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The United States of America

Hail, Columbia

The United States is concerned by the rapid escalation of diplomatic tensions within the Balkans and by the reckless actions of those seeking to inflame an already troubled region. The United States recognizes the legitimacy of the new Ottoman government and is encouraged by its stated aim to promote rational constitutional government, though we would have wished that the transition could have occurred in a more peaceful fashion.

As regards Bulgarian sovereignty, the United States shall maintain its present stance until such time as an amicable bilateral agreement has been reached between the Ottoman and Bulgarian governments. The United States hopes that such an agreement will balance the self-evident need for a stable, secure status quo in the Ottoman Balkans with the reasonable desire of the Bulgarian people for sovereignty and self-determination.

On behalf of President McKinley and the government of the United States,

John M. Hay
Secretary of State
 
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The Korean Empire hereby DENOUNCES the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1900 as an attempt of the Japanese to strengthen their grip upon the Korean nation by using remaining influences with the ministers to poison the mind of the Emperor. The Treaty is consider null and void in affairs relating to the Korean and Japanese Imperial relations. We shall not be tricked by schemes by Japanese forces to concede our freedom and territory that they themselves had fought for in Sino-Japanese War and included in the Treaty of Shimonoseki.
- Emperor Gwangmu of the Korean Empire



 
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French Response on the current situation in the Balkans

The French Republic is alarmed, by the currents of instability plaguing the Balkans in this tumultuous time. We will follow the lead of our Russian allies in the region and do cordially extend our recognition to the people of Bulgaria. We hope that negotiations between the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria can be fruitful and work towards ending the current instability and strife plaguing the region.
- Théophile Delcassé – Minister of Foreign Affairs
 
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A History of the Third French Republic (1870 - )
The History of the Third French Republic can be found in the collapse of the second French Empire during the disastrous Franco-Prussian war. Despite the french declaration of war as an attempt to curb rising power. The superior forces of the North German Confederation, easily crushed the french army in a series of swift victories in eastern France. These early battles culminated in the siege of Metz and the battle of the Sedan, which saw the Emperor Napoleon III captured and his army decisively defeated. With this action the Second French Empire collapsed and was replaced by a Government of Nation Defense in Paris. But in the face of continued failure against the Prussians, notably surrendering Paris, the Government again fell and was replaced again by a new government under the control of Adolphe Thiers, who immediately set about ending the war. On the 28 February with a vote of 546 for and 107 against the french parliament accepted the terms of surrender, ending the war.

The surrender was costly and led to the German annexation of Alsace as well as parts of Lorraine and Metz. As well as leading to further upheaval, culminating in the uprising of large numbers of national guard in Paris, supported by the civilian population. The so called 'Paris Commune' was a radical republican and socialist government, and managed to hold the city for several months until its fall at the hands of the regular french army.

Following this period the French government found itself struggling under large levels of debt and political instability. Adolphe Thiers proved apt at financial management. But on the political front stability was hard to come by. With most of the population being rural, catholic and conservative. This was reflected in the national assembly which supported some form of Constitutional Monarchy. Though the monarchists were split between those who supported the Bourbons, Orleans or Bonaparte's to take the throne. In July 1871 the assembly voted to allow exiled members of the Bourbons and Orleans families to return to France despite the wishes of Thiers. These members were quick to return, led by Henri, Count of Chambord, the heir to the bourbon throne; who declared his willingness to rule France as Henry V. his appearance worked to the favour of Thiers who was able to pass a vote changing his title from Chief of the Executive power to President of the Republic. Thiers quickly moved to establish a strong and conservative republic. The government remained at Versaille until the government buildings could be repaired at Paris. In January 1872, partial assembly elections saw the election of 11 republicans and 4 monarchists, as well as the defeat of the radical republican Victor Hugo by a more moderate republican. the republic had passed it's first test of stability, and by 1873 the last of German-Occupied France was returned to French control, 2 years ahead of schedule. Thiers was toppled by a motion of no-confidence later in 1873 and was replaced as President by General MacMahon.


In 1875 the Parliament passed several laws, together known as the Constitutional laws of 1875. These Laws officially established the Third Republic. The laws formally entrenched the position of President of the Republic as the french head of state and established a two chamber Parliament, with a ministry under a President of the Council (Prime Minister) who was nominally answerable to both the President of the Republic and the Parliament. Despite this the question of monarchy vs republic remained a prominent issue throughout the 70's, culminating in the may 16th crisis after President MacMahon demanded the resignation of then Prime Minister Simon, Simon resigned and was replaced by a Pro-Orleanist; Duc de Brogile. However the plan backfired and in the following election the left was returned with a majority and the republic's place secured. MacMahon would resign in 1879 being replaced by Jules Grevy. Any chance of a return of the monarchy was symbolically destroyed by the 1885 sale of the crown jewels. Though several crowns would remain in the hands of the French, their valuable gems were replaced with colored glass and sold.

The rise of the General Georges Ernest Boulanger, Appointed as the War Minister in 1886, the General would initiate many reforms for the benefit of soldiers.(such as allowing them to grow beards.) He also appealed to the french public's desire for revenge against Germany, leading to him being given the nickname of General Revanche. His quelling of a worker's strike in Decazeville and the success of the Sino-French War, in which Tonkin was added to the expanding french empire. In 1886 he oversaw the introduction of the new and revolutionary Lebel rifle, the first smokeless power high velocity ammunition rifle. Confident of Political support the General began to provoke the German Empire, building military facilities in the border town of Belfort as well as banning the export of horses to Germany. This culminated in the Shnaebele incident, and although war was prevented Boulanger was perceived as having come out on top of Bismark, however perceiving Boulanger as an embarrassment and a risk he was sacked when Maurice Rouvier replaced Goblet.

During the partial election for the seine Boulanger received 100,000 votes despite not even running in the department. The General decided to cultivate his support running on a platform of the three principles. Notably Revanche (revenge on germany) Revision (revising the constitution) and restoration (the return to monarchy). His new right-wing populist movement, dubbed boulangism was quickly seized on and supported by many notable conservatives within France. After a political scandal involving the president's son-in-law the boulangist's became increasingly popular as public sentiment turned away from the republic. Allying himself with the bonapartists revealed himself as a true colour conservative monarchist and was expelled from the army in 1888. He ran for the chamber of deputies in 1888 with bonapartist backing in seven states. He and many of his supporters were elected to the chamber, himself as the representative in the constituency of Nord. He served as a dominating figure of the french parliament during 1888, becoming the idol of the Paris population. After announcing his intention to run for president of the republic, he suffered a loss of support from his republican supporters who saw it as a move to install himself as a military dictator. In 1889 he was elected as a deputy for Paris and support among his followers for a coup d'etat. Having now became a threat to the Parliamentary Republic his enemies moving quickly. Shortly after a warrant was issued for his arrest on accusations of conspiracy and treasonable activity, resulting in Boulanger fleeing France to neighbouring Belgium and then onto London. leaderless the boulanger movement would be soundly defeated in the General Elections of 1889. The Boulangist threat to the Republic was over.


With the turn of the century approaching the Third French Republic will continue to strive to uphold the values of France. Maintaining its current position in the world as a cultural, scientific and technological center of great importance as well as upholding it's position as a Great Power and preeminent imperial power.
 
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大日本帝国
Dai Nippon Teikoku

富国強兵 - Fukoku kyōhei
君が代– Kimigayo

The breaking of an agreement between two parties, particularly only weeks after its signing, is a treacherous act, and to be wholly and utterly condemned. That the agreement in question was made with the intention of benefiting the violating question makes such a rebuke utterly senseless and all the more contemptible.
Furthermore, that the Korean Emperor, or more accurately, his advisers, have chosen to characterise this agreement as a "concession to their freedom and territory," neither of which are remotely true; even the lattermost has but a grain of truth, and only by reading the terms of the treaty in the most perverse of ways. These outright falsehoods are further condemnable.

However, the Government of His Majesty the Emperor implores the Korean Empire to rethink its present course, and to honour the treaties it has signed, lest it gain a reputation of untrustworthiness and deceit. The Government of His Majesty the Emperor shall, in its clemency and sincere desire for the maintenance of peace, and in the hopes of fostering warm relations with the Empire of Korea, whose independence we waged a war for, accept a quick reversal of this injurious policy to both Empires, and is fully prepared to carry on as though no such incident occurred.

Should the Korean Empire, however, maintain this foolhardy and dangerous policy, and spite the Empire of Japan, then all efforts shall be taken to enforce this lawful and fair treaty.

His Majesty’s Government hopes that the Korean Emperor sees reason, and will accept this exceptionally generous concession, offered despite the terrible slight to the Empire’s honour.

~ Aoki Shūzō, Gaimu Daijin

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Russian Empire
Россійская Имперія
The Russian Empire is committed to the independence and well-being of the Korean Empire, and any threats against its sovereignty by outside forces shall be met with the harshest condemnation. If it is the will of the Korean Empire to back out of the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1900, an ill-conceived document that threatened instability on a regional level, then the Korean Empire has the full support of Russia behind its decision.

Furthermore, efforts on the part of the Japanese to force the terms of this document will likewise be met reaction, and all affordable aid shall be given to the Korean Empire if it is faced with Japanese aggression. The Russian Empire says to all Great and Powerful Nations that have interests in the region that unity over this issue, unity against the enforcement of this abominable document, should be had. Especially in light of this past year, it is imperative that we maintain Korea as a peaceful land, free from the fires of war and insurrection.

___

With regard to the Balkans and the instability within the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire urges peace and the exclusion of unilateral usage of force, and instead offers to the Great and Powerful Nations of Europe and all relevant parties that a conference be held, to discuss the apparent tensions that exist and threaten escalation. However, if the Ottoman Empire chooses instead to disregard diplomacy and instead chooses a campaign against the Bulgarian Kingdom, the Russian Empire will not sit idly by as our brethren are mistreated.
 
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Царство България
Бог е с нас
Шуми Марица

PUBLIC DECLARATION
The Tsardom of Bulgaria would like to thank the esteemed nations of the world for their recognition, their dedication to the self-determination of peoples and the cause of peace. The Tsardom of Bulgaria does not wish to cause conflict nor instability, but merely act as a sovereign state in a de jure manner and thus control its own destiny. That is why the National Assembly, Government and State of the Tsardom of Bulgaria agree to the talks proposed by the Russian Empire. We hope that a deal beneficial to all parties can be reached, while maintaining the natural sovereignty of all states involved.

~ Tsar Ferdinand I of Bulgaria
~ Prime Minister & Foreign Minister T. Ivanchov
 
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大日本帝国
Dai Nippon Teikoku

富国強兵 - Fukoku kyōhei
君が代 – Kimigayo

Yet again the Russian Empire seeks to expand her influence across the Far East under the guise of concern and generosity, and yet more hollow recitations of “instability,” much akin to those made following the Treaty of Shimonoseki, wherein the Empire of Japan was granted a portion of the Liaodong Peninsula – as most are now well aware, they declared such a cession to a foreign power would have a disastrous effect upon the stability of the Far East, and the Empire of Japan, desirous of the maintenance of peace and order, graciously conceded her rightful possessions for the pursuit of such. Such peaceful overtones were repaid with the present occupation of Liaodong by the Russians, and their turning Port Arthur, as it is known amongst the Westerners, into a veritable Gibraltar.

Their protestations regarding the stability of the region are hollow and, in the estimation of the Government of His Majesty the Emperor, merely tools by which Russia can further expand her influence; they have, for decades now, and particularly in the wake of Shimonoseki’s signing, sought, and have accomplished, an expansion of her influence across the Manshu provinces of the Qing Empire. It seems quite apparent now that such ambitions do not end north of the Yalu River.

Furthermore, and more pertinent to the discussion at hand, is the characterisation of the negotiations leading up to the signing of the Treaty of 1900 as anything other than free, fair, and courteous are outrageous slander and libel by the Empire of Russia against the Empire of Japan. This is in no way surprising, however, given their recent history in the Far East, and their thus far unchecked expansionism.

To call a treaty, simply designed to improve the infrastructure of a fellow nation, particularly a sister nation in the case of the Empire of Korea – one for the Empire of Japan fought to ensure its independence, it must be added – as an abomination or any form of usurpation by the part of the latter upon the former, is utter nonsense, and again speaks volumes of how the Russians view high diplomacy.

We ask that the Russians cease their needless provocations and attempts at expanding its influence across the Far East, to the detriment of the Empire of Japan and indeed to all other powers; we further ask that it recant these lies and offences directed at the Empire of Japan so flagrantly and aggressively. Lastly, we ask that the Russian Empire accept that Treaties, having been mutually accepted, and found to be highly beneficial to the recipient party, as the Treaty of 1900 can only be described as, should be maintained and not frivolously discarded, causing much injury and unhappiness for all parties involved.

~ Aoki Shūzō, Gaimu Daijin



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Kingdom of Italy
"The Italian Kingdom is monitoring the current crisis inside the Balkans and the Ottoman Empire itself. We are hesitent to make any formal recognizations however. The situation seems unsettled and it might be premature to acknowledge that which is not currently firmly set. For now we are adopting a passive stance on the current crisis. We are concerned about the chance for a conflict that wont resolve any of the main issues and just lead to death. We hope to see the crisis resolved in a manner that promotes stability in the region.

However we do reserve the right to act in our own self interests in this crisis. We simply feel its premature to take any action without further information. ~ Mario Luigi-Spokesman for the royal family
 
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Russian Empire
Россійская Имперія

Whereas the Japanese State would seek to deflect their true ambitions, it is readily apparent by their own aims in the proposed treaty with Korea that in this situation, they seek control over vital elements of the Korean Empire, operating infrastructure wholly Japanese in design, management, and ownership, a foundation for an easy subversion. One need only look some five years ago, when Japanese agents outright murdered the Empress Myeongseong and sent the Korean imperial family into flight,and just as now, it was the Russian Empire that provided safety.

It is apparent that the Japanese State, perhaps in humiliation from its failed machinations, seeks only to escalate the issue of a rejected treaty into something far worse. Again, the Russian Empire affirms that any violence against the Korean Empire will be met by Russian reaction. We do not seek this path for our own rise, for, if the Japanese State would notice, we demand no compensation, nor do we seek to force treaties over the Korean Empire.
 
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On the Russian Conference Proposal and the Far East Affairs

The French Government expresses its support for the Russian proposal to hold a conference between the Bulgarians and the Ottomans. If it proves in the interest of the parties, the French Government will be more than happy to send representatives or officials to oversee and assist in such talks; however we shall defer to the the leadership of the Russians in this matter. As to the situation in the Far East and Korea, the French Republic expresses its belief that Russia and Japan can come to a peaceful conclusion amiable to both sides as well as respecting the wishes of the Koreans in this affair. Should it prove necessary we are open to hosting and mediating talks between the Russian Empire and her Japanese counterparts to facilitate a movement towards deescalation of tensions in the region.
 
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大日本帝国
Dai Nippon Teikoku

富国強兵 - Fukoku kyōhei
君が代 – Kimigayo

The Russian Empire spreads lies and propaganda, again, to besmirch the honour of the Empire of Japan, by bringing forth a matter in which His Majesty’s Government, not any of his subjects, had any involvement in, whilst in the same breath attempting to deflect the, obvious and frankly unnecessary, revelation of the their eastern ambitions.

Surely the Russian Empire cannot deny the fact that, only weeks after compelling the Empire of Japan to relinquish control of the Liaodong Peninsula – couching its demand in now all too familiar fears over stability and security in the Far East – they themselves took ownership of same peninsula and began, and have continue, to fortify it as a military outpost of its burgeoning Far East empire. The stench of rank hypocrisy wafts free and far from its home in St Petersburg, and it seems to have no end.

Were the Russians more moderate, and certainly more consistent, in their rhetoric, perhaps the Empire of Japan could concede to otherwise unreasonable demands, yet the government of the Tsar has routinely shown its complete and utter willingness to expand and, like a cancer, grow ever more.

However, to show a gentility and willingness to engage fully and freely with the other Powers, His Majesty’s Government shall deign to respond to Russian accusations on the matter of the railway.

There are, in the eyes the Japanese, the European, and the Korean, a dearth of individuals present and native to the peninsula who are qualified to operate and maintain a railway; the Empire of Japan, being the owner and sole financier of this endeavour to modernise the Korean infrastructure, a move beneficial to all powers and interests present on the peninsula, has opted to, quite rationally, ensure that this railway is properly operated. Would the Russians, in the construction of their own railways in the Manshu provinces of the Qing, accede to unqualified persons from those provinces to operate these vital lines? Would that be, in the estimation of the Russian Empire, a sound investment and a proper use of their resources?

Furthermore, the His Majesty’s Government, in the wake of this gross violation by the Korean Empire in regards to signing, then swiftly nullifying, its treaties with the Empire of Japan, has acted in a manner that can only be described as forthright and moderate. If, of course, the Russians believe that treaties freely and fairly made can be reneged at the leisure of the recipient party, perhaps then the Qing Empire should endeavour to place itself on a more even footing with the government of St Petersburg. Unless of course, such diplomatic slights can reserved only for non-Russians.

The Russian fears in regards to railways is, in the estimation of the Empire of Japan, quixotic and again smacks of that beast of double standards; whilst His Majesty’ Government has only desired to construct two railways which shall cling well to the coast, and promote trade and good conduct, not only for the Japanese, but for all powers invested and interested in Korea, the Empire of Russia has radically expanded its railways in the Manshu provinces, and for the express purpose of better connect its southernmost military outpost, the Gibraltar of the Yellow Sea, to the remainder of her increasingly vast and ever-expanding Empire.

The Empire of Japan desires nothing more than peace in the Orient, and has certainly worked towards the establishment and maintenance of that; the Russian Empire has, time and again, sought to undermine that work, that earnest desire to preserve the independence and free and fair conduct of the Oriental States by the Empire of Japan, through aggressive expansionism and pleasing rhetoric that masks its own misdeeds and condemns the good nature of its perceived rivals in the region.

In short, we ask that the Russians cease this needless support for treaty violations and reneging, and to instead follow a peaceful and constructive policy in the Far East to better preserve the peace of the region. The Empire of Japan has long since proven its willingness to concede and work towards that peace.

~ Aoki Shūzō, Gaimu Daijin


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Russian Empire
Россійская Имперія

It is apparent that the Japanese State is engulfed in fear, its actions ruled by an apparent hatred towards the Great and Powerful Nations which hold legitimate treaties across the world. They chide Port Arthur as an eastern Gibraltar, which in turns seems to suggest that the Japanese State likewise bears disdain for the British and their legitimately held lands.

Regarding the repeated prattle of Japanese rhetoric, specifically to the status of Russian railways within the Far East, they are held in accordance with proper agreements, treaties that have been long accepted. To equate it to the Japan-Korea Treaty is senseless, for one could believe that its ink had hardly dried before the Korean Empire backed out. Surely, the Japanese State is envious of the superior diplomatic successes of Russia, but there exists no reason that this must lead to war.

With that said, the Russian Empire is pleased to hear the willingness of Japanese concession, and we hope that our joint pursuit of peace will ensure the absence of war, especially wars in response to minor diplomatic slights. Let us see the Korean Empire be blessed with peace for a century, and let it become a healthy realm of prosperity, free of bloodshed and conflict.
 
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大日本帝国
Dai Nippon Teikoku

富国強兵 - Fukoku kyōhei
君が代 – Kimigayo

It is utterly unsurprising that the Russian Empire would twist to the words of another nation to suit its ends; the Empire of Japan has no qualms with the British territory of Gibraltar – His Majesty’s Government was merely pointing out the noted hypocrisy of the Russians in decrying the ownership of the Liaodong Peninsula as being a fount of instability in East Asia whilst it was under the dominion of the Empire of Japan, only to immediately seize the peninsula for itself at the earliest available opportunity, and their actions in the years since to further fortify that position. Granted, one can easy forgive the Russian government for its mistake – it can be difficult for simple minds to wrap around concepts they are unfamiliar with, such as allusion, or the nature of hypocrisy.

More to the point, the Russians continue to quibble on about how their treaties are entirely different, though they have yet to provide counter to any point presented by His Majesty’s Government, save for more hollow and vacuous remarks, made seemingly only to secure their ego.

His Majesty’s Government shall, should the Russians continue with their obstructionism and utterly pointless commentary, not bother itself to stoop down to that petty level of childishness, and instead shall work towards the reinstatement of the treaty so carelessly discarded by the Korean Empire. St Petersburg is free to spew out more banalities at its leisure.

~ Aoki Shūzō, Gaimu Daijin



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The Ottoman Empire
Devlet-i Aliyye-i Osmâniyye
His Imperial Majesty's Government, after serious and prolonged consideration, withdraws the ultimatum to the Principality of Bulgaria. While the Empire in no way recognises or condones the unilateral and disgraceful actions of the Bulgarian government, His Imperial Majesty's Government is ultimately committed to the principles of peace and stability in the Balkans. As such, the Ottoman State formally agrees to the Russian proposal for a conference; and hopes that a peaceable and mutually-agreeable can be reached for the sake of all parties involved.

Sincerely,

Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha,
Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire
 
The Treaty of Inchon

Article I: Preliminaries
A. The Russian Empire, the United States of America, and the Empire of Japan state their continued and perpetual desire for peace and amity in East Asia and announce their commitment to ensuring that peace and stability reign between their nations.

B. The Russian Empire, the United States of America, and the Empire of Japan affirm their desire to ensure the continued peace and stability of the Korean Empire.

C. The Russian Empire, the United States of America, and the Empire of Japan pledge their national honor to upholding and maintaining the terms of this agreement.

Article II: The Japan-Korea Treaty of 1900
A. The Korean Empire shall resume its compliance with the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1900 in full and shall uphold its terms without reservation.

B. The Korean Empire shall issue a formal apology to the Empire of Japan for its gross diplomatic misconduct and breach of national honor.

C. The Korean Empire shall further pay an indemnity of 10 million dollars to the Empire of Japan for its misconduct and breach of honor.

Article III: The Trans-Manchurian Railway
A. The Korean Empire shall permit the construction of a railway spur connecting the city of Pyongyang to the Trans-Manchurian Railway.

B. The Trans-Manchurian spur shall be wholly owned and operated by the Russian Empire or representatives thereof.

C. The land upon which the railway occupies shall be ceded to the Russian Empire for a period of time to last no fewer than ninety-nine (99) years, with opportunity for renewal.

Article IV: Enforcement
A. To ensure continued peace and prosperity, the Korean Empire shall open the port of Inchon to delegations from the Russian Empire, the United States of America, and the Empire of Japan and shall grant those delegations and their chosen areas of the port full extraterritorial status, as well as free and unrestricted access to the facilities and structures of the port.

B. The Russian Empire, the United States of America, and the Empire of Japan shall establish within the port of Inchon a multilateral commission with permanent representatives, with the stated aim of providing a forum for future disputes so that they might be resolved peacefully and without incident.

C. Should the Korean Empire later violate the terms of this agreement, the Russian Empire, the United States of America, and the Empire of Japan commit themselves to resolving the issue in a multilateral fashion following joint consultation and agreement.

[X] Count Mikhail Nikolayevich Muravyov, Foreign Minister for the Russian Empire
[X] John Hay, Secretary of State, on behalf of President McKinley
[X] Aoki Shūzō, Gaimu Daijin
[ ] Korean representative
 
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大日本帝国
Dai Nippon Teikoku

富国強兵 - Fukoku kyōhei
君が代 – Kimigayo


His Majesty’s Government wishes to extend its thanks to the American Government, in particular to her President and Secretary of State, for their work in resolving the present crisis on the Korean Peninsula and preventing an outbreak of hostilities between any of the parties involved.

~ Aoki Shūzō, Gaimu Daijin

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Treaty of Inchon

[X] Aoki Shūzō, Gaimu Daijin



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The wonders of diplomacy have quelled beligerent hearts, and the Russian Empire is pleased that peace will reign instead of war. American work for this agreement cannot be understated, and the efforts of President McKinley and his Government are applauded.

[X] - Count Mikhail Nikolayevich Muravyov, Foreign Minister for the Russian Empire
 
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大日本帝国
Dai Nippon Teikoku

富国強兵 - Fukoku kyōhei
君が代 – Kimigayo

His Excellency, Marquis Itō Hirobumi, former President of the Privy Council and thrice Prime Minister of the Greater Japanese Empire, announces the formation of Rikken Seiyūkai, or the Constitutional Association of Political Friendship, which he hopes shall prove to be an effective counterweight to Kensei Hontō (the Party for Constitutional Government). It promotes, in his estimation, a strong and robust government, active in all matters, and a belief in a budget capable of meeting the various needs of the Empire.

A Brief Look at the Other Major Political Parties of the Empire

There are presently three major parties in the Imperial Diet, soon to be joined by Rikken Seiyūkai in all likelihood.

Kensei Hontō, the Party for Constitutional Government, formed in November of 1898, is composed largely from members of Shinpotō (the Progressive Party) who were dissatisfied with the leadership’s merger with Rikken Kaishintō (the Constitutional Reform Party) and Jiyūtō (the Liberal Party) to create Kenseitō. As of the elections of Meiji 31 (1898, specifically September), it is the largest party in the Imperial Diet, with 124 seats. The collapse of Kenseitō only months later helped Kensei Hontō back to the fore, at least for the moment. Its leader, Ōkuma Shigenobu, is amongst the most liberal of Japan’s political elite; previously, and controversially, he has served as Foreign Minister (Ōkuma’s tenure was spent largely trying to renegotiate the “unequal treaties” Japan had with the Western powers, and his results were deemed as being too conciliatory to the Europeans. So great was the controversy, an attempt on his life was made by a member of the Gen'yōsha (a radical Pan-Asianist group) in 1889, and his right leg was blown off by a bomb. He retired from politics at that time, and has only in the past few years returned)

Shin Kenseitō, the New Constitutional Party, is an offshoot of the now moribund Kenseitō, and is led by Itagaki Taisuke, who had formerly led Jiyūtō. Like Ōkuma, he was subject to an assassination attempt, in 1882, after which he allegedly declared “Itagaki may die, but liberty never!” Despite his liberal views, many believe the party will soon merge with Itō’s Rikken Seiyūkai, and likely against his wishes.

Teikokutō, or the Imperial Party, is the successor to the Kokumin Kyōkai (National Association), and was established last year, gaining most of its forbearer’s parliamentary seats. It is a staunchly pro-government party and will likely align itself with Rikken Seiyūkai.


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Nothing But Sadness and Horrors

As battles raged on the grassy plains of South Africa, peace continued to reign on the continent of Europe. Queen Victoria, aging yet still sound in mind, remained the matriarch of Europe and its living mother; but her war against the Boers of South Africa grew more unpopular by the day with the people of the continent. Dissent in Germany, and other Germanic states, was especially vocal in particular, with some even demanding that the Kaiser come to the aid of the outnumbered Boers and bring an end to the war.


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Queen Victoria and the Prince of Wales with Tsar Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra, and Grand Duchess Olga, 1896.

Albert Edward, the Prince of Wales and heir apparent to the throne of the United Kingdom, was well known for his social demeanor and more personal attitude when dealing with dignitaries and royals from abroad as well as at home. In March 1900 the Prince of Wales planned a visit to Denmark, the home of his wife, Princess Alexandra. He would take a boat across the Channel to Belgium and then travel north; his wife would be with him, and the itinerary included meetings with Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands, Prince Henry of Prussia (Emperor Wilhelm's younger brother) and Crown Prince Wilhelm, and the aging King Christian IX of Denmark himself in Copenhagen.

While in Brussels, the Prince of Wales and his wife, accompanied by a detatched unit of the 3rd Dragoon Guards, attended festivities with Prince Albert, the heir apparent of Belgium. After departing the meeting, Albert Edward and his wife were escorted to their carriage when, from the crowd gathered in the area to sneak a peek at the British heir, a young boy of fifteen jumped, pistol in hand. Before any of the Prince's guards could react, a shot was fired, and then a second; two guards quickly grabbed the Prince and Princess and threw them into the carriage, urging the driver forward, while the boy was tackled to the ground. The crowd, suddenly ripe with fear, dispersed amid a cacophony of screams.


Albert Edward, when asked if he had been hit, breathed a sigh of relief and said to his wife – with whom he had recently endured a strained relationship – that he would be fine. However, within just moments, his breathing became labored. When blood was found on the carriage seat, the Prince of Wales turned to Captain Reginald Talbot, his friend and the commander of the guard, and said, “Sir, I believe I have been hit.”

The carriage was rushed to the nearest hospital as the Prince's condition worsened rapidly. The Princess of Wales, her eyes filled with tears, helped her husband out of the carriage with several guards, and he was immediately rushed to an operating table. Before too long, the bullet was extracted from the Prince's larger-than-average torso and, with some medication, it was believed he would make a full recovery before too long.

The next day, one of several reporters allowed into the room – against the wishes of the Princess, but at the urging of Albert Edward himself – stated he found “His Highness upright in bed, smoking a cigar, without a hint of urgency or illness.” Despite this, the very next day, the Prince's health continued to worsen. On 7 April his son, Duke George of York, came to his bedside, and was there until the end. Just past nine in the evening, the Prince of Wales breathed his last.

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A sketch taken of the Prince of Wales several hours after his death.

The news struck the whole of the British Empire like one gigantic wave. A day of mourning was proclaimed and the morning papers expressed a great deal of grief. Queen Victoria wrote in her diary, “It is a horrible year, nothing but sadness & horrors of one kind & another.” Having lost her husband, her immediate grandchild, and her children Alice and Leopold, she now had to bear the loss of her eldest son and heir.

The murderer of the Prince of Wales was identified to be Jean-Baptiste Sipido. The young boy, an anarchist enraged at the horrors of the Boer War and the British persecution of the Boers in general, had decided to take matters into his own hands in an attempt to scare Queen Victoria into bringing the war to an end. Though the Belgian government would not have usually sentenced a boy of such a young age, the circumstances of this case were certainly extraordinary. The death penalty having been deemed too cruel for a boy, he was very rapidly sentenced to life imprisonment.


This assassination ended up shaking the British line of succession. This meant that Albert Edward's relatively young son, the thirty-four year-old Prince George Frederick Ernest Albert, would become the Prince of Wales. His own sons were just five years old, four years old, and several days old. Of note, Alfred, the German Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, immediately renounced any and all claims to the throne in early May. (In July he, too, would die of throat cancer, sending Victoria into an even deeper spiral of grief.)

Prince George had a diverse childhood; he traveled the world while in the Royal Navy, having an audience with the Meiji Emperor; and, after the death of his elder brother, Prince Albert Victor, had been wed to his widow, Princess Mary of Teck. George, now the heir of Queen Victoria, immediately set out on a grand tour of the British Empire, with stops in Canada, Egypt, South Africa, India, and Hong Kong. Even as the United Kingdom began to finally accept the death of Prince Albert Edward, they found a newfound hope in the proud and hardworking, if quiet, Prince.

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Prince George of Wales, the new heir apparent of the United Kingdom, pictured in 1893.
 
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