GM Note: The amount of misunderstanding here is simply insane. Orders are not due for another week. You are insane if you thought that orders would be due instantly.
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The Restoration of the Kingdom of Hungary
Then came the issue of the monarch. In this matter Parliament was divided between the Christian National Union Party, which supported the restoration of Charles I of Austria as Charles IV of Hungary, and the National Smallholders and Agricultural Labourers Party which supported the selection of a new King. Although the Habsburgs had retained some popularity in Hungary as opposed to Austria there was not deemed enough popular support to make the immediate restoration of Charles tenable. Of far more importance, however, was the complete and unyielding opposition of both the Allied Powers and the Little Entente to the restoration of a Habsburg on any throne in Europe much less a former belligerent power. For these reasons, and under immense pressure by the National Smallholders, the Parliament voted to extend the Crown to a non-Habsburg and in the meantime appoint a Regent.
The appointment of the Regent was itself a matter of some contention. Admiral Miklós Horthy had served with distinction in the Great War at the Battle of Otranto, commanded the National Army against the Kun regime during the War of 1919, and was widely respected by his soldiers and by civilians as one of Hungary's heroes. It was only natural, therefore, that the Regency be extended to him and Parliament voted to do so by a considerable margin. Bishop Ottokár Prohászka of Székesfehérvár (symbolic, but not as symbolic as it would have been had Horthy not been a Calvinist) then led a small delegation to meet Horthy, announcing, "Hungary's Parliament has elected you Regent! Would it please you to accept the office of Regent of Hungary?" to which, to their astonishment, Horthy declined; stating that he was in the first place unwilling to serve as a Regent for anyone other than Charles IV and that in the second place, he would not accept unless he was vested with full executive prerogatives that, under the Constitution, would normally be vested in the Palatine. Flustered, the delegation beat a hasty retreat to Budapest from the Admiral's estate in the country and promised they would get back to him. The unexpected rejection caused consternation in Parliament as well, torn between granting Horthy the extraconstitutional powers he requested or appointing someone else yet risking the anger of the National Army which was still firmly under his thumb. Freeholders declared angrily that they "have supported a King, have supported Horthy, but do not support King Horthy" and eventually they and the Christian Unionists reached a compromise: Count Albert Apponyi, a noted elder statesman and author who had served various posts under the Dual Monarchy and had represented Hungary when negotiating the Treaty of Trianon, was appointed Regent. Meanwhile, a resolution was passed stipulating that Horthy would be appointed as Palatine once a new King was put in place.
With that in place, Parliament moved to the matter of considering their new King. Although the prospect of electing a native Hungarian was briefly tossed around, it quickly became apparent that as roughly half of Hungary's parliamentarians and notable politicians were some sort of aristocrat hailing from families older than a significant portion of the Allied nations, that that idea wouldn't fly. It would be nearly impossible to decide which family should be elevated to Royal status, cause a surge of scheming for power, and reopen blood feuds and inspire new ones as legions of aristocrats would be embittered by the Crown of St Stephen having passed them and their children by. To alleviate such concerns they eventually decided to invite a foreigner to take the throne. The only question which then remained, of course, was which foreigner. These considerations were complicated by the fact that most of the civilised world had until recently taken up arms against Hungary or her allies either directly or indirectly but eventually a few clear candidates emerged from the haze of debate and deliberation:
Both candidates had much to recommend themselves. Neither Italy nor Great Britain were seen as the primary enemies of the Hungarian nation, as the former joined late to the war and was left in the cold during the peace; and alliances with either country or close relationships brought on by dynastic ties could prove extremely beneficial. However one thing stood in the way of either being offered the Crown: Admiral Horthy. In his role as Admiral for the Dual Monarchy during the Great War, Horthy's most significant achievement was the Battle of the Otranto Straits, wherein the Austo-Hungarian Navy under his personal command scored a stunning victory against the much larger Franco-Italo-British fleet. Horthy had been wounded in the battle and had continued to issue commands until he passed out on the desk of his flagship and the battle served as his proudest moment. As soon as the venerable figure heard that an Englishmen and Italian were being considered for the Kingship, he immediately dispatched a contingent of National Army soldiers to Parliament to inform the politicians that their commander would not swear fealty to the same dogs which he had so proudly set to flight on the waves of the Adriatic. Left with little other options and unable to extend the throne to their natural next choice of a German due to fears of Allied backlash, Parliament formally motioned to offer the crown to the only other neutral nation with an eligible Prince that they could think of. It was therefore, on the Octave of Easter 1920, that the Crown of St Stephen came to be offered to the young Prince Canute, Hereditary Prince of Denmark; on the condition that he convert to Roman Catholicism.
---
The Kingdom of Hungary
Magyar Királyság
After great deliberation, the Parliament of the Kingdom of Hungary has decided to offer the Crown of St Stephen to your son, Prince Knud of Denmark. He is considered a worthy candidate for the Crown, and, should he convert to Roman Catholicism, Parliament shall make arrangements for him to be crowned as King Mátyás III of Hungary. On behalf of Parliament and the people of Hungary, I ask your permission and that of your son to accept the Crown.
Yours in Christ,
Count dr. Albert Apponyi de Nagyappony
His Highness, Regent of Hungary
The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch and the Ruhr Uprising
Since the military collapse of the German Empire, and the German Revolution which swept away the old government of the Empire and ushered in the new, Social-Democratic government, life in Germany changed little from the end of the war. Economically, the country was still lagging, and problems persisted far and wide. With the Treaty of Versailles officially taking effect, little of note happened the remainder of the month in Germany, with the implementation of its terms being worked through the various offices of government.
There was opposition to this, of course, coming from the right and the reactionaries, who stood against the ideas of the Social Democratic government, and wished to move Germany towards its former state. Inherently against the "Versailles Diktat", as well as the policies of the government, many adopted the idea of standing against the Government through the organs of the new political order. Wolfgang Kapp, who was serving as the President of East Prussia, made repeated overtures against Chancellor Bauer and President Ebert, protesting over their continued control over the country, claiming the coalition that brought them into power was undemocratic, and did not represent the people, as they were simply in power to effect the peace, not run the post-war country.
The President and the Chancellor ignored his requests, and instead moved to further order the disbanding of Freikrops operating in Germany, to comply with obligations put forward against the country. General Walther von Lüttwitz began to refuse the dissolution of several elements of the army operating in Berlin, directly against the actions put forward by defense minister Gustav Noske. Noske responded by removing the soldiers in question away from the General, and ordering them dissolved under their new leadership. Again, the General declined the move, and refused a meeting with President Ebert, also declining to accept demands by Minister Noske to stand down his position and resign his office for disloyalty to Germany.
Instead of doing so, Lüttwitz, along with General Ehrhardt, came into contact with Kapp, whom they knew to be an opponent of the government, and the control of the Army by the Defense Minister seemed to be waning, but little more than calling up two regiments of Sicherheitspolizei to protect the government quarters were taken by Noske.
On the morning of March 20th, General von Lüttwitz ordered the government to dissolve, for new ministers to be appointed to the government, and for the installment of Kapp as Chancellor of Germany until the time could be taken for a new government to be formed. The government, with few options, fled the city, with the ministers from outside the SPD remaining within Berlin. President Ebert called for a general strike in protest of the Putsch, while Kapp was announced Chancellor of Germany, and von Lüttwitz the new defense minister. The reaction was positive, with the soldiers in Berlin, the navy, and Army Commands accepted the new government.
Putschists in Berlin, warning civilians against action.
In Bavaria, the Reichswehr installed Gustav Ritter von Kahr as leader of the state, toppling the Social Democratic government. Across the rest of the country, there was support for the new government by many in the military and the Freikorps. The largest amount of support came from eastern Prussia, along with the elite members of the German bureaucracy, many of whom had served under the Empire, and had little to no attachment to the Republic.
While support for the putsch was met with success here, support for the Social Democratic government was overwhelming with the lower classes. The strike that was called by the President brought the country's economy to a halt, with millions of workers refusing to go to work in response to the overthrow of the government. Gas, water, and power supply issues crippled the country, and in Berlin, they completely collapsed.
Newspapers ceased printing, communication was impossible, and the country was largely ungovernable. In the east, along with in Berlin, promises of new elections were able to thin the strikers, and brought a veil of stability to the government. Operating in Stuttgart, the leftist government demanded that the Berlin government cease operations once again, and they had resumed control over a majority of the country.
Those on the right, who supposed Democracy, were able to bring the downfall of the government, securing the ability for Kapp and Lüttwitz to resign, be afforded a pension of both of their positions, and for some of their demands to be met. The National Assembly would be dissolved and elections held in a few months time for a new Reichstag. As the SPD government returned to Berlin, a far larger problem was slowly spiraling out of control.
In the Ruhr region, one of Germany's major industrial centres, the general strike issued by the government against the putsch was getting stronger and stronger, and despite the return of the Social Democratic government, radicals began to take over the movement, when Central Committees of Workers' Councils were beginning to rise, gaining more and more support with the workers, and they began to seize control of power from the government. Armed resistance soon began to the government, with the "Red Ruhr Army" being formed to attack units of Freikorps and police operating in the area.
Communist soldiers in Dortmund.
The General Strike was declared over by President Ebert, and that order needed to be restored to the Ruhr, now that the legitimate government was in power. The councils refused the orders of the President, and began to take over larger swaths of land, this time attacking units of the Reichswehr which had been stationed near the region.
With an increased amount of support for revolutionary action, and the threat of the Social Democratic government falling at any moment, recruitment and equipping of the Red Ruhr Army increased, forming into an even larger force day after day. It was becoming increasingly clear that no matter how many demands were issued by Berlin, the strikers would not stand down at all. The first major setback for the Red Ruhr Army was at the hands of several units of the Reichswehr, which were defending their positions, and had not been given the order to attack them just yet. As the month of April entered into its 19th day, the situation continued to deteriorate, leaving the next possible actions up to the President, but offering him little choice.
The Kingdom of Hungary
Magyar Királyság
Having heard of the trials of our former friend and ally, and similarly burdened by the heavy weight of an unequal treaty, the Kingdom of Hungary conveys her deepest support and sympathy for the legitimate German government. While the actions of Mssrs Kapp and Luttwitz may have been admirable in their intent, in their execution they were flawed and proven to be manifestly harmful to the German people. It is the wish of the Kingdom of Hungary, His Highness the Regent, and the Hungarian people as a whole that the German nation prevail over those insidious communist forces which seek to undermine her -- Hungary, herself, having suffered under the heel of such a regime -- and we express our greatest and most cordial friendship.
With sincerest regards,
István Bethlen
President of the Kingdom of Hungary
On the Instability in Germany
The failed paramilitary coup, resulting in the overthrow of the dutifully elected government and the installment of a hostile undemocratic regime was a shock to be had when received by the French diplomatic offices. However the return of law, order and democracy to much of the nation was a beneficial advancement to all future Franco-German relations. The dedication of certain elements to the ideals of democracy are uplifting to see in a former, tyrannical enemy.
The actions on the Ruhr Valley are most distressing however. The Bolsheviks, saboteurs and dissidents most foul have seized much of the Rhineland under their despicable control. Such unwanted filth so close to French borders shall not be tolerated. The German government has a single month to crush the rebels, or the French government will be forced to protect our borders and our way of life from the encroachment of Communism. The French government never has, and never will support Communists in any form.
The treat posed by the red enemy of Communism is growing more dangerous. The Rise of the Communist insurrectionists in the Rhur is a grave threat to the forces of Social democracy in Germany. We may not like Germans but we hate the red menace even more. We would aid the German people but an even greater threat lurks to our East. The foul Bolsheviks have al but triumphed over their White opponents with Kolchak dead and Deniken's forces being driven towards the Don with little hope to defend the crossings of the Don. We have no choice now but to strike an strike now. If we do not the Bolsheviks will soon be free to throw all their might against us and we will not be able to stand against them. But even a great blow is worthless without the strategy to make it count. The only way to make a blow truly count is to break away the nationalities of the Old Russian Empire still in the Grasp of the Russian Empire, the Ukrainians Belarussians and the Turks of Central Asia. That is part one of my Policy to secure Poland for the future. The Second is to establish a federation of Slavic states in Eastern Europe to resist any attempt by Russian forces to reassert control over the region. A Federation of equals where all peoples have an equal say and all peoples have banded together of their own will for mutual defence and economic prosperity. I do not believe this will be easy but we must try for the sake of all the people of Eastern Europe who suffered and if we fail then we must at least secure an alliance of mutual defence to protect ourselves against the aggression of the RSFSR. We do this or else Poland will fall once more under the oppression of the Russian nation.
Československá republika
The Government of Czechoslovakia signs the Treaty of Trianon as a way to put the asustro-hungarian agression to an end. We hope that this will help to settle the disputes in central Europe, and we praise the allied efforts to recognize and support the sovereignity of our new Republic, that shall lead the czechoslovak nation to an unseen level of progress and well-being.
Edvard Beneš, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czechoslovak Republic
((Sorry for the poor IC, but I am on travel for 2 days))
A shaky compromise:
Dawn of the Weimar Republic
Dawn of the Weimar Republic
The German armies, that had unexpectedly been stopped at the Miracle of the Marne, fought for over four years on three fronts, and brought the Russian bear to heel. The German public remained persuaded that the Central Powers would win the war, but the combination of the failure of the 1918 offensive, the Entente tanks superiority, American reinforcements and an ever-worsening situation at home was one that the war-weary German people could hardly bear with. In the end, it was the German navy that ended up throwing the towel. The Navy was a truly Imperial creation, and while the Heer servicemen were conscripts with various political sympathies, the Kriegsmarine was seen as a conservative bastion. But overtime, the morale of the immobilized Hochseeflotte dropped and when the Imperial Naval Command decided on its own accord to srtie the fleet, the remaining sailors mutinied in Wilehmshaven and Kiel. The sailors' mutiny was the last crack that destroyed the Imperial war machine and government. Soon after a sailors' council was established in Kiel with support from the SPD and the USPD, the revolution then spread to Bavaria, the North Sea cities and then to the whole country.
In Berlin, events spiralled out of control. The Imperial government had intended to compromise with the SPD before the mutinies were launched, but the monarchy was beyond salvation. The entire army was paralysed by revolts, with Soldatenrate seizing power from the military hierarchy and getting closer to the local unions. When a Councils' Republic was declared in Bavaria, it launched a wave of abdications, and the Republic was declared twice by the Communists of the Spartacist League and by the SPD Philipp Scheidemann. The SPD then joined the USPD and local unions to form a government, but the SPD was bidding its time and tried to get the old elites to support them as the moderate faction. The conservatives who had hoped the Kaiser would return with an army and quell the revolution were then forced to begrudgingly support the SPD.
Ebert and General Groener worked together to sideline the radicals, helped by the relative moderation of the workers' councils in the country, and old army members began organzing the first Freikorps to put down the 'Bolshevik threat'. The Spartacist League, increasingly marginalized as the members of the old regime, local Councils and the SPD were reaching agreements and trying to pacify the country, launched an uprising in January to create a communist state in Germany. The government allowed the Freikorps to enter Berlin and the Spartacists were bloodily repressed. The same situation would happen in Bremen and other locations, with the SPD-led government ordering anti-republican reactionaries to put down the most radical councils.
A constitutive assembly was called in Weimar, and a Constitution was drafted. The assembly was dominated by the SPD with the Zentrum and the liberals cooperating with it to draft it and lead the country. The Presidency was extremely strong, able to rule with the consent of 1/3 of the Reichstag only and the military was responsible to him, and the Reichsrat, council of the German states, was powerless. The Chancellor was the head of government, and was supposed to lead the country, and with a cooperative President things were expected to run smoothly. But should Ebert lose power and be replaced by a man less democratically-inclined, the President - who could hardly be impeached - could rule Germany with more power than Wilhelm II ever had.
This duality between the Recihstag and the President was worsened by the very egalitarian suffrage method, as there was minimum requirement of votes in order to get votes, which could lead to the fragmentation of the political scene and the rise of small parties with limited agendas. A Reichstag full of feuding parties with short-sighted views and an autocratic President were thus legal possibilities, but as it stood after the first elections, the main parties were strong and led by a good-willing President.
Germany was licking its wounds, and the Entente Powers were gathered in Paris in order to ensure Germany would pay dearly for its participation in the war. Demonstrations against the treaty were common, but the German government was forced to sign, and this led to the creation of the Dolchstoßlegende - stab-in-the-back myth - that was very common among centrist and right-winger circles. According to it, Germany was undefeated but was betrayed by the socialists on the homefornt and the various revolutionaries. It was deeply popular, as few could accept that Germany had lost the war and blaming the left-wingers was an easy solution for most. The Jews were sometimes included among the perpetrators and antisemitism was rising among nationalists. This was encouraged by the military leaders, who refused to admit their own failures.
An uneasy social peace was settling, as the communists had been put down. Many concessions - including the 8h workday - had been made in 1919 during the revolutionary frenzy, negotiations between employeers and unions were mandatory in most enterprises and pensions had been raised. The moderate demands had been met, but the workers were getting increasingly dissatisified and began to support the USPD that denounced the SPD for betraying the revolution. On the other side of the political spectrum, conservatives that disliked the republic, the social laws, and capitalism, preferring to see the state and the big business lead the country, were growing, as the ones who had voted for the liberals or the Zentrum to moderate the SPD were now throwing their lot with antidemocratic parties.
Monarchism remained a strong trend among liberals and conservatives, and the army and the Freikorps were notoriously monarchist. The government had decided to side with them against the revolutionaries, and the Freikorps were now a force to be reckoned with, and a potential threat to the republic. The Kaiser was in exile in the Netherlands and would be forced to face trial if he ever set foot in Germany again, as per the treaty of Versailles, but his supporters - who also supported a renewed war to break the Diktat - kept working to have him return. Vernunftrepublikaners, republicans by reason who supported the republic because the monarchy would have led to a renewed civil war, were numerous, and with the left-wingers dissatisfied with the republic, the Weimar Republic had few defenders.
The USPD, notably, accused the SPD of betraying the ideals it stood for. The USPD was the SPD fraction that was opposed to the war, and supported the councils and opposed the social-democratic approach of the SPD. It was divided in two factions, mainly because the decision to enter the 2nd International was highly controversial. Nevertheless, it represented the workers who were dissatisfied with the course the revolution had taken, and were uncompromising.
The Kapp Putsch had been unexpected, and Ebert had ditched his conservative allies for the unions and the USPD. The general strike they called was maybe too effective, and the sanctions the putschists received were too light in the eyes of most left-wingers. In the Ruhr mainly, the local unions refused to disarm and a Red Army, supported by the KPD only, was levied. Government forces surrounded the region along with Freikorps members, and it appeared yet another bloodbath was to be expected.
Deutsches Reich
German Reich
Deutschlandlied
Germans!
The peace that has been dictated to us is a peace no one would have desired, and it is forced by the present circumstances and the lack of alternative, that I signed. The nectar of defeat is hard to swallow, but if we are to see our nation and people move forward, we must accept it. Germany is weakened, humiliated even, but it has yet to be destroyed and it shall rise again, stronger and fairer. We shall rebuild what was destroyed, we shall tend to the wounded and we Germany will remain.
The ones who thought they could endanger the Reich, notwithstanding the fact that they would have brought strife and further occupation to this sorry nation, are criminals and were treated as such. But we are now at a key-point of our common history, and if I am to represent the people as a whole, then I cannot ignore the ones who would have thought this putsch was a good thing, and I may not risk further escalation. I refuse to rekindle the flame of the civil war, and I will thus keep a moderate course. Should such events happen again, the outcome will be highly different. We may be forgiving, but we won't be fooled.
To the brave workers who joined me in the general strike to save the republic, I send my thanks. Your help has been invaluable, and it is because of your decisive actions that I am now sitting in my office. Yet some still need to lay down their weapons. Let it be known that the spectre of separatism will be fought by all means and that it won't be permitted to challenge the rule of law and the order of the Reich. To the ones who are acting the government in the Ruhr, I extend my pardon and offer to meet me to discuss further social legislation. After all, my administration has lowered the hours you need to work daily, it has empowered the unions and cares for the elderly. Aren't those signs of my truthful desire to help the workers? I am opposed to revolutionary take-over and should you persist in these fateful misdemeanours, you will be treated as enemies of the people. Take on my offer, vote in the upcoming elections, gather in unions, but do not rise against your German brothers.
Friedrich Ebert, Reichspräsident
Dem Deutschen Volke
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Deutsches Reich
German Reich
Deutschlandlied
To Alexandre Millerand, President of the Council of the French Republic
The state of war between our two nations has ended, so has the armistice and our bilateral relations are now dictated by the recently signed treaty, the subsequent obligations and a few other conventions and treaties. There is nothing that gives France a right to interfere in the sovereign matters of the German Reich. Germany reserves herself the right to deal with its internal affairs and while French concerns are deeply appreciated and while my administration is currently addressing the problems in the Ruhr, it remains a strictly German problem.
Your concern has been dutifully noted, and while a mistake slipped through the French official discourse - after all the Ruhr is far from bordering France - we shall pay it no heed. The French concerns about Bolshevism are ones I share and should France decide to intervene on behalf of its formal Russian ally, Germany will support France. But as it stands, Germany and France have yet to sign an alliance, and the German administration is fully able to deal with whatever problems it is facing.
Friedrich Ebert, Reichspräsident
Dem Deutschen Volke
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Is the slaughter and humiliation of Germany not complete yet, Mr. Poincaré? Turkey knows that France's vulture act has not ended yet. It has not ended in our country, and it appears that it is entering a new stage in Germany. What is happening in the Ruhr is a blatant disregard for Germany's territorial integrity. The French deadline of one month is humanly impossible to achieve. Even the best army in the world can't "crush" a rebellion in a month. Furthermore, Mr. Poincaré's claim that France opposes communism may be true, but the roots of this discontent is Germany's status as a humiliated and wingclipped nation. If you, Mr. Poincaré, are truly interested in quelling this rebellion then you will not set a deadline to your allies in your fight but assist them.
-Ghazi M. Kemal
-Ghazi M. Kemal
Annex I: Paris of the East, the New York of the West
Given the state of instability and decay in the post-Qing period in China it is surprising to many to learn that Shanghai is renowned throughout the World during this period as a thoroughly modern and cutting-edge place. With a population of over two million people and rapidly growing Shanghai is a free port where people and ideas from all over the World mix freely.
More than ten percent of the population of Shanghai is foreign in 1920, with the British, French, and Americans forming the largest foreign populations. The city is divided between the European western half and the Chinese eastern half, though commerce between the two parts is lively and bustling. It is the only city in China where most of the buildings, even in the Chinese part of the city, have electricity, and trams run across the city, connecting the eastern and western parts.
The British and Americans make a fortune in Shanghai as it is the commercial center of the entire country and the biggest financial center in East Asia. More than half of all imports and exports to and from China pass through the port and it is unsurprising that it sometimes appears to be a world apart from the rest of China. It is the only place where a class of Chinese bourgeoisie exists, working with the Europeans to facilitate trade and commerce.
The Chinese society in the city is organized along a sort of guilds, called “native place associations.” Essentially these are business organizations that defend interests of people from the same hometown. Given the lack of any actual Chinese government in Shanghai these native place associations are responsible for basic services in the Chinese part of the city. Some end up representing mostly skilled workers while many are organizations of largely unskilled workers migrating to Shanghai in search of work.
The European part of the city is run by the Shanghai Municipal Council made up of Europeans, mostly representatives of commercial interests. This Council has a postal service, a police force, and a monopoly over most services, such as electricity and trams. As the rest of the country disintegrates into different warlord factions Shanghai remains ruled by commercial interests, both European and Chinese. As a result industry, commerce, and culture continue to blossom here while the rest of the country is in decline.
Chinese cinema and animation take hold in Shanghai. Movies are made and shown in cinemas around the city, which is a surreal juxtaposition to the situation in the rest of China. Large marble buildings in European style are constructed along the waterfront, creating the famous “Bund.” Major international corporations, such as the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Company, build large architectural complexes in the heart of the city. Banks from all over the world have branches in Shanghai in 1920.
The city is also the center of the international opium trade and the Shanghai “underground” is famous throughout the world. Gambling, drugs, prostitution, and bootlegging all come together at “the Great World” in Shanghai. The Green Gang runs many of these illicit activities in the Shanghai International Settlement, while on the Chinese side of the city criminality runs rampant.
In 1920 this “golden age” of Shanghai is coming apart at the seams, though few people who are there actually realize it. The large influx of poor laborers into the city has changed its demographics drastically. The new working classes are not prepared to listen to the bosses of the same native place associations and resentment against the overbearing foreign presence and the opulent foreign luxury begins to surface.
In 1919 the May Fourth Movement protests rock the city. Chinese nationalists and the poor protest against the Treaty of Versailles and the excesses of the free-wheeling city. Radical philosophers and thinkers such as Chen Duxiu and Hu Shi challenge Chinese tradition with new, radical, modern ideas and ideologies. Socialist ideas that were recently unheard of now become commonplace. The city itself is a microcosm of the fast-moving global forces that are shaping the post-Great War world.
Of course, the rest of China may as well be millions of miles away, completely removed, and largely indifferent to whatever is happening in the Paris of the East.
Given the state of instability and decay in the post-Qing period in China it is surprising to many to learn that Shanghai is renowned throughout the World during this period as a thoroughly modern and cutting-edge place. With a population of over two million people and rapidly growing Shanghai is a free port where people and ideas from all over the World mix freely.
More than ten percent of the population of Shanghai is foreign in 1920, with the British, French, and Americans forming the largest foreign populations. The city is divided between the European western half and the Chinese eastern half, though commerce between the two parts is lively and bustling. It is the only city in China where most of the buildings, even in the Chinese part of the city, have electricity, and trams run across the city, connecting the eastern and western parts.
The British and Americans make a fortune in Shanghai as it is the commercial center of the entire country and the biggest financial center in East Asia. More than half of all imports and exports to and from China pass through the port and it is unsurprising that it sometimes appears to be a world apart from the rest of China. It is the only place where a class of Chinese bourgeoisie exists, working with the Europeans to facilitate trade and commerce.
The Chinese society in the city is organized along a sort of guilds, called “native place associations.” Essentially these are business organizations that defend interests of people from the same hometown. Given the lack of any actual Chinese government in Shanghai these native place associations are responsible for basic services in the Chinese part of the city. Some end up representing mostly skilled workers while many are organizations of largely unskilled workers migrating to Shanghai in search of work.
The European part of the city is run by the Shanghai Municipal Council made up of Europeans, mostly representatives of commercial interests. This Council has a postal service, a police force, and a monopoly over most services, such as electricity and trams. As the rest of the country disintegrates into different warlord factions Shanghai remains ruled by commercial interests, both European and Chinese. As a result industry, commerce, and culture continue to blossom here while the rest of the country is in decline.
Chinese cinema and animation take hold in Shanghai. Movies are made and shown in cinemas around the city, which is a surreal juxtaposition to the situation in the rest of China. Large marble buildings in European style are constructed along the waterfront, creating the famous “Bund.” Major international corporations, such as the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Company, build large architectural complexes in the heart of the city. Banks from all over the world have branches in Shanghai in 1920.
The city is also the center of the international opium trade and the Shanghai “underground” is famous throughout the world. Gambling, drugs, prostitution, and bootlegging all come together at “the Great World” in Shanghai. The Green Gang runs many of these illicit activities in the Shanghai International Settlement, while on the Chinese side of the city criminality runs rampant.
In 1920 this “golden age” of Shanghai is coming apart at the seams, though few people who are there actually realize it. The large influx of poor laborers into the city has changed its demographics drastically. The new working classes are not prepared to listen to the bosses of the same native place associations and resentment against the overbearing foreign presence and the opulent foreign luxury begins to surface.
In 1919 the May Fourth Movement protests rock the city. Chinese nationalists and the poor protest against the Treaty of Versailles and the excesses of the free-wheeling city. Radical philosophers and thinkers such as Chen Duxiu and Hu Shi challenge Chinese tradition with new, radical, modern ideas and ideologies. Socialist ideas that were recently unheard of now become commonplace. The city itself is a microcosm of the fast-moving global forces that are shaping the post-Great War world.
Of course, the rest of China may as well be millions of miles away, completely removed, and largely indifferent to whatever is happening in the Paris of the East.
Dekri diraja dari Astana
Royal Decree from the Astana
His Highness, Charles Vyner Brooke has declared that for every man in his service that the following shall be enforced and preparations for it to be made. Provinces of the realm shall be enacted and drawn up and their capital shall be made up of the larger forts in the region. This fort and its commander shall henceforth be responsible to represent the Rajah and carry out his law to the land that is assigned to him and of the delegation of laws and responsibility to the Outstations that belongs to him
This decree does not abolish the annual ceremony of the chieftains meeting with His Highness and swearing allegiance, this decree only concerns the internal structure of His Highness administration.
The division shall be as follow and uses this map as reference:
Kutching Province - Fort Kutching
- The Landmark of Tanjong Datu
- Gold mines of Bau
- Outstation of Rsadong
- Outstation of Semunjan, including the coal mine of Semunjan
- Kuching, Capital of Sarawak
- And everything in-between
Lupar Province - Fort Simanggang
- Outstation of Selantik, including the coal fields o Selantik
- Mount Tandong
- Outstation of Lobok Anta
- Outstation of Seratok
- Village of Kabong
- And everything in-between
Sibu Province - Fort Sibu
- Rejang River
- Lighthouse of Sirika
- Egan River and the village at the mouth of the river
- Town of Sibu
- Outstation of Kanowit, including the Fort of Kanowit
- Outstation of Song, including the fort of Song
- And everything in-between
Muka Province - Fort Bakong
- River of Oya, all the way down to the mountain
- River of Tatau, all the way down to the mountain
- And everything in-between
Rejang Province - Fort Kapit
- Rejang River
- Outstation of Belaga
- Raleh River
- And everything in-between
Breaker Bay Province - Fort Kidorong
- Outstation of Kidorong
- Outstation of Tubau
- Mountain G. Kalalung
- Outstation of Niah
- And everything in-between
Miri Province - Fort Claudetown
- Landmark of Lobong Point
- Landmark of Barram Point
- Outstation of Claudetown
- And everything in-between
Everything not covered in these provinces are deemed to be under the jurisdiction of the Astana. Few examples are the populated areas of Talang Island, Satang Island or the border regions of the nation and the forts covering the borders.
Signed by His Higness, Charles Vyner de Windt Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak
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The Greater Japanese Empire
"Kimigayo"
The Greater Japanese Empire, under the benevolent guidance of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor, has emerged from the crucible of war possessed of far greater might and far greater dignity than ever experienced even during the reigns of His illustrious predecessor, the Emperor Meiji. Having achieved victory against the Central Powers in cooperation with our good friends and allies the British, we must now turn our attention toward the scourge of Communism currently ravaging the Russian Empire and the illegitimate regicidal criminals currently claiming to reign there.
Japan shall not falter in its determination to oppose Communism, and it is for this reason that we call upon the French Republic to set aside its squabble with the German successor state and focus its efforts not against a few German dissidents, but rather against the rapacious and violent horde of Red Communists that seek to cement their control over the world's largest nation. We must remain united in our opposition to this threat, and not become mired in regional matters when the safety and security of the entire world are at stake.
For its part, Japan will continue in its role as the guardian of the East, and shall remain vigilant against the encroachment of European Communism into the pristine and vibrant lands of Asia. Together, we shall banish anarchy and strife and ensure that peace and tranquility shall reign across the whole of the world.
On behalf of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor,
Hara Takashi, Prime Minister of the Greater Japanese Empire
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[X] - Uchida Kosai, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Greater Japanese Empire, on behalf of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor
The League of Nations secretary general feels it necessary to remind people that any protests within Germany must be resolved by the German government itself or by a foreign force but only if the German government invites the said foreign force into their country. At no point shall any nation within the League of Nations disrespect the sanctity of another nations borders under pretext of preventing a rebellion. If the French government feels like it's national security is at risk from the Communist uprisings in Germany, it is invited to submit the issue to the League of Nations council, so that a peaceful solution can be reached. We would also like to remind the French government that timed ultimatums have directly contributed towards the outbreak of the Great War.
Deutsches Reich
German Reich
Deutschlandlied
Statement regarding the Treaty of Peace between the Allied and Associated Powers and Hungary, also called Treaty of Trianon
The German Reich wishes to remind the international community and that the Imperial and Royal administration agreed to the signature of an armistice with the Entente and affiliated Powers before the so-called Lansing Note was published, which led the Austro-Hungarian leadership to believe the peace treaty would be based upon Mr. Wilson's Fourteen Points, and subsequently to agree to an armistice. The autonomies of Czecoslovakia and the Kingdom of the Croats and the Slovenes were turned into independence, but this didn't undermine the underlying principle, that of self-determination.
The Allied Powers have claimed to be desiring to respect the will of the peoples, and have done so under the aegis of the League of Nations in various places. The German government can thus only wonder why such a harsh treaty has been imposed on Hungary, as it leaves many areas whose populations have expressed their desire to remain part of the Lands of St Stephen outside the reach of Budapest. Germany can only regret this state of affairs and wishes the Allied Powers would reconsider their stance on the matter. If self-determination is to bring Europe solace and a lasting peace, then it must be adopted truthfully.
It is with hope that the consequences of the Paris peace conference will bring a lasting status quo in Europe that Germany offers its kindest support to Hungary in these dire times, and we wish to rebuild proper relations with the ones who were once our allies.
Hermann Müller, Reichsaußenminister
Dem Deutschen Volke
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The Kingdom of Hungary
Magyar Királyság
The Kingdom of Hungary extends her thanks to the German Reich for her denunciation of the Treaty of Trianon. Much like the Treaty of Versailles under which the German people labour, the Treaty is not based upon the principles of liberty or self-determination which the Allies have touted and waved like banners in the wind, but rather upon the petty foundations of revengism and punishment. The Hungarian accession to, and ratification of, the terms of the Treaty were performed under the greatest of protest and duress. While the Kingdom shall, of course, continue to implement and abide by those terms, she exhorts the Allied powers to see that the principles they supposedly hold so sacrosanct are implemented in deed rather than word.
With sincerest regards,
Imre Csáky
Foreign Secretary of the Kingdom of Hungary
I recognize you by the fearsome sharpness,
of your sword,
I recognize you by the gleam (in your eyes)
with which you rapidly survey the earth.
It is with great pleasure that I announce you today that this forsaken war which we found ourselves in has finally ended with the victory of the forces of Entente! Despite the fact that the outcome was never in doubt, former King of Greece, Constantine, had decided remain neutral in a war where we could liberate our fellow Greeks from the oppressive and corrupt hands of the Bulgarian and Turkish Government. Luckily for the whole of Hellenism itself, we knew better. Under the wise guidance of the Liberal Party our country has grown and prospered, defending against various enemies and even doubling in size through our gains in the two Balkan Wars and also in the Great War that engulfed the world in misery and fire.
However, all of these wars were not without costs to our beloved country. Even though we thought of ourselves as militarily and psyhologically prepared, we were not ready for such an extended period of war. Not only do our soldiers lie tired and our fields lie devastated. Many families were left without men in the war, and there is a growing threat of destabilising elements like the Communists brawing throughout Europe. We must be alert of such elements, but we also must not forget the fruits of peace in our fear for safety.
But that is not all sadly. During the Great War, as much as I am saddened by this , we found ourselves in a needless state of civil war between the pro - German and pro - Entente forces. Needless to say, I am certain through judging the results that all of those who wanted us to be friendly with the Central Powers today would have shifted mentalities and would have gladly accepted us siding with Entente. Sadly however, what is in the past can not be changed by the present.
In spite of this, we should not be griefing for the past, but rather looking at the future with excitement. The Megali Idea, the unification of all Greeks under one state, the ambition which we have sought to accomplish since the creation of our very first state in 1830, is looming closer and closer to us. We must take the responsibility, both as a government and as a people, to take this chance and to finally unite with the Greeks of Thrace and Smyrna! Such is the only way under which we can best serve Greece and Democracy.
Eleytherios Venizelos, Prime Minister of Greece
The Greater Japanese Empire has offered its assent to the Treaty of Trianon purely as part of its treaty obligations to its friend and ally, the British Empire, and does not condone or support the terms therein, as they were formulated without any meaningful consultation with our diplomats or officials. Our principal aim is to declare hostilities with the Kingdom of Hungary at an end, not to impose punitive terms or to benefit from their imposition. We leave such measures to the powers of Europe, as the imposition and maintenance of an enduring peace is properly a European affair.
On behalf of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor,
and His Excellency the Prime Minister,
Uchida Kosai, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Greater Japanese Empire
and His Excellency the Prime Minister,
Uchida Kosai, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Greater Japanese Empire