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The State of North Korean Politics - Part I: The Soviet Faction
Within the leadership of the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea there exist certain Koreans from the Soviet Union. These men, descended from immigrants fleeing famine and natural disasters in northern Korea as early as 1861, are known as Soviet-Koreans or the Soviet faction. The formation of this political group can be traced back to the massive forced relocation of Koreans from their homes and farmland in Eastern Siberia to Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan in 1937, carried out under the regime of Josef Stalin. In a single month the entire Korean minority living in the Soviet Union was uprooted and moved by Soviet authorities, suffering inhumane conditions along the way. Despite the hardships of starvation and cold, the Koreans were resilient – new farms and homes were built, new crops grown, and normal life resumed. The Korean population in Russia grew, and several towns in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan emerged where Korean language and customs were taught in schools.
A Korean village near Vladivostok, Russia, at the beginning of the 20th century.
These communities would produce the men of the Soviet faction who would become highly influential within North Korea. The existence of such large numbers of Koreans in Central Asia provided opportunities for some of these men to climb the social and political ladder of the Soviet Union – many attended universities and colleges, graduating to become teachers, engineers, doctors and party functionaries. While communism had been readily adopted within these Korean communities during the Russian Revolution, pursuing a quality education in Soviet cities allowed many Koreans to become fully immersed in the ideological doctrine of Marxist-Leninism. When the Soviet army occupied North Korea they utilized this pool of highly-educated second and third-generation Koreans in their efforts to craft a socialist state on the peninsula. Fluent in both Korean and Russian and versed in the culture and customs of both peoples, the Soviet-Koreans provided a valuable bridge between the Russian occupiers and the Korean people.
The first man who could truly be considered a leader of the Soviet faction in North Korean politics was Ho Ka-i. Raised in Tashkent, Ho graduated from a college in Moscow and became a functionary in the Tashkent Province party, where he served as a section chief – one of the highest ranks a minority like him could attain. In 1945 he was sent to North Korea to act as the chief of the Organizational Department of the North Korean Communist Party and then the North Korean Workers’ Party following its formation in July 1946. It could be argued that he was the singular most important architect of the party’s organization in the country, and for his efforts he was made Vice-Chairman of the Central Committee alongside Kim Il-sung. When the NKWP joined with their South Korean counterpart in 1949 to form the unified Korean Workers’ Party, Ho retained his position and two years later, upon the death of Vice-Premier Kim Chaek in the war, inherited the office. By 1950 he was confirmed as the second most powerful person in North Korea, a status he had already held de facto for some time. Under his leadership the Soviet faction laid the foundation of the Korean Workers’ Party and indeed the North Korean state in general; while they possessed numerous key positions within the official power structure, where the strength of the Soviet faction truly lay was in their extensive involvement in and knowledge of the minute intricacies and complex functions of government. Unlike Kim Il-sung’s Partisan faction, which was comprised of hardened former guerrilla fighters, the majority of Soviet faction members had administrative experience from their time working in the communist parties of Russia. During this time the Soviet faction seemed far too influential to be at any risk, though this would soon change.
Ho Ka-i, a Soviet political operative and the first leader of the Soviet faction in North Korea.
Following the outbreak of the Korean War and its aftermath, the fortunes of the Soviet faction – and Ho Ka-i in particular – began to suffer. As the Soviet Union's clout in the country was at least partially superseded by China, the influence of the Soviet faction similarly waned. Widely criticized for the stiff penalties he dispensed for minor violations of party regulations as well as his blatant favoritism for applicants of South Korean origin in processing admissions other party, Ho Ka-i also began to clash with other faction leaders on various issues. One man of which he made a particular enemy of was the leader of the Partisan faction, Kim Il-sung, who saw Ho Ka-i and his supporters as a troublesome roadblock in the pursuit of his own personal power and accused the man of trying to restrict and control the admittance of new party members to avoid diluting his faction’s power. For his part, Ho was dismissive of Kim's youth and lack of political experience, possibly contributing to his lack of preparation for what followed. In March 1953, Kim Il-sung and his cohorts implicated Ho Ka-i in a supposed plot by Domestic faction leaders Pak Hon-yong and Yi Sung-yop to overthrow the government – he was arrested, investigated, subjected to a mock trial and finally driven to suicide. With his accomplishments were wiped from official records and his name used as a byword for treason, his role in organizing the power structure of North Korea was seemingly consigned to the dustbin of history.
In the wake of this episode the members of the Soviet faction were left in a state of disarray, forced to condemn their former leader or face accusations of disloyalty themselves. Sensing blood in the water, Kim Il-sung and his Partisans spent the next three years curtailing Soviet-Korean influence wherever they could, belittling their efforts and maligning their foreign roots. Had a capable leader not risen to fill the void that Ho Ka-i had left then the Soviet faction might have collapsed under this intense pressure – fortunately for them, one man was more than eager to take Kim Il-sung’s provocations head on.
Pak Chang-ok’s ascendance within the power structure in North Korea was less rapid than that of Ho Ka-i, but no less impressive. Originally from Eastern Siberia, Pak was a graduate of the Pedagogical Institute in Khabarovsk and held a university degree acquired through correspondence courses. He had also served as a functionary in the Uzbekistan party apparatus for several years prior to his move to North Korea, where he demonstrated a talent for language – his reports, well-written yet concise and accessible, made him a highly sought-after secretary by the higher-ups. After arriving in the peninsula in 1945 by invitation of the Soviet occupation forces, Pak was appointed to a succession of government positions, each higher than the last: he was made a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the NKWP in 1946, Vice-Chief of the Propaganda Department in 1948, and finally Chief of Propaganda in 1950. Pak was also awarded a National Color Medal, First Class, in July 1952, and in August of that year was made Vice-Chairman of the Central Committee following Ho Ka-i’s demise.
From left to right: Pak Chang-ok, Li Jishen, Kim Tu-bong, Zhu De, Kim Il-sung, Averky Aristov, Pak Chong-ae and Choe Yong-gon in 1955.
Determined to take full advantage of the plot that had abruptly and violently ended the career of his predecessor, Pak purposefully played a key role in the purging of the Domestic faction in an effort to ingratiate himself with the Partisans and allow his faction time to recover. It was not long before he, too, achieved the status of the second most powerful person in North Korea, rising to the position of Vice-Premier and Chairman of the State Planning Commission. By the time Kim Il-sung thought to direct his public ire towards Pak the man had already accumulated enough power to keep himself and his supporters alive, allowing him to fending off a series of Partisan attacks with ease. Though he was relieved from the Commission post in January 1956, he shortly after managed to arrange his appointment to the Ministry of Industry. But tensions were fast coming to a head, and something had to give.
In 1956, Pak Chang-ok succeeded where Ho Ka-I had failed – through an alliance with the leaders of the Yan’an faction he successfully orchestrated the removal of his hated political rival, Kim Il-sung, at the KWP twentieth party congress and secured the dismissal of nearly all Partisan faction members from their ministerial positions. While Choe Yong-gon, one of Kim’s former supporters, retained nominal control of the country as Premier and Supreme Commander of the Korean People’s Army, the Soviet faction gained massively in power and influence as a result of the coup. Pak Chang-ok not only kept his position as Vice-Premier but was also named Chairman of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea, granting him a great degree of influence over the party’s future policy. Furthermore, leading members of the Soviet faction found themselves appointed to key Cabinet positions: Ri Sang-jo was promoted from Ambassador to the Soviet Union to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Pak I-wan became Minister of Industry and Transportation and Pang Hak-se was made Minister of Public Safety, among others. The military, previously considered to be Partisan-dominated, was reshuffled so that several Soviet faction members were promoted to higher ranks and more important commands, first and foremost being Nam Il who was made Chief of General Staff.
While a new and uncertain balance of power has now formed between the Yan’an faction and the remnants of the Partisans, the Soviet faction has never before had as much potential to shape the future of North Korea as they do today. Pak Chang-ok now seeks to make his vision for the country’s economy a reality, and with the resources at his disposal he may just succeed.
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United Nations
Resolution 117:
Resolution 117: 11-0-0
Resolution 117 has PASSED unanimously.
Resolution 118:
Resolution 118: 11-0-0
Resolution 118 has PASSED unanimously.
Dag Hammarskjöld
Secretary-General of the United Nations
Secretary-General of the United Nations
Portuguese India Referendum
The Portuguese Republic
Esta é a Ditosa Pátria Minha Amada
c/o the Indian Ministry of External Affairs
Flagstaff House, Teen Murti Road, New Delhi;
Republic of India
Prime Minister Nehru,
It is my sad duty to inform you that the Indian government has been grossly misinformed. Supporting a referendum in Goa is not only a ridiculous notion, but frankly one which has never been the policy of this government. Goa is, and remains, an integral part of the Portuguese nation; as central to the Republic as the Algarves. For well over four centuries the Portuguese state has maintained a presence on the Indian subcontinent and by any reasonable standard the Portuguese claim to the Estado da Índia is immeasurably superior to that of your nation; which itself is a newborn amongst the international community.
That you, and the international community at large, were mislead by former Foreign Minister Cunha is of course a source of embarrassment to my government; and I assure you that steps are being taken to properly investigate Mr Cunha's grievous misrepresentation of the national will regarding the status of our overseas territories on the subcontinent. However, given that the true and legitimate co-operation of the Portuguese government was never fully attained in regards to the so-called 'referendum' the Portuguese government refuses to recognise the results as legitimate. Being reasonable, however, the Portuguese Republic would be only too happy to hold its own referendum within the Estado da Índia as to the future of the territory; that all may be satisfied by a legitimate expression of the popular desire on behalf of the Goans. As well, I wish to notify your government that pursuant to an authorisation by the National Assembly, the Portuguese Republic will soon begin to undertake a restoration of law and order within the Portuguese territories of Dadra and Nagar Haveli; restoring the proper civil administration of the Portuguese government over those territories.
Lastly, I extend a most warm congratulations to your government in regards to the referendum in the former State of Sikkim. It is always a pleasure to witness the democratic functioning of popular sovereignty at work in the world today. Wishing for a fruitful future of Portuguese-Indian cooperation on the world stage I am and remain,
Sincerely,
Francisco Craviero Lopes,
President of the Portuguese Republic
Thank you for your letter, but I must skip formalities. What your government has decided to do in the face of a legitimate, democratic referendum, can not and will not stand. To deny the people of Goa their right to collective self-determination after an entirely fair, peaceful, and democratic referendum demonstrated that their discontent with their government is a barbaric act, one that cannot stand morally nor legally on a global scale. Your correspondence to me will be publicized before the United Nations as soon as possible.
Furthermore, in the protection of the people of Goa, Diu, and Damao, who are effectively being entrapped by a, dare I say, fascist colonialist state, the Republic of India is entirely prepared to utilize military force to uphold the will of the people of the Portuguese Republic's Indian Possessions.
As Prime Minister of the Republic of India, the Minister of External Affairs of the Republic of India, and on the behalf of President Prasad, whom I have spoken to regarding this matter and shared your letter with him, I advise you, Prime Minister Minister Salazar, and the Portuguese Republic that all of the Portuguese Republic's Indian Possessions must be fully transferred to the administration of the Republic of India and officially recognized as elements of the sovereign territory of the Republic of India by January 1, 1957. If this deadline is not met, the armed forces of the Republic of India will consider all soldiers of the Portuguese Republic in the Indian Possessions to be invading troops, and will take all necessary measures to uphold the decision of the people of the Republic of Portugal's Indian Possessions, and to protect the sovereignty of these new territories of the Republic of India.
For the sake of peace, please reconsider.
Jawaharlal Nehru
Prime Minister of the Republic of India, Minister of External Affairs of the Republic of India
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((For some reason I can't access Coldfront from mibbit anymore. What other IRC client might I use to get on #WiR_Main?))
((Try Kiwiirc, connect to irc.coldfront.net. Also, it may be going under "the airlock" on mibbit now, so try that, too.))
中华人民共和国外交部
The Revolution will not falter in the wake of reawakened imperialio-capitalist dogma. The People will succeed, and the Military and Politburo shall outline the successes promptly.
中华人民共和国外交部部长 周恩来
TO: CO USS BHR
FROM: VADM S INGERSOLL
WP YELLOW 05 POSSIBLE X PREPARE OPERATIONS IN APPROPRIATE AREA X AWAIT NEWS FROM PENTAGON X VADM INGERSOLL
FROM: VADM S INGERSOLL
WP YELLOW 05 POSSIBLE X PREPARE OPERATIONS IN APPROPRIATE AREA X AWAIT NEWS FROM PENTAGON X VADM INGERSOLL
ON THE RESULTS OF THE SIKKIM-GOA REFERENDA
"We congratulate the Indian peoples in their steps forward out from under the colonial lock-and-key maintained by the Portuguese state and the now-defunct feudal structure of past regimes. The results of these referenda prove the inevitable victory of the forces of liberation, from feudalism, from imperialism, and eventually from worldwide capitalism.
Likewise, we extend our congratulations to the Republic of India and express our hopes that their incorporation proves quick and successful, to inspire those across the globe who toil under antiquated imperialism. It is for you to act as an example and to prove proper the principles of liberation and determination."
- Arkady Alexandrovich Sobolev, Permananent Representative of the Soviet Union
中华人民共和国外交部
中华人民共和国外交部部长 周恩来
The Portuguese Republic
Esta é a Ditosa Pátria Minha Amada
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs
For general release
c/o the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Portuguese Republic
Palácio das Necessidades, Lisbon;
Portuguese Republic
It is my pleasure to announce that an agreement has been reached between the Portuguese Republic and the Republic of India regarding the status of Portugal's overseas territories on the subcontinent; guaranteeing a continued state of peace between our two powers and amicably addressing the concerns of both parties. At the request of the Indian foreign ministry however, details of the agreement will not be immediately released to the public. Lastly, I would like to personally thank Mr John F Dulles for his role and that of the American government in overseeing these negotiations; further strengthening the position of the United States as a guarantor of peace and security thoughout the globe.
-- Marcelo Caetano
Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Portuguese Republic
中华人民共和国外交部
中华人民共和国外交部部长 周恩来
Although I am sure it goes without saying, for the sake of complete clarification the threat of the ultimatum that I had informed the Portuguese government of is no longer in effect due to our agreement. Peace has been secured for now and forever, we must hope, and words cannot express my happiness at this civilized, mutually beneficial conclusion to our disagreement.
Jawaharlal Nehru
Prime Minister of the Republic of India, Minister of External Affairs of the Republic of India
Treaty of Vasco da Gama
In order to bring everlasting peace and stability between the Portuguese Republic and the Republic, the following has been agreed upon:
I. The Portuguese Republic’s overseas territories of Goa, Diu Island, and Damão (Daman) are to become sovereign territories of the Republic of India.
II. The Port of Vasco da Gama shall be sold to the Portuguese Republic by the Republic of India for a one-time payment of 2,659,849,052,489 Indian Rupees (($425m Statbucks)), and the Portuguese Republic promises to keep its borders with India on the Port of Vasco da Gama open to trade with the Republic of India and her merchants at all times in a free and monetarily reasonable system of transfer.
III. The laws of the Portuguese Republic are to be followed in the Port of Vasco da Gama.
IV. The Republic of India promises to return those who have committed a crime in the Port of Vasco da Gama and moved to the Republic of India to the authorities of the Portuguese Republic, and vice versa.
V. The Republic of India furthermore guarantees perpetual freedom and the defense of Catholic Goans, along with the Catholic Church in the Republic of India, in addition to the guarantees of religious freedom found within the Constitution of the Republic of India.
VI. The Republic of India promises to withdraw its civil and military forces from the Portuguese Republic’s overseas territories of Dadra and Nagar Haveli immediately.
VII. The Portuguese Republic promises to request a fair and transparent referendum regarding the status of the Portuguese Republic’s overseas territories of Dadra and Nagar Haveli from the United Nations by the end of 1957.
[x] Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of the Republic of India, Minister of External Affairs of the Republic of India
[x] Marcelo Caetano, Foreign Minister of the Portuguese Republic
In order to bring everlasting peace and stability between the Portuguese Republic and the Republic, the following has been agreed upon:
I. The Portuguese Republic’s overseas territories of Goa, Diu Island, and Damão (Daman) are to become sovereign territories of the Republic of India.
II. The Port of Vasco da Gama shall be sold to the Portuguese Republic by the Republic of India for a one-time payment of 2,659,849,052,489 Indian Rupees (($425m Statbucks)), and the Portuguese Republic promises to keep its borders with India on the Port of Vasco da Gama open to trade with the Republic of India and her merchants at all times in a free and monetarily reasonable system of transfer.
III. The laws of the Portuguese Republic are to be followed in the Port of Vasco da Gama.
IV. The Republic of India promises to return those who have committed a crime in the Port of Vasco da Gama and moved to the Republic of India to the authorities of the Portuguese Republic, and vice versa.
V. The Republic of India furthermore guarantees perpetual freedom and the defense of Catholic Goans, along with the Catholic Church in the Republic of India, in addition to the guarantees of religious freedom found within the Constitution of the Republic of India.
VI. The Republic of India promises to withdraw its civil and military forces from the Portuguese Republic’s overseas territories of Dadra and Nagar Haveli immediately.
VII. The Portuguese Republic promises to request a fair and transparent referendum regarding the status of the Portuguese Republic’s overseas territories of Dadra and Nagar Haveli from the United Nations by the end of 1957.
[x] Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of the Republic of India, Minister of External Affairs of the Republic of India
[x] Marcelo Caetano, Foreign Minister of the Portuguese Republic
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Hungarian Revolution of 1956
The wave of anti-Stalinism that swept through the Eastern Bloc culminated in Mátyás Rákosi's resignation in July 1956: this served to embolden students, writers and journalists who gathered themselves into intellectual forums, known as "Petőfi circles" after the Hungarian poet and liberal revolutionary, aimed at addressing the variety of issues in the country; these forums were notable in their critical view of the regime and grew quickly in size and popularity.
Mátyás Rákosi, the Stalinist
It was shortly thereafter on the 16th of October that university students at Szeged boldly withdrew from the communist student union, the DISZ, and re-established the MEFESZ, which had previously been banned under Rákosi; in the days following the students of Pécs, Miskolc, and Sopron followed suit.
The students were not yet done with their defiance: on the 22nd of October the students of the Budapest University of Technology and Economics compiled a list of sixteen demands calling for a radical alteration of Hungary's nationa policies. The following day they joined the Hungarian Writers' Union in protest at the statue of General Józef Bem - in all roughly 20,000 protestors in solidarity for the dream of reform.
There, before the statue of a Hungarian hero, Péter Veres read a manifesto calling for "Hungary to be independent from all foreign powers, a political system based on democratic socialism, Hungary joining the United Nations, and that the citizens of Hungary should have all the rights of free men." His words emboldened the crowd and soon they crossed the Danube River to join protestors outside Parliament: by 6pm that night their numbers were well over 200,000.
First Secretary Ernő Gerő finally addressed their demands in a speech at 8pm: he not only rejected them but condemned their actions in the strongest words. The crowds were infuriated and less than an hour later they attacked the Stalin Monument, tearing the 30 foot bronze statue down and placing Hungarian flags in its place.
The destroyed Stalin Monument
As this transpired crowds gathered at the Radio Budapest and attempted to broadcast their demands. The ÁVH, charged with guarding the building, prevented their entry and reacted harshly towards the crowd: tear gas was fired first, followed by live ammunition. In the aftermath a sizable number of protestors were killed: this served only to enrage them further and they moved violently against the ÁVH.
Hungarian soldiers were soon dispatched to aid the ÁVH but instead hesitated and then outright joined their brethren in revolt: police cars were set abalaze, guns seized from military depots and distributed to the masses, and symbols of the regime destroyed.
In the midst of this violence First Secretary Ernő Gerő requested Soviet military assistance: it was accepted and in the early hours of the next morning Soviet tanks rolled into Budapest, moving to guard the Parliament building and key bridges and roads. The armed revolutionaries responded by barricading parts of Budapest and in some cases even seized Soviet tanks.
By that afternoon Imre Nagy had replaced András Hegedüs as Chairman of the Council of Ministers: he immediately called for an end to violence and promised to initiate reforms that had been stalled a number of years prior. Nagy's pleas did nothing to quell the violence however: the revolutionaries seized the radio building and the offices of the Communist newspaper, and focused their wrath upon the ÁVH.
Imre Nagy, the Reformer
The 25th of October represented a climax of fighting: massess of protestors gathered outside of the Parliament building and when fired upon by the ÁVH responded in kind, the latter was quickly overwhelmed as the Hungarian Army remained in a state of paralysis owing to split loyalties and a lack of concise orders.
The fighting at parliament saw Gerő's government collapse and he resigned promptly, fleeing with Hegedüs to the Soviet Union. János Kádár succeeded the former as General Secretary of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party and joined with Nagy in calling for calm.
Sensing a shift in their favor, the revolutionaries responded by launching aggressive offenses against the ÁVH and Soviet troops. From the 25th to the 28th sporadic fighting was commonplace throughout Budapest and throughout the rest of the country revolutionary councils formed, assuming local governance and moving against communist symbols.
Although the Soviets managed to quell revolutionary activity in some areas, in Budapest the fighting had ground to a halt. General Béla Király, recently freed and acting with the support of Chairman Nagy, began restoring order by unifying police and army units into a National Guard.
Finally on the 28th of October a ceasefire was organized and two days later the Soviet soldiers had withdrawn from Budapest to garrisons throughout the country.
In this interlude Imre Nagy called for a general amnesty on the participants of what he described as a "great national and democratic event"; alongside this he dissolved the ÁVH, formally announced the National Guard and then called for the withdrawal of all Soviet forces from Hungary barring those at embassies and at crucial military checkpoints with Austria.
He also indicated a more moderate and democratic tone of the government by legalizing the National Peasant Party and the National Smallholders Party, and by releasing a large number of political prisoners. Alongside this Hungarian media censorship was considerably relaxed, with outright critical opinions beginning to manifest in newspapers.
The hopes and dreams of an independent Hungary were short lived however...on the 3rd of November the Soviet Army launched "Operation Whirlwind": a total of seventeen divisions under Marshal Ivan Konev speared into Hungary.
By 9pm they had encircled Budapest, and at 3am the following morning they launched a two thrust attack into the city, cutting it in half. Shortly thereafter army units entered and opened fire, with artillery and air support to back up their attack.
Soviet tanks re-entering Budapest
At 5am Imre Nagy made his plea to the world, announcing what was transpiring in Budapest. On the other side of Hungary at 6am János Kádár, who had switched his loyalty to the Soviets, proclaimed the "Hungarian Revolutionary Worker-Peasant Government".
The defenders fought valiantly but by the 9th of November Budapest had fallen...and by the 11th Kádár announced the revolt was at an end. In the weeks that followed sporadic fighting continued but it was over...the Hungarian Revolution had been crushed.
---
GM NOTE: Korona remains as Hungary.
United States Elections, 1956: "Tricky Dick"
There was one question that both the Republican and Democratic parties wanted an answer to, in fact it plagued the mind of every American: would President Dwight D. Eisenhower run for re-election?
At sixty-five Eisenhower was no spritely young man, and his heart attack the previous year had caused grave concern not only for him but for much of the nation. Although most men would rule themselves out after such an event Eisenhower was a dutiful man who saw himself bound to serve his country, and so his decision on whether or not to seek re-election was going to be a drawn out process.
It had been his original view that he seek only one term, but the largest concerns he held were "who could succeed him?" and "would he be able to influence US foreign policy in retirement?"
The answer to the former was obvious in the eyes of many: his Vice President, Richard Milhous Nixon. Eisenhower's largest issue however was Nixon's age and experience: he was forty-three and aside from three years in the House and three years in the Senate he held no other offices, he was inexperienced in governance. Eisenhower's own preference, Thomas Dewey, was considered an anathema to the Republican leadership for his two previous failed presidential attempts, and Dewey himself had flatly ruled out the idea of running.
With regard to the second Eisenhower knew he couldn't truly ensure his influence, but leveraged the idea that by backing the right individual he could bring himself into an advisory role.
In the weeks leading up to February 29th he met with the Vice President, his own cabinet confidants, notably Secretary of Stat John F. Dulles, and the senior leadership of the Republican Party. Finally, he met with his doctors and they delivered their report to him.
On the 29th, President Eisenhower addressed the nation...
In a short but brief speech he stated his doctors had cleared him, but warned him of the risks associated with the stress of his office, and that after a number of consultations, and after much decision that he was not going to seek re-election.
President Dwight D. Eisenhower addressing the nation
The White House Press Corps were surprised, but they composed themselves to ask the most important questions: "Who would the President be endorsing?" "Would he support Vice President Nixon?"
President Eisenhower announced that he would endorse the choice of the Republican Party, but that he believed Vice President Nixon was a 'suitable' candidate. He deigned not to answer any further questions and hours later Vice President Nixon held his own press conference where he officially announced his own candidacy.
Within the Republican Party there was largely a lock-step following behind Nixon, especially after his campaign efforts in 1954 and his connection with the party base; naturally however perennial candidate Harold Stassen and Senator William F. Knowland threw their hats in to give Nixon some opposition.
The Democratic Party was another matter entirely: the undefeatable war hero and incumbent president had bowed out...here was their chance to reclaim the White House. Senators Estes Kefauver, Hubert Humphrey, Richard Russell Jr., Stuart Symington, Wayne Morse, George Smathers, J. William Fulbright and Lyndon B. Johnson and Former Governor Adlai Stevenson II all threw their hat into the ring.
Nixon coasted through his primaries and was undoubtedly assured the nomination, and so he quickly dove into the general election, looking to portray himself as presidential: he began an extensive nationwide tour, at times accompanied by President Eisenhower. This strategy quickly earned him further public favor and although he was much younger than Eisenhower the youth contrasted well in much of the public opinion.
The Democratic primaries were a spectacular mudslinging between the many candidates; as time wore on however the list of candidates waned down to Senators Richard Russell Jr., J William Fulbright, Lyndon B. Johnson and Former Governor Adlai Stevenson II.
Their convention was held first, from 13-17 August, and in the midst of deadlock, with Stevenson and Johnson battling for the progressive and liberal wings, and Fulbright and Russell fighting for the more conservative wing there was no clear victor on the first ballots. Eventually support for Stevenson waned and Johnson emerged at the lead of the progressives; shortly thereafter Fulbright threw his support behind Johnson, because of his southern credentials among other things, and he won the nomination. For his running mate Johnson chose Carl Albert, the moderate House Majority Whip from Oklahoma. Johnson's speech lambasted "Republican inability to stop the tide of communist repression", and aimed at "Tricky Dick's inexperience".
Senator Lyndon B. Johnson, Democratic Nominee
The Republican National Convention by contrast was a decided affair: Richard Milhous Nixon received well over 95% of the delegates. The only matter at hand was his choice for Vice President: in this matter he took Eisenhower's recommendation and chose Christian A. Herter, the incumbent Governor of Massachusetts. Herter, as a northeastern Republican with more than two decades of service, served as a nice balance to the ticket. Nixon's own speech was a praise of Eisenhower's legacy and a promise to "fight communism".
Governor Christian A. Herter
Polls immediately following both conventions put it nearly 50-50 between the two, with voters largely occupied by Nixon's own youth and inexperience despite the campaigning. Unperturbed, Nixon fought a hard campaign against Johnson, labelling him as "inexperienced" in administration as well whilst touting his own record of service as Vice President and his close proximity to Eisenhower.
Eisenhower, for his part, warmed his tone on Nixon further and as the 6th of November grew closer the gap between Nixon and Johnson widened: by early October it was 53-46. Even throughout the Hungarian Revolution it largely held the same, with Johnson facing the larger issue of holding no solid base outside of the South.
On the 6th of November the American people cast their votes: Nixon-Herter won the popular vote with 31,792,133: a majority of 51.3%; Johnson received 48.1%, a sizable portion but not one that could save him from the humiliation he was handed in the Electoral College: Nixon carried 33 states and with it 366 Electoral Votes to Johnson's 15 states and 164 Electoral Votes (he had won 165, but a Faithless Elector in Alabama had given his vote to Walter B. Jones).
Richard Milhous Nixon was elected the 35th President of the United States of America, and achieved history with it: at forty-three he was the youngest man ever elected to the office. Jubilant in victory he promised a great four years ahead for the American people.
...
Despite his victory however, Nixon could not stymie Republican losses...in the House they suffered a loss of seven seats to the Democrats, and in the Senate a loss of three seats.
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