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The Turkish Government would like to point out to our French counterpart that our hostilities with Greece and your country have ceased, and that no infringements upon Turkish sovereignity will be required to achieve French goals in the near future. As for the Kurds, Turkey is perfectly capable of handling its domestic affairs by itself, and French assistance will not be needed. We implore you to ratify the recent treaty and protocols, as they will be for the betterment of both our nations.

-Ismet Pasha, Minister of Foreign Affairs

Such a tone does little to lay the hearts and minds of the French at peace.
 
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The March on Rome

From its rise in strength and popularity among the masses to the appointment of its founder - Benito Mussolini - as Minister of the Interior, it was clear that the Fascist movement was one that carried with it importance to the future of Italian history. Radical, violent, and ambitious was its leadership, who saw their ideals as the righteous path for the regeneration of the Italian state, not simply in terms of national strength but also in the moral character of the Italian people. But many saw Fascism as simply a tool - most notably within the right-wing - monarchists and capitalists who sought to use Fascist violence against the emerging leftist forces of Communism and Socialism. Most notable of which was Prime Minister Giolitti, who saw Mussolini and his followers as a means to stabilize the Kingdom for the Left, despite his objection to their militarist agenda. Mussolini was seen as manipulable, and was thus allowed a remarkable amount of free reign in his rise. However, this was soon to prove a mistake, neglecting Mussolini's grand ambition and drive.

As Minister of the Interior, Mussolini wielded complete control over the policing forces of Italy, thus legitimizing his "Blackshirt" militia as the Voluntary Militia for National Security and his repression of left-wing elements. This would further his power base, as now the free reign Mussolini enjoyed was expanded into essentially support from the legitimate government and the law. This only developed into further support for Mussolini from the right-wing, as the Army of the Royal Carabinieri, the military police of Italy, were given increased support as the premier hand of law enforcement, heightening ties between Mussolini and the military establishment. Such a culmination of ambition, the power to act on it, and the support to follow through led to the events of 1922, and the March on Rome.

Planning for the March on Rome fell primarily upon Mussolini and his top leadership, quadrumvirs - General Emilio De Bono, Italo Balbo, Michele Bianchi and Cesare Maria de Vecchi. These four men would serve as the main organizer and front-line leaders of the march, while Mussolini would travel throughout the line to incite his supporters into action, as well as direct his controlled security forces. The march itself would consist of general supporters, from average citizens to veterans, armed with whatever tools or weaponry they owned, while armed Blackshirts would simultaneously occupy the Po plain and key posts throughout Italy.

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Emilio De Bono, Benito Mussolini, Italo Balbo and Cesare Maria De Vecchi

On October 24th, two days after the start of the March on Rome, Mussolini spoke before 60,000 people in an organized Fascist Congress in Naples, speaking "Our program is simple: we want to rule Italy." Meanwhile throughout Italy, the Blackshirts were mobilized and moved into their positions. As bands of Fascists stood before Rome, Prime Minister Giolitti met with King Victor Emmanuel III, and discussed their options. Though Giolitti believed the King to share in his concerns and would order some form of defence to be mounted, the King refused to sign any military order. Instead, Giolitti stepped down as Prime Minister, and the King announced on October 28th Benito Mussolini was to be appointed as Prime Minister, submitting to the demands of the Fascists. This was met with fanfare from the gathered crowd, and some 25,000 armed Blackshirts proceeded to parade in Rome.


Though the March on Rome itself was composed of only some 30,000 men, the King's fear of civil war, in part to the Fascist control of various strategic locations, and of the radical left, led him to choose Fascism, with its promotion of the monarchist establishment, over the possibility of further anarchy. This marked further legal power behind Fascism and a massive boost to the legitimacy and propaganda of the National Fascist Party. Mussolini formed his cabinet on October 29th, though it was comprised not solely of Fascists, as the Fascists still depended heavily on the support of a coalition of Catholics, Liberals and Conservatives.

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Prime Minister Mussolini

Now imbued with legitimacy as Prime Minister, it was not yet clear how Mussolini would proceed.
 
For Greece:

[x] M. Eleftherics K. Veniselos, formerly President of the Council of Ministers, Grand Cross of the Order of the Saviour

[x] M. Demetrios Caclamanos, Minister Plenipotentiary at London, Commander of the Order of the Saviour
 
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Iranians, I understand your anger, and I share it. But it must not be misdirected. No country, not even the mightiest, can stand alone in the world. There must always be trade and interaction, by isolating ourselves we do nothing but harm ourselves. The issue is that we never learned to stand. Shackled by weak, self-centered leaders and tribal divisions, we have been forced into a crawl, allowing those standing to step upon us. But now these shackles have been cast off by our united will, the Iranian people stand upright and we must continue to stand upright as a sole nation, Iran. Not a collection of parts, perhaps with one part dominating another, but as a whole. It is this path forward that Iran must take if we are to secure the independence and prosperity of ourselves and the nation. Only then we can stand as equals, and look anyone in the eye.

With that, I announce the end and exile of the Qajar dynasty. Ahmad Qajar has abdicated and I will continue to hold the reigns of the nation as regent and as prime minister. The time for revolutionary violence is over, we must now focus our energies on building a future. The army, not a warband loyal to a particular tribe, but the army of all Iranians, will restore order and maintain order. It is for the people to enjoy order and prosper in it.

Reza Pahlavi
 
Such a tone does little to lay the hearts and minds of the French at peace.

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While we understand your concerns, the Turkish government has many problems at the present moment, and the non-violent issues in Kurdistan do not require immediate action in our opinion. We aim to put down any and all violent uprisings within our country, as is our right as a sovereign state, but to oppress a large segment of the population is something that no party will benefit from. This is something that we both understand, and France can trust that we shall take appropriate action when we have the time and resources. We again implore you to sign the Treaty and Protocols done at Lausanne so that the Great War may come to an end in the Middle East, too, and this tragic episode in the history of our countries and of mankind as a whole may come to an end.

-Ismet Pasha, Foreign Minister.
 
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The Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics

The Treaty of Krakow has brought peace to our nation. Furthermore, this last year has seen the end of the civil war, bringing peace not only with-out but also within. Yet, the recent actions of the United Kingdom to undermine this peace have highlighted the need for our nation to strengthen itself internally, such that the proletariat may remain free of the attempts of the capitalists to exploit them within our nation. We call on those nations who have yet to recognize the USSR, to afford our nation of workers the formal diplomatic recognition it deserves.

Thus the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, and the Transcaucasian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic shall join to form the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. This new union shall seek to restore the national economy, and rebuild it on socialist principles. It shall serve to ensure the external security of the Soviet Republics against the intrigues of capitalist encirclements, and thus defend the gains made by the worker!

Long Live the Revolution!

~ General Secretary of the Communist Party, Ioseph Stalin


Treaty with Turkey and other Instruments signed at Lausanne
[X] M. George V. Chicherin;

[X] M. Christian G. Rakovsky;

[X] M. Polikarp G. Mdivani;

[X] M. Watzlaw W. Vorowski
 
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Report from New Zealand's Internal Progress

The Dominion of New Zealand can officially say to both the people and the world, we have overcome the depression of 1922, and are now on the path to a prosperous future. With the powers of Parliament, a complete turnaround and transformation of the economy of New Zealand was made. We were once a nation who exported a majority of the materials from our islands, usually to the mercy of the foreign markets. Now we have the foundation to build a strong and self-sufficient economy for the people and our trading partners.

Now with a stable economy, we will look towards a vast modernization program to the Royal New Zealand Army. A standardized model of rifles, pistols, machine guns, grenades and other items the common soldier will carry into battle will be organized, then distributed to the men stationed across the country.

Public Statement from Prime Minister William Massey

I would first like to thank the people for their patience in these dire times, as New Zealand went through a terrible depression. The resilience of New Zealanders will not be forgotten, and will be a beacon of hope throughout the British Empire in dark times that there is hope to see the light again. With the resounding success of the industrial sectors being forged in Auckland, and the framework for a similar sector in Christchurch, New Zealand will rise to overcome its past struggles on reliance on other nations' import market.

With this in mind, a modernization of our armed forces is long overdue. We still use dated weapons and tactics from the Great War, as nations like the Empire of Japan are moving into the future, we must strive to not only reach our allies and even enemies levels, but surpass them to the point they will envy us. I will use my powers as Prime Minister to push for this program, to help our army defend our shores and those of the British Empire from any enemy.

And finally, I would like to thank all people who supported the Reform Party during the general elections, helping keep the status quo, and I will promise after the army is given its much needed revision, I will along with Parliament will continue to advance and progress New Zealand for the betterment of the people and nation.


William Massey, Prime Minister of New Zealand
 
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Deutsches Reich
German Reich

Deutschlandlied

On the reparations


Considering that the amount of reparations were based on German capacity to pay and that the current monetary crisis has shown the incapacity of the Reich to afford the reparations that were forced upon it after the war;
Considering that those reparations have to be paid, but that the solvency of the German Reich and the prosperity of the German nation are paramount;
Considering that a few years would give Germany time and opportunities to reestablish a currency backed by gold or an equally reliable tender;
Considering that these reparations have to be paid as per international conventions, but that the existence and stability of the German state shouldn't be jeopardized to pay them;

The German Reich will thus suspend all reparations for two years. We hope this moratorium can be accepted by all parties, and we wish to enter talks regarding the modalities. Germany intends to pay these reparations, but the situation forces our hand.


Adolf Köster, Reichsaußenminister
Dem Deutschen Volke
 
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Deutsches Reich
German Reich

Deutschlandlied

Various diplomatic statements


The Reich is pleased to recognize the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and hopes that the beneficial ties it had with the RSFSR, the USSR, the BSSR and the TCSFSR will continue in the future. This cooperation, respecting political differences, sets a precedent for the whole world to follow, as we are jointly working for prosperity.

We wish to thank the United States for their cooperation concerning the reparations we owe them, and wish to discuss possible cooperation, notably to help the German state meet its international obligations. We also hope the diplomatic issues between the USA and Great Britain will soon be dealt with.

The peace Germany had supported has finally come in Anatolia, and the recent treaty as our support, as hostilities are finally coming. We also wish to thank our Hungarian friends for their support, and hope that the Balkans will enjoy more stability in the future.

Adolf Köster, Reichsaußenminister
Dem Deutschen Volke
 
The German Reich will thus suspend all reparations for two years. We hope this moratorium can be accepted by all parties, and we wish to enter talks regarding the modalities. Germany intends to pay these reparations, but the situation forces our hand.

Such news is to be greeted with deep regret. While over the past year we have pursued a conciliatory policy regarding Germany, it is clear that this attitude is now being taken for granted by the German government. The French government will not abide this unilateral attempt to revise the Treaty of Versailles, and will act accordingly once our officials have met with their counterparts in London and Rome.
 
[X] For the Kingdom of Romania

M. Ion G. Duca, Minister for Foreign Affairs
&
M. Constantine I. Diamandy, Minister Plenipotentiary
&
M. Constantine Centzesco, Minister Plenipotentiary
 
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Kingdom of Italy
Regno d'Italia

The conclusion of hostilities within Anatolia represents not simply a return to peace, but the affirmation of the rightful Italian ownership of the Dodecanese. It is this righteous victory that mandates the Italian embrace of the Treaty of Lausanne, and the recognition of the Grand National Assembly as the proper representative body for the Turkish people. The Italian Kingdom urges the swift ratification of this resolution from all parties involved, as to facilitate a swift return to diplomatic stabilization, and for our fellow signing parties to remain unburdened from needless squabbles and delays that would only hamper our diplomatic proceedings.

Regarding the recently signed Treaty of Krakow, and understanding the political realities within the East, the Kingdom of Italy extends recognition to the newly forged Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics, in the hopes of amicable relations and trade to provide prosperity to both our peoples.

- Prime Minister Benito Mussolini
 
Chapter VIII: Able Men Cabinet

The fall of Duan Qirui in 1920 and the elections to the National Assembly in 1921 usher in a short period of Zhili dominance in Chinese politics. By 1923, with Sun Yat-sen’s “nationalist” government floundering on Hainan, the Beijing government appears to be consolidating power. But the removal of the external “nationalist” threat also removes the incentive for the different warlord groups to work together, and tensions quickly begin to mount.

Zhang Zuolin of the Fengtian clique believes the Zhili to be too anti-Japanese, Xu Shuzheng of the Anhui is upset at the removal of southern Anhui warlords, and Feng Yuxiang, a senior Zhili warlord, is disgruntled at the concessions given to the Anhui in Shaanxi where he previously held control. Among these rising tensions President Li Yuanhong, with no army of his own, is forced to maneuver in a political minefield.

Throughout its existence the political government in Beijing has been an appendage to whatever warlord faction is in charge. Political positions matter little, as the experience of Duan Qirui has shown - he did not hold a political position in the last few years of his rule over China. And so, even in 1923, the men who matter the most are senior warlords and regional leaders and not the politicians ostensibly in charge of the government.

Li Yuanhong is chosen as President in 1921 because he is a revolutionary leader acceptable to both the northerners and the southerners and because of his perceived legitimacy. He served as Vice President under Sun Yat-sen and Yuan Shikai and as President after Yuan’s death. As such, though he has no army of his own, he is one of the more respected politicians in China, making him dangerous. He was elected on the condition that the warlords disband their armies, and while this promise has not been honored Li continues to try to strengthen his own position in the country.

The the political situation growing more and more uneasy Li Yuanhong makes a decision, early in 1923, to secure the position of his government against a possible conflict between the warlords. He intends to remain President and a key player in China regardless of whose army holds Beijing. In order to accomplish this he requires a government that would be acceptable to all warlords and that no warlord could easily dislodge and replace with his own puppets. Thus the “able men” cabinet comes into being.

The idea behind the new cabinet is to put together a group of highly successful, visible, and prestigious experts. It is easy for a warlord to remove a crony of another warlord from a political position, but it is much harder to remove a well-known, renowned, and non-partisan technocrat. And if the government can function regardless of what warlord ends up winning in the possible confrontation, then Li Yuanhong will remain relevant as well.

The new Premier is Wang Ch’ung-hui, a renowned legal scholar trained at Yale. He has served under no warlord previously and is as nonpartisan as any politician in China can be. The Foreign Minister is respected diplomat and scholar V.K. Wellington Koo, until now China’s representative to the League of Nations. Finance Minister is Luo Wengan, another legal scholar trained at Oxford. Of course the Army ministry remains in the hands of Wu Peifu, the most powerful of China’s warlords, but the rest of the government is in largely capable, and nonpartisan, hands.

Of course, with no army, it may well not matter much who is in charge of the government.

Li Yuanhong’s “Able Men” Cabinet:

Premier - Wang Ch’ung-hui
Foreign Minister - V.K. Wellington Koo
Army Minister - Wu Peifu
Interior Minister - Tan Yankai
Finance Minister - Luo Wengan
Justice Minister - Wang Zhengting
Communications Minister - Huang Fu
 
While we understand your concerns, the Turkish government has many problems at the present moment, and the non-violent issues in Kurdistan do not require immediate action in our opinion. We aim to put down any and all violent uprisings within our country, as is our right as a sovereign state, but to oppress a large segment of the population is something that no party will benefit from. This is something that we both understand, and France can trust that we shall take appropriate action when we have the time and resources. We again implore you to sign the Treaty and Protocols done at Lausanne so that the Great War may come to an end in the Middle East, too, and this tragic episode in the history of our countries and of mankind as a whole may come to an end.


With trepidation France can accept this, though we not do so lightly.

[X] For France:

M. Camille Barrere, Ambassador of the French Republic to His Majesty the King of Italy, Grand Cross of the National Order of the Legion of Honour;
M. Maurice Bompard, Senator, Ambassador of France, Grand Officer of the National Order of the Legion of Honour;
General Maurice Pellé, Ambassador of France, High Commissioner of the Republic in the East, Grand Officer of the National Order of the Legion of Honour;
 
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Dekri diraja dari Astana
Royal Decree from the Astana

It is with a heavy heart that I speak to you my chieftains, the trust you and your ancestors have put into the Brooke family is something that I and my administration value greatly. Never have the White Rajah's ever betrayed the Malaysian people and my promise to you is that this shall remain so for as long as the Brooke's rules in the Astana. What happened the previous year was unforgiving and the worst crimes were committed by men appointed by me, but I had no reason to suspect that these men would betray the Malaysian people as they had been serving Sarawak for so many years without incident. However it proves that we can not trust any other than ourselves to lead us. This is why the School of Royal Service were created, to create the future starting with our children to lead us to greatness and progress. This is to be the beginnings of a new era for our Kingdom, our paradise on the island of Borneo.

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For the children of Sarawak, we strive for the future

Our children is our future, that much we all know to be true. We must make sure that we leave the possibility for them to make something better of our everyday, to live a better and easier life and not having to bother with the struggles that we have in this time. When we are long gone our descendants are going to be left with what we made, so let's work together to teach them the path to take and to make sure they are to the task of ruling their own destiny. Entrust me with the responsibility of their present, and I shall guarantee your children's future.




Signed by His Higness, Charles Vyner de Windt Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak
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Regarding Morocco and the "Rif Republic":

The French government is gravely disappointed at the Spanish actions in Morocco. At a time when the people of Europe clamour for peace, Spanish troops slaughter a people supposedly under their protection. These hasty and heavy-handed tactics endanger not only those under Spanish authority, but also those under the protection of France. If the matter cannot be settled internally by the Spanish, we shall have no choice but to on the Treaty of Fes to protect the Kingdom of Morocco and the authority of the Sultan.

Domestic policy:

The past year has been one of great success for the people of France. Our recent reform of health insurance has seen war declared on disease and poverty; it is the opinion of this government that no longer should the people of France live in destitution. Our children can experience a world without the poverty that we knew, and in their name we shall build a new world out of the ashes of the Great War. The advance of hydropower, a clean source of energy for the new era, shall provide electricity to all, and in doing so clear our cities of smog. To this with an eye to our financial deficit, I say do not fear that such expenditure shall cause ruin; reform of the bureaucracy and the streamlining of the tax code, measures which I intend to introduce over the following years, shall ensure that we can pay our way whilst also providing for the people of France and those under our care.
 
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The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

Treaty of Lausanne

[X] The Most Honourable George Nathaniel, Marquess Curzen of Kedleston, K.G., G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E., Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;
[X] The Right Honourable Sir Horace George Montagu Rumbold, Baronet, G.C.M.G., High Commissioner at Constantinople;

 
British Financial Panic of 1923


With the issue of Ireland still boiling over in British Politics, an unlikely ally to the Irish across the Atlantic was quickly getting into motion. President Harding, and the Republican-dominated Congress, were facing increased pressure by citizens, most specifically ones from Boston and Massachusetts, to act against the deaths of several American merchant men delivering goods to Ireland. The ship, which yes, had a few weapons on it for delivery to the Irish revolutionaries, had nothing more than food, farming tools, and some spare money for the new Irish government, donated by private citizens. With London silent over the issue, Congress was forced to act.

The Lodge-Harris Tariff Act of 1923 was forged by Henry Cabot Lodge from Massachusetts and William J. Harris of Georgia. While average tariffs on British goods at sat at around sixteen per cent, the new Lodge-Harris Tariff would hike tariffs on all British goods to a staggering and punitive eighty per cent. With the tariff only focusing on the United Kingdom, it was further affirmed in the language of the bill that the tariffs would only remain until the United Kingdom recognises the death of the men on-board the American steamer, and issues a formal apology for murdering American merchant men. The grieving families of these men would be compensated by money raised from these new tariffs.

As the Act passed by a resounding cross-party vote, President Harding signed it into law, declaring an "Outrage" against the United States had been declared and that he was "disgusted" over the inaction of the British Government to get in contact and inform the State Department about the issue, going so far as to refuse communication between the two governments. While the United Kingdom used the excuse, and rightly so, that the United States was standing up for the funding of a rebellion in Ireland, it was the United States, not the United Kingdom, that had held the majority of the leverage in this situation.

The price of British goods doubled almost overnight, as manufacturing businesses in northern England, which had relied on this income to remain in businesses, quickly saw their capitol dry up. It was unlikely that Americans would continue to purchase British products at their highly inflated prices, effectively shutting out the entire United Kingdom from the market in the United States, a substantial amount. While this persisted for a few weeks, the British economy seemed to simply absorb this new setback, with only a few companies in northern England going out of business. The news from New York, however, quickly changed this.

J.P. Morgan, Jr. had recently just came back from London after the new Lodge-Harris Tariffs were put into place, and after some lobbying by several Republican Senators, announced that Morgan Guaranty would no longer loan to the United Kingdom, and announced that the current regime of the unsecured loans would not stand. By working with the Lehman Bank, and a consortium of other New York Banks, they pressured Standard & Poor's into revising their outlook on the United Kingdom, rating their sovereign debts to BBB, and furthermore using that to announce a unilateral hike in interest rates on British debt that was gained during the War. The legality of the move was challenged by the Bank of England, but considering the sheer amount of power that the Morgan bank and the remainder of the American financial sector had over London, these demands fell on deaf ears.

The Bank of England was forced to respond by announcing that it would call in the large number of call loans they had, which mostly went to other banks and financial investors in London, which put pressure on the Royal Bank of Scotland, Lloyds, and Barclays. These institutions, in turn, called in the loans they could to pay off the Bank of England, and to finance further payments to the Morgan Bank in New York. With the effective hike in interest rates, dumping Morgan loans was one of the top priorities. In total, the American financial sector had floated the United Kingdom around £1 billion during the War, and with the United Kingdom's debt obligations totaling around £7.54 billion, the loans were seen as toxic. Not even the British government, which turned over a yearly budget of £973 million pounds, could afford to pay off these loans immediately.

The British Banking industry, which was already at war with itself over the issue of paying back the Morgan bank, was unaware of the underlying smaller banks and businesses, which had, as a reaction, called in their loans and hiked interest rates on businesses and average people across Britain, causing a massive panic as people were determined to try and pull their money out of the banks. With an ever decreasing amount of money, the banks simply didn't have enough to pay, and began to falter. The first series of banks to fail were in northern England, which was regarding as little more than the outgrowth of the industrial slump in the region. The malaise spread south and north, with Edinburgh banks collapsing, and then the sudden, and quite frankly shocking, announcement that Barclays simply was not able to service the debts to Morgan Bank, and announced a moratorium of payments, but not a default, on the debt owed to New York.

In response, Standard & Poor's announced the British rating would further decrease to BB, citing instability in the stock markets, which had tumbled by ten per cent since the start of the American tariffs a month before, along with the inability of the banks to pay their loans. The Bank of England further announced a moratorium on payments to New York, which was met by a statement by J.P. Morgan that all moratoriums would be viewed as a default, effectively working to collapse the British banking industry. The London exchange collapsed a further ten per cent, while the New York stock exchange was hit by five per cent, due to the sheer amount of money that London had owed them. Across the remainder of Europe, however, the J.P. Morgan had made reassurances that such an event would not occur with them, further bolstering their ability and likeliness to pay, even further negotiating a cut in rates for Paris, continuing the good relations between France and the Morgan Bank. With just around six weeks since the passage of the Tariff, the United Kingdom was increasingly looking like it would simply default on their debts, as their banking system very rapidly and quickly collapsed from under them, and unemployment soared to around twelve per cent, as loans contracted, and the Sterling faltered, losing twelve per cent of its value during the whole ordeal. What response Westminster would have to this was unknown, but it was very clear to everyone that it was engineered solely by the offices in New York.

 
The End of the Ottoman Empire




During the last decade, the Turkish People suffered defeat after defeat. The Balkan League had all but ended the Ottoman presence in Europe, initially driving them back to Çatalça. Fortunately, Bulgarian ambitions got the better of them and in the Second Balkan War, the Turkish border in Europe was expanded to one that was acceptably defensible. The Italians took Libya, eradicating their presence in Africa, as well as taking Rhodes and the Dodecanese islands, a dangerously close base of operations for the Empire. But in 1914, disaster struck as Enver Pasha threw his lot in with the Germans and enter World War I on the side of the Central Powers. Enver's initial orders were ill-conceived and based on his fantasies, and it resulted in one army being destroyed by the weather and the other failing to take the Suez Canal, where it sat ready to be annihilated by the advancing British. These military failures set the tone for the remainder of Turkey's war for the army: It was underarmed, undersupplied, and undermanned.

The Turkish nation was now at the mercy of the allies. Their armies had been defeated, their economy had all but collapsed, and the allies occupied Constantinople. In spite of all this, the Turkish army had one silver lining; Mustafa Kemal, the only Turkish commander without a defeat to his name. Not only did he keep a fair chunk of the army in Syria intact, but in light of the Three Pashas leaving the country, their jealousy was no longer a factor in holding him back. Appointed to high office, he sneaked to Samsun from where he organised the Turkish national movement. He and his comrades established a government, guaranteed the support of the people, secured Russian aid, and built an army. Despite his efforts, the arms shortage saw to it that the Turks were largely unsuccesful in 1920. However, once Russian and Italian arms came in, and the irregulars were organised properly, the Greek armies had found their match.

With a peace with France secured and Armenia and Georgia wiped off the map, the Turkish army could now focus completely on the Greek threat. Mustafa Kemal Pasha rode to the front, and together with Fevzi and Ismet he drew up the plans to deal with the Grecians once and for all. Kemal argued with his aides over the objectives, with Fevzi and Ismet favouring to completely annihilate the Greek army whereas Kemal intended to take them prisoner, using them and their families as a shrewd, underhanded bargaining chip. It worked. An assault from the south took the attention of the Greek army, where the Turks thought like the Germans did at Verdun and aimed to inflict as many casualties as possible. The plan was succesful, as the Greeks could not rotate their units like the French did, and the subsequent push into Greek-held Anatolia proved fatal. Bursa was surrounded and fell, Mount Olympus going with it, and the forts at Chanak soon after. Spreading thin and peeling troops off from the south, the army collapsed and the Turks soon captured Izmir intact, and held many Anatolian Greeks as virtual hostages. In this position of strength, Kemal sued for an armistice which was accepted by the Greeks.

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A later depiction of the entry into Izmir: From left to right, Kazim Pasha, Ismet Pasha, Kemal Pasha, and Fevzi Pasha.


"It was as if a boxer, after being counted out, had risen from the ring, stunned his opponent, knocked the referee through the ropes, and levanted with the purse" is what Robert Vansittart made of it. Sir Winston Churchill put it more sonorously:

"The catastrophe which Greek recklessness and Allied procrastination, division and intrigue had long prepared now broke upon Europe. The dignatories of the Treaty of Sèvres had only been preserved in their world of illusion by the shield of Greece. That shield was now shattered. Nothing but a battered Greek army which was hastily reorganised after the Anatolian catastrophe stood between the returning war and Europe....The re-entry of the Turks into Europe, as conquerors untrammelled and untamed, reeking with the blood of helpless Christian populations must, after all that had happened in the war, signalise the worst humiliation of the allies. Nowhere had their victory been more complete than in Turkey; nowhere had the conqueror's power been flaunted more arrogantly than in Turkey; and now, in the end, all the fruits of succesful war, all the laurels for which so many thousands had died on the Gallipoli Peninsula, in the deserts of Palestine and Mesopotamia, in the marshes of the Salonika front, in the ships which fed these vast expeditions; all the divisions of Allied resources in men, in arms, in treasure which they had required; all was to end in shame.

Kemal Pasha's popularity rose from its low point after various defeats, as the first offensive of the nation in some eleven years was a resounding victory. After the armistice and treaty, Turks exiled from Constantinople returned to the city as foreigners as well as Greeks departed. Constantinople quickly became a vibrant city again, and was ready for the entry of the Gazi. Greeted by ecstatic crowds, he was guided to the Aya Sofia before being mobbed and carried there on the hands and shoulders of the crowd, amidst the shouts of "Long Live the Ghazi!", drowning out the odd "Sword of Islam!" and "Long Live the Sultan!" All the way to, through, and after the sermon and during his visit he knew that the spiritual moment for one of his objectives since he was a young officer, the abolition of the monarchy, had arrived.

The problem at the present moment was getting the deputies in Angora to agree. Whilst the Sultanate could go, and would, the Caliphate remained untouchable. Thus, the sultanate and caliphate would have to be separated. When such a motion was brought before parliament, what was supposed to be an "Assembly of Intellectuals" became a hall where many shouting men presented their hair-splitting arguments to one another. Kemal sat and listened as they tried to prove the two institutions were inseperable. "They relied on the usual fallacies and absurdities" But when he saw his own supporters were becoming hestiant to speak, he requested the chairman for permission to speak, stood before his chair, and clearly spoke:

"Gentlemen, sovereignty and Sultanate are not given to anyone by anyone because scholarship proves they should be; or through discussion and debate. Sovereignty and Sultanate are taken by strength, by power and by force. It was by force that the sons of Osman seized the sovereignty and sultanate of the Turkish nation; they have maintained this usurpation for six centuries. Now the Turkish nation has rebelled and has put a stop to these usurpers, and has effectively taken sovereignty and Sultanate into its own hands. This is an accomplished fact....The question is merely how to give expression to it. If those gathered here, the Assembly and everyone else could look at this question in a natural way, I think they would agree. Even if they do not, the truth will soon find expression, but some heads may roll in the process." The threat of force brought forth a theological discussion, after which one of the hojas from Angora turned to Kemal and spoke. "I beg your pardon, sir, we were looking at the matter from another point of view. We have been enlightened by your explanation.'

Thus, by a combination of persuasion and menace, characteristic of his political tactics, Kemal achieved a settlement. The Sultanate and the Caliphate were seperated, and the latter was delcared that the Caliphate belonged to the Ottoman Empire but rested on the Turkish state and that the Turkish Grand National Assembly would elect as Caliph, 'that member of the Ottoman house who is in learning and character most worthy and fitting'. For the first time in Islamic history, a clear seperation between temporal and spiritual powers was proposed. When the proposal for a nominal vote arose, Kemal rose and said he opposed it for he was certain the entire house would be in agreement. One opposing voice was heard to exclaim, 'I am against it.' But it was drowned out by cries of 'Silence!'. The session ended with prayers, no longer recited in Arabic, but in Turkish.

To finish the sultanate once and for all, Kemal needed to wait for the right time. He needed sentiments to calm down, and for Rauf and Ali Fuad to be away. When they were, a ministerial crisis was engineered. The assembly was still responsible for electing ministers, a privilege which impaired its cohesion by encouraging factional and personal manoeuvres for power. A faction within the party, which Kemal proscribed as a 'secret opposition', proposed two appointments. One of them Rauf, for the vice-presidency of the Assembly, recently vacated by Ali Fuad. Kemal objected to these nominations. He called the Opposition's bluff and instructed Fethi and other ministers to resign, and to refuse posts in a new Cabinet. The opposition was then invited to produce its own lists of ministers, a challenge to parliament to come out and fight, which Kemal knew it couldn't. He let it be rumoured that in case of a showdown, he could count upon a loyal army and people to fight back. The opposition was without their leader, Rauf, and tried in vain to resolve their differences and produce a government. This created a situation in parliament that Kemal chose to interpret as anarchy, and after two days without a government Kemal invited a number of his friends, including Ismet and Fethi, to dinner in Çankaya. Here he announce: 'Tomorrow we shall declare the republic'. There was no disagreement. He briefed the party on the tactics for tomorrow and the party broke up.

Kemal was then left alone with Ismet. Together they completed constitutional amendments. To this the sentence was added, 'The form of the Government of the Turkish State is a Republic.' Its president would be head of state and would be elected by the Grand National Assembly. He would appoint the Prime Minister, who would then appoint the cabinet with the approval of, but no longer requiring the initiative of the parliament. At the People's Party caucus the next day, Kemal had, by prior arrangement, been called to arbitrate. He could only speak briefly, for he had a new set of dentures fitted that day, which shifted insecurely and gave a whistling sound to his voice. He here spoke decisively against the present government, citing that every member of the Assembly had to choose and in extension control every individual ministry, and the flaws of this system were seen. They must be resolved once and for all, in the way he decided. Later, in parliament, Ismet read out the proposed amendment. When members of the People's Party opposed such an important change on such short notice, the Justice Minister said that it was merely a clarification of existing order. Dissent was swiftly stunned into silence, as the poet Mehmed emin compared the Ankara Republic to the government founded by the Prophet in Mecca. Kemal was elected president by 158 unanimous votes, but there were more than a hundred abstentions. The session was closed with prayers for the welfare of the young Turkish Republic.

Thanking his 'comrades' for their support on this 'historic occasion', Kemal, his eye always on the West, and his dentures fixed, stressed the effect of it abroad. "Thanks to the new title of its Government, our nation will better succeed at in manifesting before the eyes of the civilised world the qualities and merits with which it is endowed. The Turkish Republic will know how to demonstrate by deeds that it is worthy of the position it occupies among the nations." A hundred and one guns fired to celebrate the proclamation of the republic. The date was October 29th, 1923. Such was the last act in the play of the Ottoman Empire.
 
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On Recent Affairs, by Foreign Minister Ernst Trygger​
The political and economical instability in Germany is troubling for all to see, and it is imperative for all of Europe that it is solved in a elegant fashion. Violent attempts at toppling the government are a sign of worse things to come, and the inflation that Germany is faced with can jeopardise the financial safety of an entire generation of Germans. We give the current government our best wishes in their attempts to stabilise this situation and provide the best for their country. While we understand French concerns regarding the temporary freezing of reparations, we believe that it would be selfish and destructive to demand that Germany continues payment that it clearly is not capable of paying. We hope that Herr Stressemann will be capable of convincing the honourable French government of the prudence of allowing a temporary holiday for German war reparations.

Thankfully, the German problem is contained to a smaller region, unlike the current Anglo-American events that are unfolding. The disturbing crash of the British economy will have far-reaching effects in the rest of the world, including Sweden, that we must shield ourselves against. While the American tariff hike is questionable to say the least, the later actions of the American banking are on a completely different scale and we hope that the British government is capable of mollifying the effects of this irresponsibility among bankers. We will do our best to safeguard Swedish finances and the savings of Swedes from events similar to the ones in United Kingdom in a calm and responsible manner.

Moving on to more positive news, we are absolutely thrilled to see the return of His Apostolic Majesty Matyas III to his rightful throne in Hungary, and we are certain that Admiral Horthy will continue be a loyal servant of Hungary against radicalism and foolish foreign invasions against the rightful Hungarian government. We are pleased that the Romanian government saw it fit to listen to international outrage, as well as internal irritation, and allow Hungary the self-determination it has deserved. We hope that Romania will be able to rebound from the consequences of their government's action in due time.

Finally, we wish to publicly extend a hand to the Finnish government. We are ready to honour the Treaty of Paris of 1856 and begin the re-demilitarisation of Åland, and also enter negotiations on proper compensation for the lost land, as soon as the Finnish government agrees to recognise Swedish ownership of Åland. We hope that this will eventually lead to the normalisation of relations between Finland and Sweden. It disappoints us to hear that the fulfillment of the self-determination of Ålanders has been seen with suspicion, anger and outrage in Finland and we hope that we can work together to remove this stain on our previously favourable relations.