extent the noble Earl answered his own question, for he stated that what is contraband of war must vary from time to time according to the character of the war which is carried on.

There are certain articles which are clearly contraband of war, but there are certain other articles the character of which can be determined only by the circumstances of the case; as, for instance, the ports for which they are destined, and various other incidents which can be properly determined only when they have been submitted to the judgment of a prize court of Admiralty. The decisions of such a Court, unless there has been a flagrant violation of international law, all those who have recognized the rights of the belligerents must accept. I think, therefore, that Her Majesty's Government, in adhering strictly to precedent in this matter, took the only course which it was possible for them to pursue.

Edward Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, Leader of Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition

​

My Lords, the answer of the noble Earl is for the most part entirely satisfactory. I do not feel disposed to complain that the terms of the Proclamation are vague and uncertain. It is impossible to introduce into a Proclamation of this description such a definition of the character of a blockade, or of contraband of war, as would satisfy the conditions which seemed to be laid down by the noble Earl who first addressed the House. Nor do I complain of the Proclamation on the ground that the warning it gives goes beyond the necessities of the case. I refer to the warning which is given to British subjects against taking part in privateering expeditions. The Proclamation wisely and properly informs the subjects of Her Majesty that if they should engage in privateering expeditions they would have no right, whatever might be the result, to claim the protection of this country against any penal consequences to which they might render themselves liable. I do not complain of that—quite the contrary; but there are two points upon which it is absolutely necessary that Her Majesty's Government should lose no time in coming to a thorough understanding with the Government of the United States. The first is with regard to the question of blockade. It has been stated that the Northern States—I will still call them the United States—have intimated their intention of blockading the whole of the Southern ports. Now, we know perfectly well that it is not in the power of the Northern States, if their navy were three times as powerful as it is, effectually to blockade all these ports.

There is no doubt they might effectually blockade this, or that, or the other port, and that would be a blockade which we should be bound to recognize, and as to which they would be entitled to all the rights of blockade; but I do think it is very important that Her Majesty's Government should not commit themselves the doctrine that the United States are to lay down the principle of a universal blockade, that that universal blockade would be recognized by Her Majesty's Government, and that all Her Majesty's subjects who might choose to disregard it would be liable to penal consequences. I apprehend that to make them so liable the blockade must be one the validity of which has been recognized by their Government. It is important, therefore, that Her Majesty's Government should come to a clear understanding with the Government of the United States that a mere paper blockade, or a blockade extending over a space to which it is physically impossible that an effectual blockade can be applied, will not be recognized as valid by the British Government. The other point is one of, perhaps, still greater importance. A noble and learned Lord (Lord Brougham) was understood to say a few days ago that by the law of nations privateering was piracy, and that, consequently, the Northern States would be perfectly justified in carrying out their threat to treat all privateering as piracy, and visiting it with capital punishment. I apprehend that if there is one thing clearer than another it is that by the law of nations privateering is not piracy—that no enactment on the part of any one nation can make that piracy as regards the subjects of another country which is not piracy by the law of nations, or by the law of that country.

The Northern States, therefore, must not be allowed to entertain the opinion—although it may be right that we should warn British subjects that if they should engage in privateering expeditions they will not be entitled to claim the protection of their Government—that they are at liberty so to strain the law as to convert privateering into piracy, and visit it with death. The punishment under such circumstances of persons entitled to Her Majesty's protection would not be viewed with indifference, but would receive the most serious consideration by this country. It is right, on the one hand, that the people of this country should be warned of the peril of engaging in privateering undertakings; but it is essentially necessary, on the other, that the Northern States should not be induced to rely upon our forbearance if they choose to deny the general interpretation of international law, and attempt to visit privateering with a penalty which is not attached to it by that law. It is said that the Northern States treat the Southern Confederation, not as having the rights of belligerents, but as rebels, whose acts will be visited with all the penalties of high treason, including capital punishment.

But that is not a doctrine we admit, because we have declared that the Southern States are entitled to the rights of belligerents. The Northern States, on the one hand, cannot be entitled to claim the rights of belligerents for themselves, and, on the other, to treat the Southern States, not as belligerents, but as rebels. These are the two points upon which it is most desirable that a clear understanding should be come to between Her Majesty's Ministers and the Government of the United States—first, that we cannot recognize any except a really effective blockade such as the United States may be able to enforce; and secondly, that we cannot recognize the doctrine that by any proclamation or any enactment the Northern States have power as against the Southern Confederation to treat privateering as piracy, and to visit it with all the penalties that attach to that offence.

 

[Olligarchy]

End of the Xiánfēng Era
A Brief history to Present
煮豆燃豆萁,
豆在釜中泣。
本係衕根生, 相煎何太急?
​

The history of the Qing is the history of China, and history of China is that of the world. It has outlasted that of the Egyptians, Romans, Franks and many other lesser known empires and nations claiming prominence on the world stage. The so called 'dynastic cycle', having allowed the Chinese to outlast the depredations of time and maintain their identity even in the face of catastrophic changes that might've ruined a lesser peoples.

The key to the so called dynastic cycle is the so called Mandate of Heaven, which is passed from dynasty to dynasty. Prior to the Manchurian Qing dynasty, the Mandate was held by the Ming dynasty originating from peasant pig farmers turned Emperors. Though the list of causes for them losing the Mandate are many and oft cited, the simple truth of the matter is Strength. The Ming were weak, the Manchu were strong, and they took it. That was over two centuries ago now, and the Qing dynasty has led the people of China with strength and wisdom alike through the centuries on the paths of glory.

Only, the past several decades have shown to be less and less glorious.

The past decades have seen the once mighty Dynasty lose not only to the Europeans, but to Sikh and their own vassals as well. The humiliations of the Opium wars, unequal treaties and even the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Movement have all taken their toll on the young Xiánfēng Emperor. Only scant months ago he was forced to flee the Forbidden City when the British and French invaded, burning down the Summer Palace and forcing further concessions upon the ailing Middle Kingdom.

Sick from a combination of overindulgence and grief of humiliation, the Xiánfēng Emperor took ill in his mountain resort at Chengde, and called for his Last Mandate to be taken. He named eight noble men, Zaiyuan, Duanhua, Jingshou, Sushun, Muyin, Kuangyuan, Du Han and Jiao Youying to watch over and guide his son and heir Zaichun until he came of age to don the Imperial Robes, but even in death his will was ignored, just as it had been in life. He died on the 22nd of August, 1861, ending the Xiánfēng era, and with him the absolutist powers of the Son of Heaven.

The Principal members of the Xinyou Coup from left to right: Prince Gong, Empress Dowagers Ci'xi and Ci'an.
​

Unbeknownst to the Xiánfēng Emperor, his half-brother Prince Gong and two of his Consorts, Ci'xi and Ci'an had no desire to allow the Regents to overtake rule of the Empire and launched the so called Xinyou Coup. When the Regents returned to Beijing with the body of the now dead Son of Heaven, they were unilaterally arrested, their titles declared null and void and the helms of government handed to the three conspirators. Prince Gong was raised to iron-cap Princely rank which increased his personal prestige and wealth enormously, and was even made Prince-Regent, making him the sole man in the Middle Kingdom that did not have to kowtow to the young new Emperor.

Though formally the Coup resulted in Prince Gong being made not only Prince-Regent, but also Commander of Shenjiying a newly reformed modern military force meant to defend Peking, but the Dowager Empresses were unwilling to cede their own powers unto him, and a quiet, yet bitter power struggle fought behind smiles and masks began at the heart of the Imperial Palace itself, its full force halted only by the fact that the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom remained a threat to the Middle Kingdom itself...

 

[Haresus]

​

To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,

Dear sir, I wish to start by belatedly congratulating you on your success in the elections. No other candidate was close to matching your success in the election, which is a fine indication that your presidency will be the most suited for the task of leading the United States in the four years to come. Your predecessor and I were discussing the possibilities of providing a new solid foundation for our nations' mutual relations to stand upon, and while nothing substantial came from that I have my hopes that in the years to come there may still be a beneficial conclusion to those discussions. As you are well aware our two great Unions have not always enjoyed the best of relations, and much blood has been spilled in the past between Mexicans and Americans, but there has also been much blood spilled between Mexicans in recent years. Those who opposed democracy and would rather choose a new tyrant to rule over us have been trying to steer Mexico down a dark path. A path that we have avoided, and so I hope that a new, happier, chapter can now be written about Mexico. Hopefully Mexico and the United States can write a similar chapter together.

Unfortunately, as violence subsides in Mexico it appears that the United States of America faces issues of its own. It pains us to hear that men who once stood loyally with you are now criminals and enemies, their integrity and credibility sundered by this betrayal. We have no sympathy for these rebels, they remind us too much of the evil men that we have already defeated in Mexico. Men who oppose reforms and progress in order to protect the obsolete institutions of the past. Yet we understand the tragedy involved in seeing a nation turned upon itself, to see those who had once been neighbours now be enemies. You have our sympathies, and we hope that order can be restored swiftly for the sake of both our Unions, and all those who live therein. While our ability to directly assist or aid is limited, we are always open to receiving requests or suggestions. Indeed, if there is a way for us to aid or assist that would not overly burden or strain us while we are still recovering, we shall do our utmost to go to those lengths.

Yours,
Benito Juárez
President of the United Mexican States

 

[Cloud Strife]

The Illusion of Choice, Part II.
"The Spirit of 1848"​

The "Audience Room" of the Emperor's private apartments at Buda Castile.​

Franz Joseph's entry into Buda was unexpected and Ferenc Deák, unelected leader of the Hungarian nationalists, extremely surprised when the Kaiser called for him to report to Buda Castle, "with ideas." The Kaiserin was an unexpected sympathizer with the Hungarian cause, her first visit to Hungary four years ago having left a deep impression upon her. She maintained a regular correspondence with Gyula Andrássy, a leader of the Hungarian Revolution recently returned after a decade in exile. While a patriot in favor of restoring Hungarian autonomy, he nevertheless wanted to forge a working relationship between the Magyars and the other People's of the Empire. He was also a man of great principle, refusing to request amnesty for his actions in the Revolution and for this he was greatly respected by the population at large.

The Kaiser wished to win back the full affections of his wife and rather than take revenge on Andrássy for perceived slights, invited him for a walk on castle grounds to discuss current events and to take Andrássy's measure. The man he broke bread with impressed him with his depth of knowledge on foreign affairs and genuine concern for Franz's family. "Your Lady Wife lives in a world of her own," Andrássy pointed out. "The yearning for Hungarian freedom, Majesty, is the same as her Majesty's yearning for freedom from your Mother's control over her family. Let us be honest, your Majesty, your honored Father has not much control over his own family." It was Andrássy who recommended the Kaiser reach out to Ferenc Deák, the one man Andrássy claimed who could forge a working compromise on central government. While Andrássy was conservative in leaning, Deák was a true liberal. He had opposed the use of violence leading up the Hungarian Revolution and was a forceful opponent of serfdom; even going so far as to emancipate all his family's serfs when he assumed the headship of it.

Deák advanced the notion that each "locality" of the Austrian Empire--whether located in the Kingdom of Hungary, Austria proper, Bohemia, and the former lands of Poland, etc.--needed a degree of self-rule to preserve the traditions and culture of each nationality within the Habsburg Monarchy. Only then, with their cultural identity secure, could a common allegiance to one another be created. Localism need not be incompatible with an effective central government that could raise revenues, command armies, an secure the Empire's common interests abroad. Defense, foreign policy, international commerce were all examples of policies best directed by a centralized government. Education, local infrastructure, and policing were examples of areas that could be directed by the localities. There could be room for locally controlled revenues and nationally controlled revenues, funding different elements of either Local or Empire-wide government. Internal barriers to trade could also be removed which would have the effect of binding the disparate components of the Habsburg Monarchy closer together. Accept lower revenues for a few years and you win the loyalty of your people and secure growth in the decades to come, strongly argued Deák.

Another former Hungarian Revolutionary, Kálmán Tisza, would strongly advocate for a professional civil service; arguing that a trained, competent bureaucracy could cut across ethnic lines. Access to the civil service ought to be widely promoted as a counter-weight to landed interests, he argued. Institutions that could cut across ethnic and religious lines would break down cultural barriers and prepare the Empire for true reforms. It was no use to move quickly, that would only infuriate the landed interests. It was also no use to move fast to placate the radicals, they would always find some reason to complain. The Kaiser, Tisza argued, would have to build a coalition of "80 percent to fend off the irreconcilable 20 percent." By respecting the identity of Magyars, Germans, Bohemians, Croats, Poles, and other ethnicities within the existing framework of the Kingdom of Hungary, Austria proper, Bohemia, and the former lands of Poland, etc., the Habsburg Monarchy could successfully answer the Nationalist challenge to its existence by adapting Pluralism and forging a common identity based on loyalty to the Throne, not to one's racial origins. It would take time, many would fight back, but a winning Coalition could be forged if only the Kaiser would back Magyar aspirations for a Hungarian Diet with teeth. The experiment could then be repeated across the Empire till a united federation of lands owing fealty and service to the House of Habsburg-Lorraine emerged.

Being a Habsburg, Franz was a natural reactionary. His ancestors had given much during the Age of Enlightenment and had been rewarded by regicide in France and the rise of Bonaparte. Indeed, one of the Corsican Orge's nephews had regained the French throne; reversing the efforts of the Grand Coalition to depose the Bonaprates some 46 years earlier. This talk of "Localism" sounded dangerously democratic, even anti-Monarchical. But the desire of a man to satisfy his family could trigger change with the right catalyst. Trotta's letter being that catalyst to speed up Franz's thought-processes. Perhaps his wife had a point about the Magyar's yearning for freedom? At the very least, if he failed and had to face his Maker, he could say with a straight face that he did his utmost to preserve the Realm and pass it on intact, to his son.

 

[Olligarchy]

The Taiping Heavenly Movement
1851-1861

手握乾坤殺伐權,
斬邪留正解民懸。
眼通西北江山外,
聲振東南日月邊。
璽劍光榮存帝賜,
詩章憑據誦爺前,
太平一統光世界,
威風快樂萬千年。​

Having begun in January of 1851 in Guanxi, the Taiping Rebellion also known as the Heavenly Movement was led by the would be King Hong Xiuquan whom envisioned himself as the younger brother of Jesus, and a messiah to bring forth a Christian China. Assisted by men such as Feng Yunshan and Wei Changhui, Xiuquan began the war by taking over the Imperial barracks at Jintian, repulsing attempts to retake it by Imperial Forces.

The revolt spread rapidly, soon after reaching Nanjing around 1853, which was captured and renamed Tianjing or ‘Heavenly Capital’. The capture of the city culminated in the massacre of all men and women of Manchurian origin, with the men first slain and then the women taken outside the city to be burned alive as witches and demons. A sign of things to come even for the supporters of Hong Xiuquan, whom soon after turned on some of his more prominent supporters such as Yang Xiuqing whose entire family was put to death, before the ‘Heavenly King’ turned to a life of excess and debauchery, leaving the matters of rule and war to his underlings.

Seeking aid from abroad, Hong Xiuquan’s followers sought to gain assistance from the European powers, but other than the ability to purchase European armament they received no political or military support. Had the Qing Dynasty been at the height of its power the revolt would likely have not amounted to much beyond this, but the reign of Emperor Xiánfēng was torn by strife and war and the State troops were divided on many fronts. The routs of local Imperial Forces opened the door for the Taiping forces, and by 1859 they had expanded the Heavenly Kingdom to encompass Hangzhou and Suzhou, but had been decisively pushed back from Shanghai.

Whilst the Manchurian dynasty found itself incapable of simply crushing the revolt, many of the traditional rural classes resisted the Taiping overtures both passively and aggressively, amassing their own wealth and troops to battle the Taiping alongside the Imperial forces. An even greater surprise came when post Opium war many of the Western soldiers signed up as mercenaries to fight for the Qing Dynasty, the most famed of them such as Frederick Townsend Ward, Albert Albert-Édouard Levieux de Caligny called “the Breton” by the Chinese and Charles George Gordon even going so far as to form the ‘Ever Victorious Army’, a force at its height compromising of 5,000 Chinese troops led and trained by Western commanders, fighting with modern tactics. These men, when combined with the rapidly modernizing Imperial forces led by Zeng Guofan, Zuo Zongtang and Li Hongzhang soon began to once again push back the Taiping forces from Shanghai and the Treaty Ports, aiming to retake lost territory and put an end to the revolt once and for all.

 

[Haresus]

A Declaration of Amnesty​

The United Mexican States have seen suffering and conflict for too long, and it is now time that we stand united and rebuild what has been lost in the past years. We have all lost brothers and sisters, husbands and wives, fathers and mothers, sons and daughters, regardless of who and for what reasons we fought. We must be able to move past this conflict, and accept peace and unity, or else the wounds of rebellion and infighting can run deep and poison the well of understanding.

It is with this in mind that I, Benito Juárez, President of the United Mexican States, hereby grant pardon and amnesty to all, except those excepted below, who have aided, directly or indirectly, the rebellion against the legitimate state of Mexico, on the condition that they swear to defend and uphold the Constitution of the United Mexican States and to uphold and follow the laws of the land.

Those who are to be excepted from this amnesty are those who have acted as representatives to other countries, ministers, or officers above the rank of colonel, on behalf of the false rebel government. These individuals may request a pardon from the President.

May this clemency be used as an opportunity to forge forward, united as one, and to remember that respect for the rights of others is peace.

 

[MastahCheef117]

A Letter from President Abraham Lincoln to President Benito Juárez.
in response to his letter dated 21 May.
​

Honorable President,

I received your recent letter to my Office dated 21 May reiterating again the steadfast relations between our two peoples and Governments. Even in the wake of a conflict as that of 1846, it brings glory to God and all His people to know that Man may sit down at the table of brotherhood after such strife and continue to enjoy one another's good graces and gestures of amity and friendship.

It remains impossible to ignore in this letter the events which have driven your person to originally write my Office, and, from one head of state to another, it would be imprudent and unjust not to touch upon them in a respectful manner. My administration has taken the most careful of steps to ensure a continuance of amicable relations between the various States of this Union, primarily over the Slave question which has plagued this nation for far over one entire decade, and it seems the disposition of those so affected by that Question on the other end were both misunderstood and underestimated -- and fatally so. I can only pray that a love of Union and a lifelong dedication to republican and good government can yet save this strained Union, as it has saved yours. You have let the world know of your predilection for Mexican self-government and have instituted national policies to enforce such views, which have been for the better for your nation and people. This I can only respect and, in many ways too groveling to list here, admire. It pains me to know that you have felt humbled enough to write a letter such as yours to me in a time such as this that plagues this northern Union, but it remains humbling to my own person to know that the people of America have a friend in the Mexican people.

As always I remain, to the esteemed President of Mexico, respectfully yours,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN
President of the United States

​

 

[Frymonmon]

Great IC so far. Please remember I am not a wholly misanthropic person. Players with outstanding IC get boosts to their rolls, as well as hidden (but small) positive modifiers to their economic and population growth. Stats will continue to roll out throughout the day.

TAKE NOTE
I have added National Focus orders in. mark

 

[MastahCheef117]

A letter from Lieutenant General Winfield Scott to Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon.
following the breakdown of Law and Order in the State of Missouri.
​

General,

Naturally after your commissioning as a Brigadier General of Volunteers in the US Army, you are now the ranking Army officer in the State of Missouri. President Lincoln has expressed his deepest regrets over the actions of previous Governor Jackson. I commend you for your efforts to continue the rule of the Constitution in that State.

You are urged to continue efforts to recruit volunteers in the service of the Union to put down the rebellion and restore order to Missouri. For these purposes you are given the command of the newly-formed Army of the West, and all attendant duties and powers. Your purview extends west of the Mississippi River and all Federal Army and state militia actions conducted in that region until further notice.

It remains imperative to maintain control of the State and push the rebels out of the region. You will be provided with requisite orders and rules of engagement, to be sent shortly after the dispatch of this letter. Various Officers in the Army are also being organized and sent West to serve under your command, and will do so until further notice. The rightful Missouri state government and legislature must extend its authority throughout all the state before the final operations of the conflict are prosecuted in the East.

Yours,

Brevet Lieutenant General WINFIELD SCOTT
Commanding General of the United States Army

​

 

[Frymonmon]

1 JUNE 1861

 

[MastahCheef117]

A letter from Major General George Brinton McClellan to Lieutenant General Winfield Scott.​

regarding the unfolding events in the Commonwealth of Kentucky.​

Sir,

I have taken great pains to understand the cause of secession as it is now being realized, and, abhorred as I am by what I see, I must prosecute my duties with the fullest commitment of my energies and zeal, as any good patriot must.

My recent promotion to the post of Major General of the Ohio state militia begs me to coordinate efforts with your person, and the War Department in the capital district, to best bring this rebellion to a speedy and glorious end. The events in Kentucky across the Ohio, however, force me pause and rethink my strategy in dealing with the damned rebel threat. I have taken it upon myself to spend many hours through the past several days to prepare two distinct strategies on how to return Federal control and authority to the rebellious Southern states, which I humbly submit to you in a second letter which comes attached.

I look forward to your response, and remain your loyal subordinate:

Major General GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN
Major General & Commander of the Ohio State Militia

​

_________________________________________________________​

A letter from Lieutenant General Winfield Scott to Major General George Brinton McClellan.​

in response to his letter dated 27 May.​

​

General,

I receive your letter dated 27 May and regret I must quickly write out my response, which shall urgently reach you shortly after it is sent.

Your loyalty to the Union is indeed greatly understood and appreciated and shall guarantee your entrance into the hall of great American patriots. Your service in the war of 1846 is indeed similarly noted and shows well on your service record as both a patriot and a man of arms and the bayonet. The ability of any one man, be him a professional officer or an enlisted volunteer, to render his services, energy, and life to his country is the greatest calling ever given by God, and happily I see that many thousands of men have faithfully answered His call.

The plans you have also sent me are remarkable. I cannot but fail to express my great confidence in your intelligence, zeal, science, and energy, but must also regretfully express that it would be unjust of my person to note my doubts in the chances of success in these plans. With regard to your plan for Virginia, especially, in both cases I would be remiss to say that they are, for all intents and purposes, logistically unfeasible, or would at the least cause immense strain on the fiscal and general outlook of the Union and its people. Your strategic mind and efforts expended in the task, however, are not soon forgotten on my part, nor on the part of anyone in the War Department or in Washington in a larger sense.

For these reasons, and your mind dedicated to the organization and deployment of arms in the defense of the Union, you have been offered a promotion to the full rank of Major General of Regulars in the United States Army, alongside an offer of command of the Department of the Ohio, with specifics to be cabled to you later to-day or on the morrow.

Yours,

Brevet Lieutenant General WINFIELD SCOTT
Commanding General of the United States Army

​

 

[oxfordroyale]

THE KINGDOM OF ITALY
TURIN

Extracts from a Speech made by Giuseppe Garibaldi to the Chamber of Deputies on 15 April 1861.
​

Mere months ago, I proclaimed before a thousand men that we must consider the period which is just drawing to a close as almost the last stage of our national resurrection, and prepare ourselves to finish worthily the marvelous design of the elect of twenty generations, the completion of which Providence has reserved for this fortunate age. Today I stand before you, most esteemed and venerable deputies, to dispel you of the notion that we may now rest on our laurels. In fact, despite our successes, I fear all might still be undone by those sinister forces which seek to undermine our most noble cause, perhaps even from within Italy’s own government. If we do not remain vigilant and take decisive action when confronted with these threats, then it goes to reason that our whole revolutionary struggle might be doomed to remain forever incomplete, or worse. It is to provide warning of this clear and present danger that I have elected to stand before this chamber today.

As you all know, I have made no attempt over the years to hide my personal animosity towards the count of Cavour. It would, to me, come as a great shock and surprise to find an Italian who is unaware of my deep dislike of both the man’s character and methods, for I have often expressed as much publicly. However, while I have always mistrusted the low cunning and deceptive nature that he fancies pragmatism, I have never once gone so far as to doubt his love for his country. No matter our differences, I have always been content in my belief that he pursued the unification of Italy with the same passionate zeal as I, though his being expressed in the realm of domestic and international politics, and mine in the realm of war.

That is regrettably something that I can no longer claim, for these past few months I have witnessed the actions of a man seemingly hellbent on ensuring Italy remains subjugated and divided as it has for these past ten centuries. So poorly disposed is he towards the ideals of freedom and republicanism that he would plot against his own countrymen and sabotage their earnest attempts to bring about unity - I refer, of course, to the events that transpired in the former Papal States, of which you are all doubtless aware. Moreover, he commits these heinous crimes against our nation whilst continuing to name the revival of Italy as his most cherished dream, neglecting his repeated circumvention of just that. And why? For no other reason than that he is a slave to religion and absolute monarchy, subservient to the desires of state and clergy, and thus innately predisposed towards oppressive and divisive governance. He would see a whole Italy, but not a free one, and when faced with the latter he would rather we remain as we were: stunted and diminutive, artificially restrained from our full potential.

Make no mistake, my friends: a tide has swept across the Italian peninsula, and with it the vestiges of the old order have been washed away. Kings and kingdoms alike have been toppled through the will of the people, never to rise again. While I have repeatedly maintained that I believe His Majesty Vittorio Emanuele II to have been chosen by Providence itself for the liberation of Italy, I do question his judgement in retaining the services of one who would see the fire of revolution extinguished just as it is burning brightest. I implore His Majesty to remove this Prime Minister from his office immediately, lest his dire machinations ruin all that we have accomplished.

Before withdrawing, I would like to take a brief moment to address the Count of Cavour personally. Signore, you may have everyone fooled, but this old man is immune to your snake-like charms. If I alone can see where your true loyalties lie, then I alone must act. I bid you tread carefully, for even now I possess a commanding presence among the people and soldiers of the south, far more than enough to move against you should circumstances demand it. We are not your stringed puppets to play with as you please, bound to dance to your abominable tune – you cannot and will not constrain the people through your false songs, not while I still breathe. Mark my words, signore: Italy is greater than a single man.

Giuseppe Garibaldi, Italian general, politician, nationalist and revolutionary (4 July 1807 - present)​