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Finally, peace with Turkey! And to ratify it, war with Turkey!

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A message from Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Paşa, Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey


Oh, noble Turkish nation! Sons and daughters of the motherland! The horrors committed against you in Kostantiniyye, Izmir, Adana are being spread to most of Anatolia! Our country is being chained to the ground by the allies who are cutting our country like a cake into mandates, puppet states, irrendetism and fallacies.

Criminal acts are being committed to your homeland! Our faith, our nation, all that we hold dear is being treated like dirt by the occupying forces. It are the victors of this last horrible war that think they can do anything they like to our land. Presently, they have nothing to gain except faraway “Mandates”, but we, Turks, have everything to gain and nothing to lose but our honour. The Turkish nation possesses honour and an army and nation that is ready to do battle with all those that oppose her complete and total independence. We shall free our land, people, and Sultan from foreign encroachment.

What the enemy does not realise is that we are an unbroken spirit. This nation has a brave army at her command! And that army does not accept the Greek fantasies of Byzantium. It does not accept the French adventures in Anatolia. It does not accept the allies as a whole pretending the existence of “Wilsonian Armenia” is justified. They only made their move when we were beyond helpless, but now we have an army so that the foreigners will be expelled and our land be freed.

There is no question about our course of action. The Grand National Assembly of Turkey and its government categorically reject the Dictate of Sèvres. People of Turkey, I swear before God that I will lead you to freedom or die.

 
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Deutsches Reich
German Reich

Deutschlandlied

On the reparations

[X] German Reparations, 1922

These reparations are forced upon us, and will surely be a huge strain for the German state. But the alternative would be even worse, and the Reich must thus agree to the reparations that have been defined by the Allied Commission.

Walther Rathenau, Reichsaußenminister
Dem Deutschen Volke
 
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Deutschnationale Volkspartei
German National People's Party


On the Fehrenbach government

The DNVP has been empowered by the German people to bring an end to the fraud called Republic. We have received a mandate, a mandate of the true Germans, and we tried to use it for the good cause. Restoring the only true form of government, destroying the socialist worms, and fighting to redeem German honour were only possible if we had power. We thought that controlling the finances would help us fight the Jewish-Bolshevik influence in Berlin, and we endeavoured to set the circumstances needed to allow His Imperial Majesty to return. Alas, we underestimated the power of the communists.

The Jew Rathenau, on behalf of his brothers in Moscow, Paris and London, has signed away the gains the Reich had made in the East. The blood and sweat of millions of Germans were undone by a little signature and the ever-victorious German army, that had brought the Bolsheviks to heel, has been reduced to a mere shell of its former glory. This stain upon the honour of the people cannot be allowed to keep on living, and I know real patriots know what Rathenau deserves. I refuse to accept the Treaty of Rapallo, and the sacrifices consented by the German nation to bring us the victory of Brest-Litovsk mustn't be ignored. Germany has been back-stabbed by the Jewish-socialist hydra, but we will destroy it before it destroys us.

The DNVP agreed to enter a government, to fight the reparations. An illegitimate government signed a peace treaty we do not recognize, but they went even further and now are offering new concessions. The treaty says that Germany has to pay reparations because it is guilty of causing the war. But these clauses are tied! And Germany didn't cause the war; the warmongering French and Russians did, along with their murdering Serbian cronies! Germany isn't guilty, it has doesn't have to pay reparations. The DNVP refuses to pay reparations, and is saddened to see how many humiliations the country is forced to bear with.

There is but one reaction we can have. The DNVP will leave this government, that sided with the Bolsheviks and the French, and I ask all patriots to vote for us next time, to see Germany return to its true nature. Gott mit uns!

Oskar Hergt



Edit: according to this, my IC should be okay. If it's not, it can be taken down.
 
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Gegen alle Erwartungen:

The Wirth cabinet


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The DNVP leaving the government was expected, even if the Zentrum hoped it could be persuaded to keep the government as it stood. The nationalists had never been at ease with government participation, and the reconciliatory policies pursued by the moderate parties and Rathenau were considered treason by the DNVP. A sizeable minority of the DNVP had already opposed government participation, and losing the Eastern territories - that had been outside German control for a while and that had been given upon in the Versailles Treaty - was uncacceptable for the ones who had supported the Freikorps in the Baltic.

What was unexpected however, was that the DVP and the BVP had agreed not to leave the government. The DVP argued that it needed power to make sure the lackeys of Paris wouldn't get to control the country, and that inner resistance was better than simple opposition. The BVP was growing closer to the Zentrum again, and their government seat was enough to keep the Bavarians on-board.

The SPD wasn't willing to sit in a government that would be on the right. Talks with the USPD didn't help either, as Crispien refused any form of cooperation. At the end of the day, the SPD offered to support a minority government, for stability's sake. It would however refuse to formally support it, as a deal with the BVP and the DVP was impossible to broker. The SPD would help the coalition reach a majority needed to form a government but wouldn't go further. President Ebert was the factor cause behind this decision, as he persuaded his party members to help set up a democratic government.

The government was similar to the one that preceded it. Joseph Wirth became Chancellor, the Zentrum gained a new ministry, that of Labour. Hjalmar Schacht left the Labour Ministry to oversee the Economic one, a large boon for the DDP. The DDP also took over the defence minister and reinstalled a civilian at its head. Stresseman himself entered the government and along with Scholz, had wide control over the country's finances. Overall, it appeared the coalition could hold, and withstand the pressure of the far-right.

Reichskanzler: Joseph Wirth (Zentrum)
Deputy of the Reichskanzler and Reichsministerium der Justiz (Justice): Rudolf Heinze (DVP)
Reichsministerium der Finanzen (Finance): Ernst Scholz (DVP)
Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office): Walther Rathenau (DDP)
Reichsministerium des Innern (Interior): Erich Koch-Weser (DDP)
Reichsministerium für Wirtschaft (Economics): Hjalmar Schacht (DDP)
Reichsministerium für Ernährung (Food): Andreas Hermes (Zentrum)
Reichsministerium für Arbeit (Labour): Heinrich Brauns (Zentrum)
Reichswehrministerium (Defence): Otto Gessler (DDP)
Reichsministerium für Verkehr (Transport): Wilhelm Groener (independent)
Reichsministerium für das Postwesen (Mail): Erich Emminger (BVP)
Reichsschatzministerium (Treasury): Gustav Stresseman (DVP)
 
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With a heavy heart the Syrian National Congress accepts the Franco-Syrian treaty on Levant, as well as the Treaty of Sévres. While our Arab brethren remain divided, let us at least rejoice that we have been able to achieve recognition for our independence. The Syrian National Congress congratulates the Kingdoms of Iraq and Jordan, and hopes that the spirit of the Arab Revolt won't be forgotten and that our bonds will remain strong.

Syrian National Congress
 
[X] - Treaty of Sèvres
[X] - German Reparations
[X] - Washington Naval Treaty

- Victor Emmanuel III, by the Grace of God and the Will of the Nation, King of Italy, King of Sardinia, Cyprus, Jerusalem, Armenia, Duke of Savoy, count of Maurienne, Marquis (of the Holy Roman Empire) in Italy; prince of Piedmont, Carignano, Oneglia, Poirino, Trino; Prince and Perpetual vicar of the Holy Roman Empire; prince of Carmagnola, Montmellian with Arbin and Francin, prince bailliff of the Duchy of Aosta, Prince of Chieri, Dronero, Crescentino, Riva di Chieri and Banna, Busca, Bene, Brà, Duke of Genoa, Monferrat, Aosta, Duke of Chablais, Genevois, Duke of Piacenza, Marquis of Saluzzo (Saluces), Ivrea, Susa, of Maro, Oristano, Cesana, Savona, Tarantasia, Borgomanero and Cureggio, Caselle, Rivoli, Pianezza, Govone, Salussola, Racconigi with Tegerone, Migliabruna and Motturone, Cavallermaggiore, Marene, Modane and Lanslebourg, Livorno Ferraris, Santhià Agliè, Centallo and Demonte, Desana, Ghemme, Vigone, Count of Barge, Villafranca, Ginevra, Nizza, Tenda, Romont, Asti, Alessandria, del Goceano, Novara, Tortona, Bobbio, Soissons, Sant'Antioco, Pollenzo, Roccabruna, Tricerro, Bairo, Ozegna, of Apertole, Baron of Vaud and of Faucigni, Lord of Vercelli, Pinerolo, of Lomellina, of Valle Sesia, of Ceva Marquisate, Overlord of Monaco, Roccabruna and 11/12th of Menton, Noble patrician of Venice, patrician of Ferrara.
 
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The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
What first was a battle against a violent rebellion in Ireland has turned into a a fight to defend the very soul of the United Kingdom. Tonight as I speak, sons and daughters of Britannia are under threat. The great loughs of Erne, whose waters have nourished Fermanagh's fields, whose shores have been home and which has provided sustenance for Britons for hundreds of years, is now lost. And in Tyrone, the county whose peat has fuelled Ulster-Scot homes and which sits under the shadow of the mighty Sperrin Mountains, the County now finds itself overrun by the bandits of Irish nationalism. Very soon the great city of Londonderry could once again be under seige. The Orchard County could see incursions from its South. In short, the Britons of Ulster are in grave danger.

I recognise the United Kingdom is tired of war. I am tired of war. We want peace, an end to battle, our sons to come home. Yet we must fight one last fight. For Britons never, ever, ever shall be slaves. The day we allow British citizens to be ruled as slaves by another people, least by Irish, it shall surely be the decline of our nation, the decline of our values, the end of the Britain we know and love. The Irish will feel the weight of the British arm. It was strong enough to break the Hindenburg Line, it will be strong enough to defend the British people, to carry us through these stormy times into calmer and brighter days.

We shall fight to save Ulster. We shall persevere to stave off the Irish threat. We shall stand resolute to make sure that Britons are ruled by the British.

~Prime Minister Lloyd George
 
Washington Naval Treaty
[X] Prime Minister Lloyd George
 
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Dekri diraja dari Astana
Royal Decree from the Astana

Dear Tom Blanket, Governor of Miri.

His Highness, Charles Vyner Brooke requests your presence at the annual meeting with the Rajah at the Astana in Kutching. His Highness together with His chieftains wants to know of the progress of your assigned province and discuss further plans of improvement. After the discussions the Chieftains will swear allegiance to His Highness, Charles Vyner Brooke and so shall also be required of you to do. When the ceremony is over a banquet shall be held at the Astana for all participants.




Signed by His Higness, Charles Vyner de Windt Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak
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The Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
The Poles once again push to expand the war between our nation and further seeking to destroy our great country built by the worker for the worker. We must fight them to protect the revolution and free the ensure the worker is not enslaved.

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Long Live the Revolution

In the interest, greater peace and prosperity between our people we offer the Turkish National Congress the following treaty:
1
Treaty of Moscow: March 16, 1921
The Treaty of Moscow or Treaty of Brotherhood was a friendship treaty between Grand National
Assembly of Turkey under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal and Bolshevist Russia under the
leadership of Vladimir Lenin, signed on March 16,1921 and bases on the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
which was signed with Ottoman Empire in March 1918. Neither the Republic of Turkey nor the Soviet
Union was established at the time.
Full text of the treaty translated from the Russian:
The Government of the Socialist Federative Republic of Russia and the Government of Grand
National Assembly of Turkey, sharing the principles of brotherhood of nations and of the right of
peoples of self-determination, and acknowledging their solidarity in the struggle against imperialism
together with the fact that hardships caused to one of our two nations will invariably worsen
conditions for the other, and entirely inspired by the desire to establish between them enduring
cordial relations and continued friendship based on the mutual interests of both parties, have
decided to enter into a pact of friendship and brotherhood, and for the purpose have authorized the
following plenipotentiaries:
The Government of Russia: Georgii Vasil'evich Chicherin, the People's Commissar
of Foreign Affairs and member of the Russian Central Executive Committee Djelal Edin Korkmasov,
member of the Central Committee.
The Government of Turkey: Yusuf Kemal'-Bey, member of the Parliament representing Kastamoni
and the People's Commissar of Agriculture Dr.Riza Nur-Bey, member of the parliament representing
Sinop, and the People's Commissar of Education Ali Faud-Pasha, member of the Parliament
representing Angora, and Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Parliament.
The above-named representatives, upon exchanging their powers of authority, and having found
these appropriate and lawful in form, hereby agree to the following:
Artice I
Both Contracting Parties agree not to recognize in principle and peace treaties of other international
acts into which either of the Contracting Parties was made to enter by force. The Government of
RSFSR hereby agrees not to recognize any international acts concerning Turkey, which have not been
accepted by the Government of Turkey, currently represented by the Grand National Assembly of
Turkey.
The present Treaty understands Turkey as the sum of the territories included in the National Turkish
2
Pact of January 28th, 1336 (1920), formulated and proclaimed by the Ottoman House of Delegates in
Constantinople and communicated to the press and to all foreign nations.
The northeast border of Turkey will hereafter be defined by a line, which begins in the village of Sarp
located on the Black Sea, passes through the Khedis-Mta mountain, the watershed line between the
Shavshet and Kana Dag mountains; this line then follows along the northern administrative border of
the the Ardahan and Kars Sanjaks (Administrative Regions) along the thalwegs of the Arpa-Chai and
Araks rivers to the estuary of the lower Kara-Su.(the detailed delineation of the border and all related
issues are specified in Annex 1 (A) and (B), and in the appended map, which has been undersigned by
both Contracting Parties.)
Article II
Turkey hereby agrees to yield sovereignty of the port and city of Batum and the territory belonging
to the Batum district, which is located north of the border described in Article 1 of the present
Treaty, under the following conditions:
1) The population residing in the territories named under the present Article will be able to practice
wide regional administrative autonomy, and each community will be allowed to establish land laws
that conform to its conditions. 2) Turkey will be entitled to free transit of all goods, whether en route
to or through Turkey, through the Batum port. These goods will pass under condition of exemption
from customs duties, without delays, and without the imposition of any other taxes. Turkey is hereby
given the rights to use the port of Batum without many special payments of this use.
Article III
Both Contracting Parties agree that the Nakhichevan Region, located within the boundaries specified
in Annex C of the present Treaty, will hereafter from an autonomous territory under the auspices of
Azerbaijan, under the condition that Azerbaijan will not relinquish the protectorate to any third
party.
The borders of the triangle-shaped Nakhichevan Region are formed by the Araks river bed on one
side, and on the West, by the line that passes through the mountains Danga (3829), Veli-Dag(4121),
Bagarzik(6587), and Kemarlu-Dag(6930). The third border line of this territory, which begins at the
Kemurlu-Dag mountain, passes through the Soray-Bulak mountain and the Ararat Station, and
finishes at the junction of Kara-Su with Araks, will be properly corrected by a special commission
made uo of delegates from Turkey, Azerbaijan and Armenia.
Article IV
In acknowledgement of the common interests of the national freedom of the Eastern peoples and
the Russian peoples' struggle to bring about a new social order, both Contracting Parties do hereby
3
solemnly recognize these peoples' right to freedom and independence and, consequently, their right
to choose the form of governments that is in keeping with their desire.
Article V
In order to ensure the opening of the straits and passage for commercial ships of all nations, both
Contracting Parties agree to hand over the final elaboration of the international status of the Black
Sea and its straits to the future committee consisting of delegates from all Black Sea coastal nations,
under the condition that the decisions made by said committee will impinge on neither Turkey's full
sovereignty, nor on Turkey's security and the security of its capital city of Constantinople.
Both Contracting Parties recognize the fact that all the treaties concluded between them up to this
point are in keeping with their mutual interests. For this reason, they hereby agree to annul these
previous treaties and render them void.
The Government of the RSFSR hereby declares, in particular, that it considers Turkey free from any
monetary or other obligations originating from any international pacts concluded between Turkey
and the tsarist government.
Article VI
The Government of the RSFSR considers any capitulatory regime to be incompatible with the
unhindered national development of any country, as well as with the full realization of its sovereign
rights. Thus, the Government of the RSFSR considers null and void any acts or entitlements, bearing
any relation to said regime.
Article VII
Both contracting Parties hereby promise never to allow the formation or presence of organizations of
groups that lay claim to the government of the other Contracting Party or of a portion of its
territories, as well as of any group that exist with the purpose of struggle against the other nation,
within their territories. Russia and Turkey assume the same responsibilities with regard to the Soviet
Republics of the Caucases under the condition of reciprocity.
It is considered determined that the Turkish territory mentioned in the present Article is understood
to be the territory under the direct military and civil administration of the Grand National Assembly
of Turkey.
Article VIII
In order to ensure uninterrupted commerce between both nations, the Contracting Paries hereby
promise to take all appropriate and mutually cooperative measures aimed at preserving and
developing the railroads, telegraph, and othr means of communication as quickly as possible, as well
4
as providing for the unhindered movement of goods and persons between both sides without any
delays.
However, it is hereby understood that all of the regulations in place in each country in regard to the
entry and exit of goods and persons will continue to be fully applicable.
Article IX
The citizens of either Contracting Party residing or traveling within the territory of the other nation
will be subject to all the regulations and obligations imposed by the laws of the country in which they
are located, with the exception of military defense obligations, to which they will not be subject.
Issues having to do with family law, inheritance law and legal competency for citizens of both
countries are also exempt from the presdent article. These issues will be settled by separate
Agreements.
Article X
Both Contracting Parties hereby agree to apply the most favored nation clause to citizens of the
other Contracting Party when they are located within their territories.
This Article does not apply to the rights of citizens of other Soviet Republics, as well as to the rights of
citizens of the Muslim nations allied with Turkey.
Article XI
All residents of the territories that have been considered part of Russia until 1918, and which the
Government of the RSFSR hereby acknowledges to be subject to Turkey on the basis of the terms of
this Treaty, have the rights to leave Turkey unhindered and to take their belongings and personal
property, or their equivalent monetary value. The same rights apply to residents of Batum,
sovereignty over which hereafter passes from Turkey to Georgia, per the terms of the present Treaty.
Article XII
Russia hereby promises to return to Turkey all Turkish prisoners of war and civil captives remaining
within its territory at Russia's own expense. These prisoners are to be returned to the northeast
border of Turkey within three months from the first day of the signing of this Treaty, if they are
originating from the European part of Russia or from the Caucases, and within six months of the
signing of the Treaty, if they are originating from the Asian part of Russia.
The details of this repatriation will be established by a separate Convention, which will be drawn up
immediately after the signing of the present Treaty.
5
Article XIII
Both Contracting Parties agree to conclude a Consular Convention at the earliest possible time,
together with the necessary Agreements to regulate all economic, financial, and other issues that are
essential for the establishment of the friendly relations between the two nations that have been
alluded to in the preamble to the present Treaty.
Article XIV
This Treaty is subject to ratification. The exchange of the ratification documents is to take place in
Karsa as soon as possible.
The present Treaty, with the exception of Article X111, which is effective immediately, will go into
effect from the moment of the exchange of the ratification documents.
In witness whereof the above-named plenipotentiaries have signed this Treaty and validated it with
their seals. Drawn up in two exemplars in Moscow on March 16, 1921 (1337)
Annex 1(A)
The northeast border of Turkey is fixed as follows (in accordance with the map of the Russian
General Staff, on a scale of 1:210,000, 5 versts to the inch);
The village of Sarp on the Black Sea, Mt. Kara-Shalvar (5014), crosses Chorokh to the north from the
village of Maradidi, passes to the north of the village of Sabur, Mr.Khedis Mts (7052), Mt.Kva-Kibe,
village of Kavtareti, the watershed line of Medzibna Mountain and Mr.Great-Kessum (6468), then
follows the watershed line of Mt.Korda (7910), goes along the western part of the Shavshet ridge to
the administrative border of the former Artvin district and to the Mt.Sari CHai (Kara-Issal) (8478),
summit of the mountain Kviral, then follows the administrative border of the former Ardahan district
by Mt.Kani-
Dag, then, turning to the north, goes to Mt. Tlil (Grmani) (8357), and following the former border of
Ardahan, goes to the northeast of the village of Badela, to the river Poskhov-Chai, and follows to the
south along this river to a point to the north of the village of Chap Chakh, then it leaves the river,
follows the watershed line to Mt.Airlian-Bashi, goes over the Mts. Kella-Tana (9709), reaches
Mt.Kasris-Seri (9681), and follows along the river Karzamet Chai until it reaches the river Kura, thence
it goes to the elevation 7580, then to Mt. Gek-Dag (9152), goes over Mt.Uch-Tanalyar (9783), and
Mt.Taila-Kala (9716)-summit 9065, where it leaves the former border of the Ardahan district and
paces over the Mts.B.Akh Baba (9963) 8828 8827 7602, goes to the east of the village of Ibish,
reaches elevation 7518, and then to Mt.Kizil Dash (7439) (7440), village of New Kizil-Dash (Kizel-
Dash), passes to the west from Kara-Memeda, goes to the river Jambishu Chai (which is located to
the east of the villages of Delaver, B.Kikli, And Tikhnis, and through the village of Vartanly and Bashi-
Muragel, following the above named river, it goes to the river Arpa-Chai to the north of Kaladi, from
there follows all the time the thalweg of the river Arpa-Chai and arrives at the Araks river, following
its thalweg to the mouth of the river Lower Kara Su. (It is understood that the border follows the
6
watershed lines of the above-mentioned mountains.)
Georgii Chicherin, Yusuf Kemal, Djelal Korkmasov, Dr. Riza Nur, Ali Fuad
Annex 1 (B)
Taking into aaccount the fact that the border line, as it is identified in Annex 1 (A), follows the
thalwegs of the Arpa-Chai and Araks rivers, the Government of the Grand National Assembly hereby
promises to move the line of blockhouses to the distance of 8 verts from the Alekdandropol-Yerevan
railroad line in the district of the Arpa-Chai river, and to the distance of 4 verts from the above
named railway in the Araks river district. The border lines for the above-named districts are shown
below: the district of the river Arpa-Chai in sections (A) and (B) of Paragraph 1, and the district of the
river Araks in Paragraph 11.
I. The Arpa-Chai river district
A) To the southeast from Vartanly, to the east from Uzun-Kilisa over Mt.Bozya (5096) 5082-5047, to
the east from Karmir-Vank-Uch-Tapa (5578), to the east from Araz Oglu, to the east from Ani,
reaches Arpa-Chai to the west from Yeni-Key.
B) Leaves Arpa Chai to the east, from elevation 5019 goes straight to elevation 5481, at the distance
of 4.5 versts east of Kyzyl Kula, 2 versts the east of Bojaly, and then the river Digor Chai, follows along
this river to the village of Duz-Kechut, and goes straight to the north from the ruins of Karabat and to
Arpa-Chai.
II. The Araks River district
A strait line between Kharab Alijan and the village of Suleiman (Diza). In the districts bordered on one
side by the line of the Aleksandropol-Yerevan railway and on the other by lines which are located 8
and 4 versts from the above named railway. The Government of the Grand National Assembly hereby
promises not to build any fortifications (the above lines are located outside of these two districts)
and not to keep a regular military presence there, although it retains the right to keep the number of
troops which is essentially necessary for the maintenance of order, security, and for administrative
needs.
Georgii Chicherin, Yusuf Kemal, Djelal Korkmasov, Dr. Riza Nur, Ali Fuad.
http://western-armenia.org/TreatyofMoscow.php

~People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR, Leon Trotsky
 
[X] Yusuf Kemal
[X] Dr. Riza Nur
[X] Ali Fuad
 
WASHINGTON NAVAL TREATY

[X] - Viscount Takahashi Korekiyo, Prime Minister of the Greater Japanese Empire, on behalf of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor
 
Chapter V: Sino - Japanese Relations

In the 1920s Japanese influence overshadows the events in China to such a degree that it is impossible to talk about China without talking about Japan. The fall of Duan Qirui, for example, is tied closely to his relationship with the Japanese. At the same time, one of the architects of that fall, Zhang Zuolin, is himself a close ally of Japan. The May Fourth movement that led to the fall of Duan is nationalist and anti-Japanese in its nature, while at the same time Japanese businessmen are the single largest commercial group in Shanghai.

Let’s look back through history. Since the establishment of political and commercial relations between China and Japan around 600 AD Japan is always the junior partner. For a long time it is a tributary state to China and Chinese political realities dominate Japanese political life. The collective attitude of China towards Japan is, as towards most other countries, one of unbridled superiority mixed with disdain. For centuries upon centuries China is undeniably the most powerful country of any it comes in contact with and this idea of national superiority becomes completely ingrained in the Chinese national psyche.

Of course the First and Second Opium Wars show that China was no longer the most powerful nation on Earth. This comes as a shock to the Chinese, but, because such a situation is so contrary to their worldview, it is largely ignored. Throughout the 19th century the attitude of the Chinese towards foreigners remains that of superiority even as the Chinese are forced to sign ever more humiliating treaties. Somehow the reality of what is happening does not register with the Chinese people.

Then comes Japan. The Japanese, having witnessed the defeats of China at the hands of the Europeans, embark on a modernization program. And, in 1894 they show the World and the Chinese just how effective it has been. The little brother who was always picked on is all grown up and he has a better job, faster car, and hotter girlfriend. The magnitude of the shock to the Chinese national consciousness after the defeat at the hands of Japan cannot be overstated. The World is, essentially, turned upside down.

Japan participates in the suppression of the Boxer rebellion and gains extensive rights in China during this period. At the same time Sun Yat-sen and other members of the nationalist Tongmenghui who seen to overthrow the Qing receive Japanese aid. So even as the nationalists rally against Japanese infringement in China they receive Japanese aid and seek to copy the exact same modernization that Japan has undergone. Japan is, at the same time, a boogyman and a model for the Chinese people.

Despite nominally fighting on the same side in the Great War the Chinese and Japanese disagree enormously over the outcome. Japan, in the course of the war, issues the famous Twenty-one demands which are a further intrusion on Chinese sovereignty. The demands are rolled back, but the feeling of animosity persists and spills over into the May Fourth movement in China. So here are two countries, fighting on the same side in the war, whose nationalist-minded populations rile against each other.

Japan has business interests in China and the two countries also have a common enemy in Soviet Russia. Even as the May Fourth movement is underway the Chinese and Japanese together send troops to the Russian Far East and to Mongolia to stop the Soviet advance. And while the pro-Japanese Duan Qirui is forced out of power in 1920, one of the key winners of the reshuffle is the even-more-pro-Japanese Zhang Zuolin. Readers may be forgiven for failing to understand the Sino-Japanese relations of the time period. The Chinese and Japanese people are unlikely to have understood them themselves.

During this time the Shandong problem takes center stage. The Shandong peninsula held German enclaves before the Great War and these were occupied by Japan during the course of the conflict. Chinese demands for their return have been unanswered and this created tensions between the two countries, contributing to the fall of Duan Qirui. At the same time business is business and Shanghai businessmen along with Zhang Zuolin seek a resolution to the problem. In 1921 Japan returns Shandong enclaves to China, though it continues to occupy Dalian and Taiwan. But the resolution of the Shandong problem allows the pro-Japanese faction in Beijing to keep its power.

So throughout the 1920s the nationalists in China want to replicate Japanese success while rallying against Japan, warlords want to have access to Japanese weapons and money while not losing popular support, and businessmen want to do business with Japan without angering Chinese customers. All the meanwhile the Chinese continue to have an unfounded attitude of superiority towards Japan and the Japanese sneer at the mess that China has become. The two countries are not so much outright enemies or rivals, as they are business partners both simultaneously jealous of each other and convinced that each is better than the other one.
 
JM Remarque: France, la Hongrie, la Yougoslavie et l'Ethiopie n'ont pas de commandes. They have been warned for their lack of orders. France is under review for termination and replacement.
 
JM Remarque: Dadarian est retiré. J'ai besoin d'un joueur français. (I need a French player)
 
((Alright, I think I've caught up on everything. If anyone has something urgent to say, PM me or catch me on the irc. Oh, I'm now France btw...actual IC will appear when I've talked to the people I need to.))
 
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In the strongest possible sense, the French government wishes to formally apologise to the government of Italy for the transgressions of the previous year. I cannot offer the reasons of an insane minister who has since disappeared into the ether, as his reasons had no sense known to man, but I assure you that France officially condemns such actions. We hope that ultimately our Italian counterparts will be able to look beyond this, though we understand that this will not be a quick process.

Concerning the British proposal regarding Memel, I give it my full support. It is a reasonable and considered proposal, that should meet the needs of all parties.


((Apologies if anyone uses this shade of blue, and also apologies that I haven't covered more but I'm out for the evening. I'll cover anything else tomorrow morning.))
 
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The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
Following productive talks with the Romanian government in which we have received a promise regarding the ending of all actions against the Hungarian people, the end of the attempted vassalization through the installation of a Romanian King as well as the release of Horathy, the United Kingdom formally announces an end to the blockade of Romania.

~Prime Minister Lloyd George
 
Chapter VI: Constitutional Protection Movement

We have referenced a number of times the division of China between the “North” and the “South” and this division deserves some elaboration. Although China’s north and south have cultural and linguistic differences, the division in 1920 is one between competing political forces, not between cultural groups. In essence, most of China’s local rulers recognize the legitimacy of the government in Beijing, but a few of the southern ones do not. Here is how this situation came to be.

In 1917 a monarchist general Zhang Xun attempts to restore the Qing Empire. He is defeated within five days by a combination of forces led by Duan Qirui, leaving Duan as the most powerful man in northern China. At this point Duan demands the position of Prime Minister (which he was dismissed from earlier) and the resignation of the President Li Yuanhong. Due to his difficult relations with the National Assembly Duan decides to rule without convening it.

Sun Yat-sen and other nationalist leaders see Duan Qirui’s actions as illegitimate. The actual legality of the actions is debatable - China has, at this point, only a short provisional Constitution which is more a statement of principles than an actual governing document. Still, the nationalists decry Duan’s power grab and announce the creation of a Constitutional Protection Movement. In this endeavour they are joined by a handful of local rulers who are weary of a strong central government.

In July of 1917 Sun Yat-sen moves to Guangzhou and invites members of the National Assembly and the old cabinet to join him. The Naval Minister Cheng Biguang and about 100 members of the Assembly move to Guangzhou. Although claiming to be protecting the Provisional Constitution the movement decides to form a military government made up of a Generalissimo and three Field Marshalls. Sun Yat-sen is chosen as the Generalissimo and Tang Jiyao (warlord of Yunnan) and Lu Rongting (leader of Old Guangxi clique) are chosen as Field Marshalls. Chen Jiongming is appointed as commander of the First Army.

Fearful of the threat to his rule Duan Qirui begins an attack against the rebels, but his offensive is turned back. Command of the northern armies is then given to Wu Peifu who successfully captures Hunan, but then refuses to press further arguing that a peaceful settlement with the south is preferable. The President, Xu Shichang, though he was chosen by Duan Qirui, is also in favor of negotiations.

Meanwhile in the south tensions between Sun Yat-sen and the warlords appear quickly. Sun is fearful of a possibly mutiny while Lu Rongting, Tang Jiyao, and others decide to accept Wu Peifu’s offer of negotiations late in 1917. In response Sun Yat-sen orders the navy to shell the headquarters of Lu Rongting’s units in Guangzhou. At an extraordinary session of the National Assembly in May of 1918 the southern government is restructured, with the office of Generalissimo replaced by a seven-member executive committee. Feeling marginalized Sun Yat-sen leaves for Shanghai where the following year negotiations begin on reconciliation between the North and South. Meanwhile the Guangzou government is headed by Cen Chunxuan and Lu Rongting.

The Shanghai negotiations begin in February of 1919, though they are sabotaged by Duan Qirui who continues to insist on a military solution to the “southern problem.” His growing power is worrying not only for the southerners now, but also for many northern rulers. Other events, such as the May 4th demonstrations and Japanese political pressure, also play a role, and early in 1920 Duan Qirui is deposed from power. With Wu Peifu and Xu Shichang in charge in Beijing Lu Rongting and Cen Chunxuan use this opportunity to revive the stalled negotiations in Shanghai.

When it appears that Lu Rongting is ready to accept reunification with the north Sun Yat-sen orders Chen Jiongming to seize power in Guangzhou. Fighting between Chen Jionming’s forces and those of Lu Rongting stalls negotiations once again and Lu is eventually defeated and driven out of Guangdong back to Guangxi. With the Old Guangxi clique purged from the southern government it is now made up of Tang Jiyao who does not travel outside of his province of Yunnan, the sick Wu Tingfang, and the largely disinterested Tang Shaoyi. Though it continues to operate in Guangzhou as a pretense, it is largely obvious that the south has splintered into a military government in Yunnan headed by Tang Jiyao and a military government in Guangdong headed by Chen Jiongming, with a handful of smaller military factions in Sichuan and Guangxi.

It is unclear whether the Shanghai negotiations can be revived once more. Both Tang and Chen have indicated their desire for a federalized China, which place them on the side of the Beijing government rather than Sun. At the same time both are weary of the growing power of Wu Peifu and other northern warlords who control Beijing. In an effort to once again jump-start negotiations Wu Peifu and Xu Shichang offer to hold new elections for a National Assembly to draft a permanent Constitution and to reinstate Li Yuanhong as President in the meantime. Much depends on what direction Sun and Chen chose to pursue and renewed military confrontation between the two sides is not out of the question.